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THE 



MILITAEY HEEOES 



OF THE 



WAR OF 18 12: 



WITH A 



NARRATIVE OF THE WAR. 



BY CHARLES J. PETERSON. 

PHILADELPHIA 
WILLIAM A. LEARY, 

No. 153 N. SECOND STREET. 

1848. 



Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 1348, by 
JAMES L. GIHON, 
in the Clerk's Office of the District Court of the Eastern District of Pennsylvania 



JOHN H. GIHON, PRINTER, 

Comer of Sixth nn i l lirgi.nt S'r- -"j 

DAVID W GiHON, BINDER, 

No. 99 Cbernut Street. 






TO 



MAJOR-GENERAL WINFIELD SCOTT 



THIS WORK IS 



RESPECTFULLY DEDICATED 



BY THE AUTHOR 




PREFACE. 



The war of 1812 furnishes little to gratify the military 
annalist until he approaches its close. The imbecility of the 
Generals and the number of their defeats, naturally dispirit an 
author. He feels the subject continually checking him ; and 
is delighted, when the campaign of 1814 opening, affords him 
something beside disgrace and disaster to record. The un- 
promising nature of the subject has prevented any writer of 
ability from taking it up : and hence a good history of the 
War of 1812 is as yet unknown to the language. 

There is no attempt in the following pages to supply this 
deficiency. Indeed such an endeavor would be foreign to the 
purpose of this work. The narrative of the war is but sub- 
ordinate to the main design of the volume, and hence the 
author has contented himself with a mere outline sketch, the 
only merit of which, if he has succeeded in his aim, is m be- 



VI 



PREFACE. 



ing authentic and comprehensive. The details of the picture 
are left to be filled up from the Biographies. 

The nature of the theme has forced the author to depart, 
in a measure, from the plan of his work. There are several 
Generals noticed who have no pretensions to be Heroes ; but 
the story would be incomplete without them. The author 
lias not hesitated, however, to express his opinion as to the 
merits of each officer ; and, so far forth, has carried out his 
original design. Whether his opinions are correct must be 
left for impartial criticism to decide. 





CONTENTS. 

PREFACE, Pa ,, e 5 

THE WAR OF 1812. 

PRELIMINARY CHAPTER, 13 

BOOK I. — Origin of the Waii, •-.-._. 17 

BOOK II — To the Spring of the Year 1814, - - - - - 29 

BOOK III. — To the Close of the Contest, - - - _ . 51 

THE HEROES OF THE WAR OF 1812. 

William Hull, -------. v. 73 

James Winchester, ------.. 81 

Zebulon Montgomery Pike, _ . _ 87 

Henry Dearborn, ----___. 93 

James Wilkinson, ---______ 97 

John Armstrong, -»_ _ _ _ _ _ _ ^07 

7 



8 



CONTENTS. 



Oeorge Croghan, 
William Henry Harrison, 
Richard M. Johnson, 
Isaac Shelby, 
Jacob Bbown, 

ElEAZER W. Rll'LEY, 

James Miller, 
Nathan Towson, 
Thomas S. Jessup, 
Edmund Pendleton Gaines, 
Peter B. Porter, 
Alexander Macomb, 
Samuel Smith, 
AndreiV Jackson, 



Page 111 
119 
133 
139 
141 
159 
167 
171 
175 
177 
183 
185 
191 
197 





ILLUSTRATIONS. 



ENGRAVINGS ON STEEL. 

Portrait of Major-General Winfield Scott, • Frontispiece. 

Battle of Plattsburg, ----_._._. Page <il 

Battle of the Thames, ------__._ 136 

Portrait of Major-General Jacob Brown, --____- 141 

Portrait of Major-General Andrew Jackson, - - - 197 

Battle of New Orleans, --..-_-... 206 

ENGRAVINGS ON WOOD. 

View of Plattsburg, _ . Page 5 

Ornamental Letter, -----•_„. _ . ft 

View of Bladensburg, ---•..._•_- 7 

Attack on Fort Oswego, ..---....„ . _ _ g 

View of Georgetown, ........ _. 9 

Ornamental Title Page — " History of the War of 1812," - - - - - 11 

Head Piece — Martial Emblems, -.-.-._._ 13 

Ornamental Letter, -. -'-•--••-.-13 
Tail Piece, .... --_. -_-__ 16 

Head Piece — Naval Emblems, - - - - - . _ - - -17 

Ornamental Letter, -----.-..-. 17 

The Chesapeake and Leopard, --•-.._*. --25 
Battle of Tippecanoe, ----_... _.-29 

Ornamental Letter, ------- .---29 

Battle of Queenstown, -----.....-37 

2 9 



10 ILLUSTRATIONS. 

The Constitution and Guerriere, --.--..- Page 39 

The Capture of the Frolic by the Wasp, .-.----.40 

Battle of Lake Erie, .-._.. ..... 43 

The Enterprise and the Boxer, ----.---.46 

Tail Piece, -------.-._. 50 

View of Baltimore, and Ornamental Letter, ----.-.51 

Battle of Lundy's Lane, ---..---...58 
Fort McHenry, -...--.._ ...go 

The Battle Monument at Baltimore, ---.....70 

Ornamental Title Page — "The Heroes of the War of 1812," - - - - 71 

Detroit, and Ornamental Letter, ... --____ 73 

Massacre at the River Raisin, -------...gj 

Portrait of Brigadier-General Zebulon Montgomery Pike, and Ornamental Letter, 87 

Death of General Pike, -90 

Tail Piece — Cavalry Exercise, -- ----'.__ 92 

Portrait of Major-General Henry Dearborn, and Ornamental Letter, - - - 93 

Portrait of Major-General James Wilkinson, and Ornamental Letter, 97 

The Citadel at Kingston, - - - - - - - . . -100 

Queenstown, . ^ - - - - - - - - - - . -105 

Portrait of General John Armstrong, and Ornamental Letter, .... 1()7 

Portrait of Lieutenant-Colonel George Croghan, and Ornamental Letter, - - 111 
Defence of Fort Stephenson, - - - - - - . - - -116 

Tail Piece, - - - - - - - - - - - -118 

Portrait of Major-General William Henry Harrison, and Ornamental Letter, - - 119 
General Harrison"s Army Crossing Lake Erie, - - - - - - -130 

Tail Piece, ------.--._.. 132 

Portrait of Colonel Richard M. Johnson, and Ornamental Letter, ... 133 

Portrait of Governor Isaac Shelby, and Ornamental Letter, ----- 139 

General Brown at the Battle of Chippewa, and Ornamental Letter, - - - 141 
Bulla lo, ---------.-._. 148 

Fort Niagara, ....._ -.._. 154 

Tail Piece, ----- ....... 1 53 

Portrait of Major-General Eleazer W. Ripley, and Ornamental Letter, - - 159 

Tail Piece, ... .......... igg 

Portrait of Brigadier-General James Miller, and Ornamental Letter, ... 167 
Scott Piloting Miller to Lundy's Lane, - - - - - - - -169 

Tail Piece, --..--....... 170 

Portrait of Brigadier-General Nathan Towson, - - ... -171 

Ornamental Letter, - - - - - - . . . . . -171 

Head Piece — Sword, - - -- - - . . - . . -175 

Ornamental Letter, ----.-...._ 175 

Portrait of Major-General Edmund Pendleton Gaines, - -177 

Ornamental Letter, ... -_-___._. 177 

Portrait of Major-General Peter B. Porter, - -- - - - . . 183 

Ornamental Letter, -----__.___ 183 

Portrait of Major-General Alexander Macomb, -_____. 185 

Ornamental Letter, ... --______! 85 

Portrait of Major-General Samuel Smith, --_-____ 191 

Ornamental Letter, ------_.__. 191 

General Jackson at the Battle of Emuckfau, -_____. 197 

Ornamental Letter, - - - - - - _ . _ _ -197 

View of Nashville, -------____. 208 




PRELIMINARY CHAPTER. 




HE war of IS12 was the sequel to 

the war of independence. It was the 

offspring of an old hatred, nurtured 

into life by the arrogance of England. 

Those who declaim against the war 

because begun to punish wrongs perpetrated 

J**, by Great Britain, when outrages nearly as 

■^vrv. -wwv g reat Qn t j ie p an f p rance were overlooked, 

do not understand the question they assume to discuss. Nations, as 

well as men, will endure that from a friend which they will never 

submit to from a foe. England had been hated by the people of the 

ii 13 



14 PRELIMINARY CHAPTER. 

United States, since the period of the Revolution ; while France, 
notwithstanding all her injustice, still possessed their gratitude and 
sympathy. The wonder is, not that the war took place, but that it did 
not happen before. The acknowledgment of our independence had 
been made with a bad grace by Great Britain in 17S3, and, as if her ill 
humor was never to be appeased, she continued to treat us with an 
insolence that galled our national pride. The war of 1812 was not 
the work of the President, nor even of his party ; but was forced on 
an unwilling cabinet by the popular will. It was a war of the people. 

Dangerous as the war seemed to many at the time, a single gene- 
ration has established its necessity and wisdom. It is true that, at 
the peace of Ghent, no acknowledgment was obtained from England 
of the injustice of her system of impressment, which was the apparent 
cause for embarking in the contest. But nevertheless all the 
substantial benefits were on our side. We had proved that we were 
not a power to be despised, either on land or sea ; and that nothing 
was to be gained, but everything lost, by persisting in the struggle. 
For the first two years of the strife, our armies had been defeated 
almost universally. This so elated the Prince Regent, that the offer 
to compromise our difficulties, which he would have been glad to 
have accepted in the beginning, he now rejected ; and having just 
closed the protracted struggle with Napoleon, he resolved to inundate 
this country with the veterans of the Peninsula, and chastise us for 
having declared war against England, when she was surrounded with 
foes. Accordingly the campaign of 1S14 was opened by the appear- 
ance of a most imposing force in America. The British officers 
boasted that they would conquer and hold a portion of our territory 
at least ; and even some of our own citizens, arguing from former 
defeats, despaired of the country. 

Two causes conspired to frustrate the calculations of the enemy, 
and make him eager to secure peace on the terms he had rejected. 
The first was that the nation, now seriously alarmed, began to rally in 
earnest for its defence. That spirit of enthusiasm, which had burned so 
brightly in 1 776, again blazed up ; and the whole Union was suddenly 
turned into an armed camp, resounding with the din of preparation. 
The second cause was this, the Generals to whom the command 
of our armies had been committed, during the preceding campaigns, 
had been old revolutionary officers, of respectable standing when 
young, but now utterly exhausted by indolence and age. By the 
close of 1813, however, the army had been thoroughly purged of 
these imbecile leaders. A new race of Generals, composed of men 
of spirit, genius and enterprise, had arisen. At the head of these 



PRELIMINARY CHAPTER. 15 

stood Brown. He was one of those individuals who are born war- 
riors. What he wanted in knowledge, he made up in energy, and the 
latter qualification was, just then, of more importance than the former. 
The nation, at this crisis, required a bold man for its leader, one 
not afraid of hard blows, and who, believing that the American fur- 
nished as good material for a soldier as the Englishman, would never 
decline a combat. Brown was even more than this. He was not 
only willing to meet the British, when his forces were equal to theirs, 
but even when his number were decidedly inferior. He was admirably 
seconded by his subordinates, especially by Scott, who had in a 
measure formed the army, introducing into it the French discipline, 
and changing by constant drilling, raw recruits into good soldiers. 

The result of the battles of Chippewa, Lundy's Lane and Erie, 
was to convince Great Britain that, in the United States, she had 
found an enemy who would grow more formidable every year. As 
there was nothing to be gained by a contest with such a foe, but on 
the contrary, much blood and treasure to be lost, she became suddenly 
as eager for a peace, as, six months before, she had been indifferent 
to it. These victories taught our own people the existence of a latent 
aptitude for war among themselves, of which they had never dreamed. 
That the American furnished the best material for the soldier, because 
as robust as others, and more intelligent, was thenceforth no longer 
a heresy to assert. Discipline in the men, and ability in the com- 
mander, was all that was necessary, it was seen, to render victory 
probable, if not certain. 

Since the war of 1812, the United States have held abetter position 
among nations than before. Our naval successes over a poAver that 
was deemed invincible at sea, suddenly awakened the attention of 
Europe to this young giant of the west. The single victory of the 
Constitution over the Guerriere, gained us more respect abroad, 
than could have been attained by a long career of the most brilliant 
successes in the arts of peace. The manner in which that triumph 
was followed up, made a profound impression on the public mind on 
the continent. Since the treaty of Ghent, our flag has been treated 
with marked deference in foreign ports. The dazzling exploits on 
land, with which we closed the contest, had their effect also in revo- 
lutionizing opinions abroad. Prior to the war of 1812, we ranked in 
Europe, as a fourth-rate power only ; but since then, the position of a 
second-rate one has been freely conceded to us. We have, it is true, 
aspired to be considered one of the first powers in the world ; and 
though this is not pretence in 1S48, it was so, perhaps, in 1815. We 
advance, indeed, with steps that find no parallel in history. Within 



16 



PRELIMINARY CHAPTER. 



the last thirty years, we have passed from youth to manhood, 
as in the thirty preceding years we grew from infancy to adolescence. 
What was exaggeration for our fathers to assert, becomes, therefore, 
less than the truth in us. 

It shall be our purpose to narrate, in a rapid manner, the events 
of the war of 1812, which exercised such an influence on the charac- 
ter, genius and development of this nation. 





BOOK I. 



ORIGIN OF THE WAR. 



HE war of 1812 naturally divides 
itself into three great periods. The 
first embraces the origin of the 
war. This will necessarily con- 
tain a review of the conduct of 
Great Britain towards the United States, 
from the peace of 1783, to the declaration 
of hostilities on the 19th of June, 1812; 
|9I| comprise an account of the celebrated 
Berlin and Milan decrees, and of the Bri- 
tish orders in council ; and furnish a narrative of the origin, exercise, 
and perversion of the claim of England to impress seamen. The 
second opens with the surrender of Detroit ; records the failure of 
Harrison's winter and autumnal campaigns in 1812 ; and explains 
the miscarriages of Dearborn, Wilkinson and Hampton, on the Lakes 
and St. Lawrence, during the spring, summer and autumn of 1813. 
This was a period of almost universal defeat for the armies of the 




ii 



17 



18 ORIGIN OF THE WAR. 

United States. Inefficient Generals and undisciplined troops united 
to cover the nation with disgrace. During this interval the Creek 
war in the south occurred. But for some brilliant successes at sea, 
and for the victory of the Thames in October, 1S13, these first twenty- 
months of the contest would have presented only unmitigated disas- 
ter. The third and last period opened in the spring of 1814, with 
the most gloomy anticipations. The subjugation of Napoleon had 
left England free to employ all her strength against the United States. 
The veteran troops of Wellington were accordingly poured into Ca- 
nada. Boasts of permanently annexing a portion of New York, or 
of New England, to the British dominions were publicly made by 
the English officers. But suddenly the scene changed. These splen- 
did veterans were defeated in every contest, by our comparatively 
raw troops. Instead of gaining a foothold in the United States the 
enemy was everywhere beaten on his own soil. These results pro- 
ceeded from placing bolder and younger men in command of the 
army ; from disciplining the troops thoroughly ; and from the spirit 
of patriotism which was now fully aroused to meet the impending 
crisis. From this hour the arms of the United States were in the 
ascendant. Success had at first receded from us further and still fur- 
ther, like a wave withdrawing from a beach ; but suddenly the tide 
turned, it rolled in, and towering higher and prouder, broke over us 
in triumphs. 

The peace of 1783 had been extorted by the necessities rather than 
obtained by the good will of England. Though, by a formal treaty, 
the United States were declared free and independent, they were still 
hated in Great Britain as rebellious colonies. That such was the 
general opinion is manifest from the letters of John Adams, our first 
minister to the court of St. James, and from other authentic cotem- 
porary accounts. Of course there were a few men of sufficiently en- 
larged and comprehensive minds to forget the past, and urge, even 
in parliament, that the trade of America would be more valuable as 
an ally than a dependent. But the number of these was small in- 
deed. The common sentiment in England towards the young repub- 
lic was one of scornful detestation. We were despised as provin- 
cials, we were hated as rebels. In the permanency of our institutions 
there was scarcely a believer in all Britain. This was especially the 
case prior to the adoption of the Federal Constitution. Both in par- 
liament and out, it was publicly boasted that the Union would soon 
fall to pieces, and that, finding their inability to govern themselves, 
the different states would, one by one, supplicate to be received back 
as colonies. This vain and empty expectation long lingered in the 



ORIGIN OF THE WAR. 19 

popular mind, and was not wholly eradicated until after the war of 
1812. 

Hence the new republic was treated with arrogant contempt. One 
of the first acts of John Adams, as minister to England, had been to 
propose placing the navigation and trade between the dominions 
of Great Britain and the territories of the United States, on a basis 
of complete reciprocity. By acceding to such a measure England 
might have gained much, and could have lost but little. The propo- 
sal was rejected almost with terms of insult, and Mr. Adams 
told " that no other would be entertained." The consequences were 
that the free negroes of Jamaica, and others of the poorer inhabitants 
of the British West India Islands, were reduced to starvation by be- 
ing deprived of their usual supplies from the United States. This 
policy on the part of England naturally exasperated the Americans, 
and one of the first acts of the Federal government in 17S9, was to 
adopt retaliatory measures. A navigation law was passed, which 
has since been the foundation of all our treaties of reciprocity with 
England. A tariff was also adopted as another means of retaliation. 
We have lived to see Great Britain become the first to tire of re- 
strictive measures, and, by a repeal on her part, invite a repeal on 
ours. 

In another way Great Britain exasperated the popular feeling here 
against her, and even forced the American government, once or twice, 
to the verge of war. By the treaty of peace, all military posts held 
by England within the limits of the United States, were to be given 
up ; yet no less than six of this character, Michilimackinac, Detroit, 
Oswegotche, Point au Fer, and Dutchman's Point, were long held in 
defiance of the compact. These posts were made the centres of 
intrigue among the savages of the northwest. Arms were here dis- 
tributed to the Indians, and disturbances on our frontier fomented. 
The war on the Miami, which was brought to a bloody close by 
Wayne's victory, was the result principally of such secret machina- 
tions. In short, England regarded the treaty of 17S3 as a truce, 
rather than a pacification, and long held to the hope of being able 
yet to punish the revolted colonies for their rebellion. In two celebra- 
ted letters written by John Adams from Great Britain, he uses the fol- 
lowing decided language in reference to the secret designs of England : 
" If she can bind Holland in her shackles, and France from internal 
dissensions is unable to interfere, she will make war immediately 
against us." This was in 17S7. Two years before, he had expresed 
the same ideas. " Their present system, as far as I can penetrate it," 
he wrote, " is to maintain a determined peace with all Europe, in 



20 ORIGIN OF THE WAR. 

order that they may war singly against America, if they should think 
it necessary." A sentiment of such relentless hostility, which no at- 
tempt was made to disguise, but which was even arrogantly paraded 
on every occasion, could not fail to exasperate those feelings of dis- 
like on the part of America, which protracted war had engendered. 
This mutual hatred between the two nations arose from the enmity of 
the people rather than of the cabinets. " There is too much reason to 
believe," wrote our minister, " that if the nation had another hundred 
million to spend, they would soon force the ministry into a war 
against us." On the side of the United States it required all the pru- 
dence of Washington, sustained by his hold on the affections of the 
people, to restrain them from a war with England, after that power 
had refused to surrender the military posts. 

A third element of discord arose when England joined the coali- 
tion against France in 1793. The course which the former had pur- 
sued for the preceding ten years, had, as we have seen, tended to 
alienate the people of America from her, and nourish sentiments of 
hostility in their bosoms. On the other hand, France, with that ad- 
dress for which she is eminent, had labored to heighten the good feel- 
ings already existing between herself and the United States. A treaty 
of alliance and commerce bound the two countries ; but the courteous 
demeanor of France cemented us to her by still stronger ties, those 
of the popular will. When, therefore, the revolution broke out in 
Paris, the enthusiasm of America towards France could scarcely be 
controlled. There can be no doubt that, if the subsequent excesses 
had not alarmed all prudent friends of liberty, the people of this 
country could not have been restrained from engaging in the strug- 
gle between France and England. But the Reign of Terror, backed 
by the insolence of Genet, the minister of the French republic, and 
afterwards by the exactions of the Directory, checked the headlong 
enthusiasm that otherwise would have embroiled us in the terrible 
wars of that period. A course of strict neutrality had been selected 
by Washington, as that which was most proper for the still weak con- 
federacy ; and every day produced events which showed the wis- 
dom of this decision. Neither Great Britain nor France, however, 
was gratified by this neutrality. Each nation wished to embark us 
on their side ; and both grew arrogant and insulting as they found 
our resolution was not to be broken. Napoleon, on the part of 
France, saw the impolicy of such treatment, and when he became 
First Consul, hastened to abandon it. . But England relaxed nothing, 
or little. Circumstances, moreover, made her conduct practically 
more irritating than that of France ; and hence prolonged and in- 



ORIGIN OF THE WAR. 21 

creased the exasperation felt toward her in America. We allude to 
the restrictions attempted to be placed on our commerce, and to the 
practice of impressing seamen found on board vessels sailing under 
the flag of the United States. 

As a great naval power, the policy of England has been to main- 
tain certain maritime laws, which her jurists claim to be part of the 
code of nations, and enforce in her admiralty courts. One principle 
of these laws is this, that warlike munitions become contraband in war; 
in other words that a neutral vessel cannot carry such into the ene- 
my's ports. Hence, if a vessel, sailing under the flag of the United 
States, should be captured on the high seas, bound for France, dur- 
ing the prevalence of a war between that power and England, and 
be found to be laden with ship-timber, gunpowder, or other manufac- 
tured or unmanufactured articles for warlike purposes, the vessel 
would, by the law of nations, become a prize to the captors. The 
right to condemn a ship carrying such contraband goods, has always 
been recognized by civilized nations, and indeed is founded in com- 
mon justice. But England having supreme control at sea, and 
being tempted by the hope of destroying the sinews of her adversa- 
ry's strength, resolved to stretch this rule so as to embrace provisions, 
as well as munitions of war. She proceeded, however, gradually to 
her point. She first issued an order, on the 8th of June, 1793, for 
capturing and bringing into port " all vessels laden, wholly or in part, 
with corn, flour, or meal, and destined to France, or to other coun- 
tries, if occupied by the arms of that nation." Such vessels indeed 
were not to be condemned, nor their cargoes seized ; but the latter 
were to be purchased on behalf of the English government ; or if 
not, then the vessels, on giving due security, were to be allowed to 
proceed to any neutral port. Of course the price of provisions in 
France and in England was materially different, and a lucrative 
traffic for the United States was, in this way, destroyed. Moreover, 
this proceeding was a comparative novelty in the law of nations, 
and however it might suit the purposes of Great Britain, was a gross 
outrage on America. In November of the same year it was follow- 
ed by a still more glaring infraction of the rights of neutrals, in an 
order, condemning to " capture and adjudication all vessels laden 
with the produce of any French colony, or with supplies for such co- 
lony." The fermentation in consequence of this order rose to such 
a height in America that it required all the skill of Washington to 
avert a war. The President, however, determining to preserve 
peace if possible, despatched Jay to London as a Minister Plenipo- 
tentiary, by whose frank explanations redress was obtained in a mea- 



22 ORIGIN OF THE WAR. 

sure for the past, and a treaty negotiated ; not indeed adequate to jus 
tice, but better than could be obtained again, when it expired in 
1806. 

But the relaxation in the rigor of the order of November, 1793, 
soon proved to be more nominal than real ; and from 1794 until the 
peace of Amiens in 1802, the commerce of the United States conti- 
nued to be the prey of British cruizers and privateers. After the re- 
newal of the war, the fury of the belligerants increased, and with it 
the stringent measures adopted by Napoleon and Great Britain. The 
French Emperor, boldly avowing his intention to crush England, 
forbade by a series of decrees, issued from Berlin, Milan, and Ram- 
bouillet, trie importation of her commodities into any port of Europe 
under his control ; and England, equally sweeping in her acts, de- 
clared all such ports in a state of blockade, thus rendering any neu- 
tral vessel liable to capture, which should attempt to enter them. 
The legality of a blockade where there is not a naval power off 
the coast competent to maintain such blockade, has always been de- 
nied by the lesser maritime powers. Its effect, in the present in- 
stance, was virtually to exclude the United States from foreign com- 
merce. In these extreme measures Napoleon and England were 
equally to be censured ; but the policy of the former did not affect 
us, while that of the latter did. Hence the exasperation against the 
one was extreme, and pervaded the whole community ; that against 
the other was slighter, and confined only to the more intelligent. In 
point of time, Napoleon was the first to begin these outrages on the 
rights of neutrals; but his injustice was practically felt only on 
land ; while England was the first to introduce the paper blockade, 
a measure ruinous to American merchants. This was done finally 
on the 16th of May, 1806, when Great Britain announced a "block- 
ade of the coast, rivers and ports, from the river Elbe to the port of 
Brest, inclusive." On the 21st of November, of the same year, Na- 
poleon, in retaliation, issued a decree from Berlin, placing the British 
islands in a state of blockade. This decree was followed by a still 
more stringent order in council on the part of England. 

It now became necessary for the United States, either to embark 
in a war or to withdraw her commerce altogether from the ocean. 
The popular voice demanded the former course. Though France, 
in the abstract, was as unjust as England, her oppressive measures 
did not, as we have said, affect America, and hence the indignation 
of the people was directed principally against Great Britain. But 
with the President it was different. Though the sympathies of Jef- 
ferson were all with France, his judgment was against her as well as 



ORIGIN OF THE WAR. 23 

England. Besides he was determined to preserve peace at all hazards, 
for it was his favorite maxim that the best war is more fatal than 
the worst peace. A further reason led him to refuse the alternative 
of war. He was not without hope that one or both of the bellige- 
rants would return to reason, and repeal their obnoxious acts, if the 
conduct of the United States, instead of being aggressive, should be 
patient. Actuated by these views, the President recommended to 
Congress the passage of an embargo act. This law passed in Decem- 
ber, 1807. By it all American vessels abroad were called home, 
and those in the United States prohibited from leaving port. In con- 
sequence of this measure, the commerce of the country was annihi- 
lated in an hour ; and harbors, once nourishing, became soon only 
receptacles for rotting ships. There can be no question now that the 
embargo was a fatal blunder. It crippled our resources for the war 
that ensued ; made the eastern states bitterly hostile to Jefferson's, as 
well as to his successor's administration ; and tended to foster in the 
minds of the populace at large, an idea that we shrank from a con- 
test with Great Britain in consequence of inherent weakness. 

But there was a fourth and last source of exasperation against 
England, which assisted, more than all the rest, to produce the war 
of 1812. We allude to the British claim of the right of impressment. 
In the terrible struggles in which England found herself engaged 
with France, her maritime force was her chief dependence, and 
accordingly she increased the number of her ships unprecedent- 
edly. But it soon became difficult to man all these vessels. The 
thriving commerce pursued by the United States, as early as 1793, 
drew large numbers of English seamen into our mercantile marine, 
where they obtained higher wages than in the navy at home. Great 
Britain saw this, and resolved to apply a remedy. By the fiction of 
her law, a man born an English subject can never throw off his al- 
legiance. She determined accordingly to seize her seamen wherever 
found, and force them to serve their native flag. In consequence her 
cruizers stopped every American vessel they met, and searched the 
crew in order to reclaim the English, Scotch, or Irish on board. Fre- 
quently it happened that persons born in America were taken as 
British subjects ; for where the boarding officer was the judge of a 
man's nationality, there was little chance of justice, especially if the 
seaman was a promising one, or the officer's ship was short-handed. 
In nine months, during parts of the years 1796 and 1797, the Ame- 
rican minister at the court of London had made application for the 
discharge of two hundred and seventy-one native born Americans, 
proved to have been thus impressed. These outrages against personal 



24 ORIGIN OP THE WAR. 

independence were regarded among the people of America with the 
utmost indignation. There was something in such injuries to exas- 
perate every sentiment of the soul. That an innocent man, peaca- 
bly pursuing an honorable vocation, should be forcibly carried on 
board a British man-of-war, and there compelled to remain, shut out 
from all hope of ever seeing his family, seemed, to the robust sense 
of justice in the popular breast, little better than Algerine bondage. 
The rage of the people was increased by tales of horror and aggres- 
sion that occasionally reached their ears from these prison ships. 
Stories were told of men who had escaped, and being captured and 
taken back, were whipped until they died. In one instance, it was 
said that a sailor, goaded to madness, had seized the captain, and 
springing overboard, been drowned with his oppressor. Whether 
true or not, this and other narratives as horrible, were freely dissem- 
inated, and tended, at last, to raise the popular feeling to a pitch of 
inconceivable exasperation. 

Every attempt to arrange this difficulty with England had signal- 
ly failed. The United States offered that all American seamen should 
be registered and provided with a certificate of citizenship ; that the 
number of a crew should be limited by the tonnage of the ship, and 
that if this number was exceeded, British subjects enlisted should be 
liable to impressment ; that deserters should be given up ; and that 
a prohibition should be issued by each party against clandestinely 
secreting and carrying off the seamen of the other. In 1800, and 
again in 1806, it was attempted to form treaties in reference to this 
subject ; but the pertinacity with which England adhered to her 
claim frustrated these efforts. In 1S03 the difficulty had nearly been 
adjusted by a convention, for Great Britain offered to abandon her 
claim to impressment on the high seas, if allowed to retain it on the 
narrow seas, or those immediately surrounding her island. But, this 
being rejected as inadmissible by the United States, all subsequent 
efforts at an arrangement proved abortive. The impressment of 
seamen continued, and was the source of daily increasing abuse. 
Not only Americans, but Danes, Swedes, Germans, Russians, French- 
men, Spaniards and Portuguese were seized and forcibly carried off 
by British men-of-war. There are even well attested instances of 
Asiatics and Africans being thus impressed. In short, as the war in 
Europe approached its climax, seamen became more scarce in the 
British navy, and all decency being thrown off, crews were filled up 
under color of this claim, regardless even of the shew of justice. In 
1811, it was computed that the number of men impressed from the 
American marine amounted to not less than six thousand. 



ORIGIN OF THE WAR. 



25 



At last the arrogance of the British naval officers rose to such an 
extreme, that one of our national vessels, the frigate Chesapeake, 
was forcibly boarded and several men impressed from her decks. 
The circumstances were these. In the spring of 1807, the British 
Consul at Norfolk sent to Captain Decatur, requiring him to surren- 
der three seamen who had deserted from the English ship Melam- 
pus, and enlisted in the navy of the United States. The demand was 
refused, the men being found, on enquiry, to be citizens of the Uni- 
ted States. Subsequently, the American frigate Chesapeake sailed 
with these men on board, but was pursued by the British ship Leo- 
pard, fired into, and when she hauled down her flag, boarded, and 
the three men, together with another, taken from her deck. The 
Chesapeake was in no condition to resist, having gone to sea with- 
out suitable preparation, and the only gun discharged from her was 
fired by a coal brought from the galley. Before she struck, three of 
her men were killed and eighteen wounded. The news of this out- 




THE CHESAPEAKE AND LEOPARD 



rage excited universal resentment in the United States. The Presi- 
dent issued a proclamation forbidding all communication with Bn- 
ish armed vessels, unless in distress, or bearing despatches ; and in- 
terdicting British vessels from the harbors and waters of the United 
in 



26 ORIGIN OF THE WAR. 

States. One hundred thousand men were ordered to hold themselves 
in readiness for war, and a special session of Congress was called to 
meet on the 26th of October. Meantime, however, the outrage was 
disavowed by the British government, and here the difficulty was 
allowed to rest. But it was subsequently noticed that the offenders, 
instead of being censured in England, were treated with undiminish- 
ed favor by their government ; and this, sinking deep into the po- 
pular mind in America, created general exasperation, and increased 
the prevailing distrust in Great Britain. Already the people were 
prepared for war ; it was only the government that held back. 
There was no period, from 1807 to 1812, when a declaration of war 
would not have been received with favor by the community at 
large ; and there were moments during that interval, when such a 
declaration would, perhaps, have been more generally popular than 
it was in 1812. This is especially true of the period between the 
outrage on the Chesapeake and the passage of the embargo act. 

Having thus traced the growth of that popular sentiment which 
rendered war, sooner or later inevitable, let us proceed to enquire 
into the manner in which it was at last brought about. For there 
is a wide distinction between the real and ostensible causes of a war, 
it being a rare thing for national contests to be undertaken without 
deeper reasons than are apparent on the surface. Thus, the peace 
of Amiens was broken, for the pretext that the British refused to 
evacuate Malta ; the war was, in truth, renewed because Napoleon 
and England were filled with mutual distrust. So, the usual 
reasons given for the war of 1812, are comparatively weak, far 
weaker than those which could have been urged in favor of a war 
in 1S07. The real secret was, that the people wanted a war, and 
would not longer be denied. In 1815, when the popular indignation 
had vented itself, peace was as welcome as war had been three years 
before. It has been thought strange that the treaty of Ghent over- 
looked some of the points, to obtain which the war was expressly 
undertaken ; but this view of the case explains the mystery. The 
practical result of the contest had been to teach England respect for 
the United States; to break the charm of her naval invincibility; 
and virtually to protect our seamen, in future, from impressment. The 
popular will was satisfied by the victories of Hull, Decatur and Stew- 
art, at sea ; and by those of Chippewa, the Thames and New Orleans, 
on land. The people looked less at the treaty, than at these triumphs. 
Meantime, we return to the thread of events. In December, 1807, 
as already stated, the embargo act was passed. But the pressure of 
this law was found to be so severe on all classes of the community, 
that, in March, 1809, it was repealed, and a non-importation act as 



ORIGIN OF THE WAR. 27 

to England and France, substituted. By this new law, all voyages to 
the French and British dominions were prohibited, and all trade in 
articles of British and French product or manufacture : and power 
was vested in the President, in case either or both of the belligerants 
should revoke their edicts, so as no longer to violate the neutral com- 
merce of the United States, to issue a proclamation repealing the pro- 
visions of the new importation act as to one, or both. In conse- 
quence of this, France on the 1st of November, 1810, exempted the 
United States from the operation of the Berlin and Milan decrees. 
England, however, still refused to repeal her orders in council, alle- 
ging that France must first revoke her edicts absolutely. To this the 
American government replied that it had no right to dictate to Na- 
poleon what his conduct to other nations should be, and that, since 
he had offered justice to the United States, there was no further cause 
of complaint against him on her part. The 3rd of March, 1811, had 
been fixed as the limit of time, at which the belligerants were to re- 
voke their aggressive laws, or take the chances of a war ; but anxious 
to preserve peace, Mr. Madison procured the passage of an act, by 
which Great Britain was allowed a further period of delay. This 
last act of conciliation proved as useless as preceding ones, and the 
American government began finally to despair. Had its patience, 
however, continued for a few months longer, the war might have 
been averted, at least for a time. But an incident occurred at this 
crisis, which, by giving a new impetus to the popular rage, hurried 
the cabinet into hostilities, at the very moment when England was 
about to relax her orders. We allude to the discovery of an intrigue 
for the separation of the New England States from the Union, car- 
ried on by an Englishman, named John Henry, professing to be 
a secret agent of Great Britain. 

This individual had been employed in 1S09, by Sir James Craig, 
Governor-General of Canada. He had visited Boston, where he 
moved in the best circles, and was known for his quiet and gentle- 
manly, but reserved demeanor. In February, 1812, he communi- 
cated to the President of the United States the nature of his mission, 
in consideration of receiving for the disclosure, the sum of fifty 
thousand dollars, from the secret service fund. The money was 
paid, the papers received by Mr. Madison, and then Henry, before 
the documents were published, sailed for Europe. His papers 
proved that the Governor-General of Canada, misled by the opposi- 
tion of a portion of the New England States to the measures of the 
general government, had conceived that a dissolution of the Union 
was at hand ; and had sent Henry to Boston to ascertain how far, in 
such an event, England would be looked to for aid, and to what ex- 



2S ORIGIN OF THE WAR. 

tent the withdrawing states would enter into connexion with her. 
This idea of a dissolution, regarded as so visionary in the United 
States, had, as we have seen, long been a favorite one in England. 
Henry soon found, however, that a separation from the Union was 
not the intention of New England. On his return to Canada, Sir 
James Craig refused to remunerate him. Henry accordingly be- 
trayed his employers, and sold his information to Mr. Madison. It 
has been urged that his conduct destroyed the validity of his testi- 
mony ; and there is some force in the argument ; but, on the whole, there 
appears no good reason to doubt the fact of his mission, or its purport. 

The nation, on learning this intrigue, became doubly exasperated 
against England ; and loudly demanded war. The great commer- 
cial cities, the Middle States, and the West, were foremost in this 
burst of mingled enthusiasm, passion and patriotism. The New 
England States, however, resisted the torrent. But the majority 
of the people were no longer to be denied the revenge for which 
they had so long thirsted. Beyond the Alleghanies the sentiment in 
favor of the war was universal. This was, in part, the result of the 
threatening aspect of the Indians, who were believed to have been 
secretly instigated to hostility by the British. While the public feel- 
ing was in this excited condition, despatches were received from 
Europe, announcing the continued refusal of England to revoke her 
edicts. The President immediately acquainted Congress with this 
fact, and that body, after an animated debate, declared war against 
the united kingdoms of Great Britain and Ireland. The bill, declar- 
ing war, passed the House of Representatives, on the 4th of June, 
1812, by a majority of thirty in one hundred and twenty-eight votes. 
In the Senate nineteen voted for it, and thirteen against it. On the 
18th of June, it was signed by the President ; and on the 19th pub- 
licly proclaimed. Four days later, the British ministry withdrew 
conditionally their objectionable orders in council, of January, 1S07, 
and April, 1809. But, when the news of this event reached America, 
hostilities had already begun. The peace ottering had come too late. 

The army with which Congress proposed to begin this war, 
amounted, on paper, to thirty-five thousand men : but as twenty-five 
thousand of this number had been authorized only in January, the 
real force enrolled was probably less than fifteen thousand. The 
services of fifty thousand volunteers, in addition, however, were or- 
dered to be accepted ; and the President was empowered to call on 
the States for militia to the number of one hundred thousand, if 
necessary. In all these preparations the force was more apparent than 
real : and sagacious minds foresaw that, until a large disciplined 
army was in the field, defeat would probably be our portion ! 




BATTLK OF TIPPECANOE. 



BOOK II. 



TO THE SPUING OF THE YEAR 1814. 




HE war of 1812 was preceded 
by an ominous demonstration on 
the north-western frontier. Se- 
cretly instigated by the English, 
the savages, as early as 1811, 
:had conceived the idea of forming an exten- 
fsive league to crush the power of the United 
States. The existence of some such hostile 
'movement became suspected by the admin- 
istration, in consequence of the murders and 
other outrages perpetrated by the Indians ; and accordingly General 
William Henry Harrison, at that time Governor of the territory of 
Indiana, was ordered, at the head of a competent force of regulars 
and militia, to enter the hostile country and obtain redress for these 
injuries. Harrison arrived at the chief town of the enemy, on the 




in" 



29 



30 BATTLE OF TIPPECANOE. 

6th November, 1811. Tecumseh, the leader in the conspiracy, was 
absent, but his brother, the Prophet, who was possessed of equal, if 
not superior influence, sent messengers to meet the American Gene- 
ral, and promise that, on the ensuing morning, an amicable adjust- 
ment of all difficulties should be made. Harrison, in consequence, 
encamped peaceably for the night ; but aware of the treachery of the 
Indian character, chose the strongest position afforded by the neigh- 
borhood, and ordered his men to rest upon their arms. These pre- 
cautions alone saved him from massacre ; for in the night the sav- 
ages assailed him. The contest was long and bloody. But finally, 
discipline triumphed, and the Indians were repulsed. The loss on 
both sides was severe. The Americans suffered, in killed and 
wounded, one hundred and eighty-eight ; the enemy one hundred 
and fifty. On the 9th of November, Harrison burned the village, 
and devastated the surrounding country, after which he returned 
home. This battle is known as that of Tippecanoe, from the name 
of the Prophet's town. It produced such a wholesome fear of the 
American arms that the Indians in the vicinity generally sued for 
peace. 

In order to follow up this blow if necessary, the government raised 
an army and placed it under the command of General William Hull, 
Governor of Michigan territory. The probability of a war was also 
considered in enlisting this force, for in case of such an event, the 
presence of an army in the north-west, would give the United States 
the opportunity of striking the first blow. Accordingly, in the month 
of April, 1812, the Governor of Ohio was ordered by the President, 
to call out twelve hundred men. The success at Tippecanoe, and 
the general enthusiasm for a war promptly filled the requisition. 
This temporary force assembled at Dayton, Ohio, on the 25th of 
April, 1812. Uniting with the fourth United States infantry, and por- 
tions of other regular regiments, the whole marched upon Detroit. 
The little army was compelled to traverse a dense wilderness for 
nearly two hundred miles, and consequently did not reach its desti- 
nation until the 5th of July. Meantime, war had been declared. 
But by some unaccountable mistake in the department at Washing- 
ton, the intelligence was allowed to reach the British posts in the 
north-west, before it was transmitted to the American commander. 
This oversight led to the capture of a portion of Hull's baggage, 
which he had sent by water to Detroit, without a sufficient guard. 

On the 12th of July the army crossed into the British territory, dis- 
cretionary powers having been vested in Hull to invade Canada in 
the event of a war. A vaunting proclamation was issued, addressed 



THE FALL OF MACKINAW. 31 

to the inhabitants, many of whom, in consequence, joined the inva- 
ders. Parties were now sent out into the country, which was found 
to be fertile and well cultivated. A detachment, under Colonels Cass 
and Miller, marched towards Maiden, a British post, situated at the 
confluence of the Detroit river and lake Erie, about thirteen miles 
from Sandwich, where Hull was encamped. The enemy was met 
at a bridge over the Canard river and driven in confusion back on 
Maiden. Had Cass and Miller been supported, the fortress must 
have fallen, for it was in no condition to resist a vigorous assault ; 
but Hull refused to sustain his subordinates, and the reconnoitering 
party was withdrawn to the camp. 

In fact Hull, from indecision of character, was unfit for his command. 
After he had made his first vigorous effort, and once entered Canada, 
he sunk into idleness. The intelligence of the fall of Mackinaw, which 
was surprised by the enemy on the 17th of July, filled him with vague 
apprehensions, which were increased when he came to reflect on the 
distance that his supplies had to be brought from Ohio, and the dif- 
ficulty of transportation. A detachment of hostile Indians, in a few 
days, crossing the Detroit, cut off the communications ; and a small 
force sent out to open the route, was surprised and defeated by the 
savages. This event increased the alarm of Hull. Stimulated by 
his younger officers, he had at last begun his preparations for an ad- 
vance ; but now, abandoning all present thought of reducing Mai- 
den, he retreated across the river, and established himself at Detroit. 
This was on the Sth of August. On the same day a detachment, six 
hundred strong, commanded by Colonel Miller, was sent to open the 
communications. This force met and conquered a combined body 
of British and Indians, with a loss to the Americans of seventy, that 
of the enemy being probably a hundred. A severe storm of rain and 
the care of the wounded compelled Colonel Miller, however, to re- 
turn subsequently to Detroit. A third attempt to open the commu- 
nications was made on the 14th of August, by a body of three hun- 
dred picked men, under the command of Colonels Cass and M'Ar- 
thur ; but this effort proving as unsuccessful as the former ones, the 
detachment returned to camp, two days later, where it found, to the 
inconceivable chagrin of its officers and men, that Hull had surren- 
dered, and that it was included in the capitulation. 

On the day that Cass and M'Arthur had left Detroit, the British, 
who had advanced as Hull retreated, began to erect batteries on the 
shore at Sandwich, opposite the American camp. General Brock, 
who commanded the enemy's forces, was as remarkable for energy as 
Iiull for inefficiency. He had gained a thorough insight, moreover, 



32 SURRENDER OF DETROIT. 

into the character of his adversary, and knew the American leader 
to be possessed with a secret fear of the British invincibility. Ac- 
cordingly, on the 15th of of August, Brock summoned Hull to sur- 
render, intimating that, in the event of a refusal, he should assault 
Detroit, when he would not be answerable for the conduct of the In- 
dians. Hull at first rejected the proposal of a capitulation with 
scorn. Brock proceeded, in consequence, to open his batteries. The 
bombardment was continued until towards midnight, and resumed 
on the following morning, when the British, with their savage allies, 
were seen advancing to the assault, having crossed during the night. 
At this spectacle, Hull's resolution deserted him. He ordered a 
white flag to be displayed, and a parley ensuing, terms of capitula- 
tion were speedily arranged. By this disgraceful compact, Fort De- 
troit, with its garrison and all the public stores and arms were sur- 
rendered. Even the detachment of M' Arthur and Cass was included 
in the arrangement. The volunteers and militia were allowed to re- 
turn home, on condition of not serving again until exchanged. Thir- 
ty-three pieces of artillery were surrendered on this occasion ; among 
them, several brass pieces captured from Burgoyne in the war of In- 
dependence. Twenty-five hundred muskets and rifles likewise fell 
into the hands of the enemy. This capitulation was received with 
rage when announced to the troops. The consternation and anger 
which it awakened in the United States was unparalleled. Hull was 
everywhere accused of cowardice, and, in some quarters, even of 
treason. On his exchange, he was tried by a court-martial, found 
guilty of cowardice and conduct unbecoming an officer, and sentenced 
to be shot. But in consequence of his age, and his services in the 
Revolution, he was recommended to the mercy of the President, who, 
remitting the capital punishment, contented himself with striking the 
offender's name from the army roll. 

The weakness of Hull had been penetrated by his officers long be- 
fore the surrender, and letters were, in consequence, despatched to 
Governor Meigs, of Ohio, informing him of the suspicions of the wri- 
ters, and soliciting reinforcements to open the communications. A 
force of volunteers was promptly called out. In a few days the in- 
telligence of the loss of Detroit arrived. The departure of the troops 
was now hastened, and Harrison, created for the purpose a Major- 
General of the Kentucky militia, was entrusted with the command. 
His troops marched from Cincinnati, on the 29th of August, their 
first destination being the relief of the frontier posts. The numbers 
of his army were about twenty-five hundred. Halting at Piqua, he 
proceeded to Fort Wayne, the siege of which by the Indians was 



BURNING OF THE INDIAN VILLAGES. 33 

raised on his approach. He already, however, hegan to feel the 
want of supplies, which, having to be transported from the settled 
country and Cincinnati, arrived in small quantities and after great 
delays. Hence, he found it impossible to march at once on Detroit, 
as had been originally intended. He contented himself, therefore, 
with sending out two expeditions, one against the Miami towns on 
the Wabash, the other against the Potawatamie villages on the river 
St. Joseph. Both incursions were successful. Nine villages were 
burned, and all the standing corn destroyed ; a rigorous, but neces- 
sary measure, since, without it, the hostile Indians could not have 
been driven from a neighborhood so dangerous to the American 
army. 

Towards the close of September, General Winchester, a Brigadier 
in the army of the United States, arrived at Fort Wayne with rein- 
forcements, and superseded Harrison. The latter was on his return 
to his government in Indiana, when he was overtaken by an express 
from Washington, assigning to him the chief command of the army. 
On the 23d of September he reached Fort Wayne again, but found 
that Winchester had marched to Fort Defiance, the preceding day, 
with two thousand men. The progress of Winchester was slow, for 
his route lay through swamps, or impenetrable thickets; while he was 
compelled to move with great caution, clouds of hostile Indians hang- 
ing on his front. In fact, a detachment of four hundred British re- 
gulars, attended by artillery, and accompanied by more than a thou- 
sand savages had been advancing to attack Fort Wayne, when, 
learning Winchester's approach, it thought it most prudent to fall 
back towards the Miami. The Americans soon began to feel the 
want of provisions ; for a supply despatched down the river Au 
Glaize by Harrison, could not reach Fort Defiance in consequence of 
the vicinity of the enemy. At last the sufferings of his army became 
so extreme that Winchester sent back an escort, who succeeded in 
bringing up supplies on pack horses. On the 30th of September, 
his troops reached Fort Defiance, which the enemy abandoned on 
his approach. 

Three days afterwards, Harrison arrived ; but remained only 
twenty-four hours, returning to bring up the residue of his troops. 
He now proceeded to arrange them according to the following dispo- 
sition. General Tupper, with a regiment of regulars, and the Ohio 
volunteers and militia, was placed at Fort M'Arthur. This force 
constituted the centre of the army. The left wing was left at Fort 
Defiance, under Winchester. The right wing, composed of two bri- 
gades of militia, one from Pennsylvania, and one from Virginia, was 

5 



34 DEFENCE OP FORT HARRISON. 

stationed at Sandusky. The army had left Cincinnati, fully expect 
ing to strike a decisive blow before winter, but this the want of sup 
plies had prevented. With the exception of an incursion of five 
days, undertaken by General Tupper against the Rapids of the Mi- 
ami, and which proved eminently successful, no further movement 
was made during the fall. Tupper, after defeating the savages and 
British, returned to Fort M'Arthur; and thus ended what is called 
Harrison's first autumnal campaign. 

Meantime, while these events had been transacting on Lake Erie, 
the war had not languished in Indiana and Illinois. The policy of 
England was to let her battles be fought by the savages, whom she 
had accordingly supplied with arms, and instigated to take up the 
hatchet. Hence the necessity, during the first two campaigns, of so 
many expeditions against the Indians. A body of Kentucky volun- 
teers, under General Hopkins, and a detachment of rangers, under 
Colonel Russell, had been despatched to chastise the tribes in these 
two territories by destroying their towns. Their first destination, 
however, was the relief of Fort Harrison, a post at that time invest- 
ed by the savages. The commander of this place was General Tay- 
lor, then a young officer, holding the rank of Captain ; but his con- 
duct, in the emergency, evinced all those heroic traits which have 
since shone forth, on a grander scale, at Palo Alto, Monterey and 
Buena Vista. Expecting an attack, he held himself hourly in readi- 
ness. On the night of the 4th of September the anticipated assault 
took place. The Indians succeeded in firing a block-house contigu- 
ous to the barracks ; and it was with great difficulty the latter were 
preserved from the flames. Sending a detachment to the roof of the 
barracks to tear off the portion adjoining the block-house, while a 
galling fire was maintained on the Indians from other parts of the 
fort, the gallant young officer finally succeeded in preventing the 
spreading of the flames. The block-house, however, was consumed, 
and thus a gap, six or eight feet wide, opened into the fort. But this 
interval was speedily barricaded, and the savages repulsed in an at- 
tempt to enter. When the attack had continued seven hours, and 
day had broken, the Indians retired. The Americans lost but three 
killed and three wounded. During this contest, there were only fif- 
teen effective men in the garrison, the rest being sick or convales- 
cent. In a few days the place was relieved by the approach of Ge- 
neral Hopkins at the head of four thousand men. 

Preparations were now begun to fulfil the second object of the ex- 
pedition, an attack on the Peoria villages. But, after a march of 
four days in the direction of the enemy, the spirit of insubordination 



MASSACRE OF THE RIVER RAISIN. 35 

among the volunteers grew to such a pitch that the General thought 
it advisable not to proceed. He offered, however, to pursue the en- 
terprise if five hundred persons could be found to attend him. But 
the volunteers, either from the exhausted state of their horses, their 
own fears, or their want of confidence in Hopkins, decided almost 
unanimously to return. Accordingly the authority of the General 
was set aside, and the army began to retrace its steps. Meantime, 
however, Colonel Russel had marched by a different route against 
the savages and defeated them. Having burned their towns and 
destroyed their corn, he returned to the settlements. Another de- 
tachment, led by Captain Craig, penetrated twenty miles further than 
even Russel. In November, Hopkins, at the head of twelve hun- 
dred and fifty men, undertook a more successful enterprise against 
the villages on the Wabash. Colonel Campbell, in December, led a 
similar expedition, and with like success, against the towns on the 
Mississinewa river. 

Harrison having failed in his autumnal campaign, determined to 
resume operations in the winter. Accordingly he directed the three 
divisions of his army to rendezvous at the rapids of the Miami ; there 
collect provisions ; and making a feint on Detroit, cross the strait on 
the ice and invest Maiden. General Winchester was the first to ar- 
rive at the rendezvous, which he did after incredible privations on 
the part of his men. But he had scarcely reached the rapids, when, 
yielding to the entreaties of the citizens of Frenchtown for protection, 
he detached Colonel Lewis with seven hundred and fifty men to 
their relief. Lewis met and defeated a body of British and their 
savage allies. The news of this success transported those who had 
been left behind ; all were anxious to press forward and secure a 
portion of the glory; and accordingly, Winchester, with the remain- 
der, pushing on to Frenchtown, arrived and took post at that place 
on the 20th of January, 1813. The fatal error of thus placing him- 
self beyond sustaining distance from the main army, was exemplified 
the next day, when Proctor, at the head of fifteen hundred British 
and savages, attacked and defeated the Americans. Winchester 
was taken prisoner early in the action. A portion of his troops held 
out for some time longer, but finally capitulated. 

Now ensued a tragedy the remembrance of which will never be 
effaced from the popular mind. The uninjured Americans were im- 
mediately marched towards Maiden by their captors. The wounded, 
however, were left on the field, but with the understanding that they 
should be sent for the next day. But the following morning the In- 
dians broke in on these helpless men, and after murdering them, set 



36 BATTLE OF QUEENSTOWN. 

fire to the houses where they lay. This atrocious act which the Bn 
tish might easily have prevented, has been justly called the massacre o 
the River Raisin. Harrison, who had arrived at the rapids, hearini: 
of the capture of Winchester, deemed it advisable to retreat. He 
accordingly fell back to Carrying River, about midway between the 
Miami and Sandusky. The next month, however, finding that Proc- 
tor made no attempt at pursuit, he advanced again to the rapids, where 
he began the construction of Fort Meigs, destined to be subsequently 
celebrated for its two sieges. Thus ended what is called Harrison's 
winter campaign. It was quite as unfortunate as his autumnal one, 
and did little or nothing towards obliterating the disgrace of Hull's 
surrender. 

While these events had been transacting on the north-west frontier, 
others of scarcely less importance had been occurring on Lake Onta- 
rio. Here the population was comparatively dense. The govern- 
ment accordingly looked to this point as one where a decisive blow 
could be struck against the enemy. It was evidently to the advan- 
tage of the United States that the war should be waged on the soil 
of Canada, and hence the resolution was early taken to invade that 
territory. The American forces, guarding the northern frontier, were 
stationed at Plattsburgh, Buffalo, Sackett's Harbor, Black Rock, and 
Ogdensburg, the whole under the supreme command of Major-Gen- 
eral Dearborn. In addition to the regular army, however, thus dis- 
posed, the militia of New York, thirty-five hundred in number, were 
in the field, commanded by Major-General Van Rensselaer. These 
were posted at Lewistown. General Dearborn was ordered early in 
the season to assail the British, if for no other purpose than to pre- 
vent their sending succor to Maiden. The summer, however, passed 
in inactivity, Dearborn having, notwithstanding the orders from 
Washington, concluded an armistice with the Governor-General of 
Canada, based on a mutual belief that peace was at hand, in conse- 
quence of the repeal of the English orders in council. General Van 
Rensselaer, however, was disposed to be more active. A detach- 
ment of Americans having, on the 21st of September, captured a 
small village on the Canadian side, the enemy endeavored to reta- 
liate by an unsuccessful expedition against Ogdensburg. General 
Van Rensselaer, on this resolved to attack Queenstown. The enter- 
prise was undertaken on the 13th of October, and but for the cow- 
ardice of the militia would have resulted in a brilliant victory. It 
was on this occasion that General, then Colonel Scott, first distin- 
guished himself. 

The plan of the attack was as follows : — a corps of six hundred 



BATTLE OF QUEENSTOWN. 



37 



infantry, half of which were militia and half regulars, was, under 
cover of night, to cross the Niagara and carry the batteries by assault. 
The boats collected to transport the men proved insufficient, how- 
ever, and only a portion of the force was carried over to the British 
shore in time. One detachment, attempting to cross, was forced by 
the current under the guns of the enemy, and most of it captured. 
Meantime, however, Colonel Van Rensselaer, who led the pioneers, 
gallantly advanced on the foe with what forces he had ; but being 




BATTLE OF QUEENSTOWN. 



soon wounded, was forced to leave the field. The Americans dash- 
ed forward, nevertheless, and seized a height called the Mountain, 
whitherthey dragged an eighteen pounder and tvvomortars. The Bri- 
tish now fled to Queenstown. Here the fugitives were met and ral- 
lied by General Brock, who led them back to dispossess the Ameri- 
cans of the height. But Brock being mortally wounded, the British 
again fled. Some accessions of force, chiefly militia, under General 
Wads worth, finally made their appearance. 

At this crisis Colonel Scott reached the field of battle and took 
command of the United States troops, now reduced to about two 
hundred and fifty. Expecting to be reinforced from Lewistown, he 

IV 



3S THE CONSTITUTION AND THE GUERRIERE. 

drew up his men close to the ferry, in order to cover that important 
point. Here he manfully stood his ground, twice repulsing the Bri- 
tish and their Indian allies. At last, Major-General SheafTe, at the 
head of the neighboring garrison of Fort George, which had been 
aroused by the firing, arrived at the scene of contest. His forces 
numbered eight hundred and fifty. All hope of succor from the 
American side had meantime departed, for the militia, beholding 
the numbers of the British, were seized with alarm and refused to cross. 
Retreat was impossible, the boats all being on the American side. 
In consequence, after some desperate efforts at resistance, which 
proved unavailing, Scott was compelled to capitulate. The Ameri- 
cans suffered in killed, wounded and prisoners, one thousand men, a 
half of whom were regulars. The British loss is not known, though 
it was considerable. General Van Rensselaer, in consequence of 
this failure, shortly after resigned. In the death of Brock, the ene- 
my experienced a blow for which even victory could afford no com- 
pensation. Brock enjoyed one of the best reputations in the English 
army, and had been Wellington's competitor, a few years before, for 
the command in the peninsula. A sentiment of chivalrous respect in- 
duced the Americans to fire minute-guns from Fort Niagara during 
the funeral ceremonies of this hero. What more delightful than to 
record acts of courtesy like this, amid the forbidding incidents of a 
sanguinary war ! 

Other attempts were subsequently made to invade Canada by Ge- 
neral Smyth, the successor of Van Rensselaer. But the want of boats 
led' to. the failure of these projected expeditions. General Dearborn, 
whose head-quarters were at Greenbush, was not more successful ; 
and, though in command of a respectable force of regulars, suffered 
the autumn to pass in inactivity. In short, so complete had been the 
failure of our arms on land in this campaign, that but for the bril- 
liant success that attended us at sea, the spirit of the people would, 
perhaps, have given way. But, in the darkest hour of disaster, when 
the surrender of Detroit buried the nation in gloom, the victory of 
the Constitution over the Guerriere, suddenly blazed across the fir- 
mament, and inspired hope and exultation in every bosom. 

On the declaration of war, the prowess of England at sea was re- 
garded as so invincible, that the administration hesitated whether to 
send the national vessels from port. The American navy, in 1 8 1 2, con- 
sisted of ten frigates, of which five were laid up in ordinary ; ten 
sloops and smaller vessels; and one hundred and sixty-five useless 
gun boats. The representations of a few officers, however, who 
were confident of success, induced the President to allow a portion of 



THE CONSTITUTION AND THE GUERRIERE. 



3D 



this little navy to sail. One of the first of onr frigates to leave port was 
the Constitution. This vessel, commanded by Captain Isaac Hull, put 
to sea from Annapolis, on the 12th of July, 1S12, bound to New 
York. On her voyage, however, she fell in with a British fleet, from 
which she only escaped by incredible exertions of seamanship 
and skill. Being chased from her route, she went into Boston har- 
bor. By this accident Hull was prevented receiving an order that had 
been despatched to New York, directing him to give up the command 
of his ship. In a few days he sailed on a new cruise. On the 19th 
of August he met the Guerriere, Captain Dacres, an English frigate 
of slightly inferior force, and, after a sharp conflict of half an hour, 
compelled her to surrender. The loss of the Americans in thisaction 
was seven killed and seven wounded ; that of the British fifteen 
killed, sixty-two wounded, and twenty-four missing. The Guerriere 
was injured so materially that it was found impossible to carry her 
into port, and accordingly she was burned. This victory is attribu- 
ted in part to the heavier metal of the Constitution, but chiefly to the 
superior gunnery of her crew. Its effect on the public mind was 
electric. The triumph was regarded almost as a miracle. In the 
general exultation, the surrender of Detroit was almost forgotten ; 




THE CONSTITUTION AND THE GUERRIERE. 



and the spirits of the people were rallied, when otherwise they might 
have sunk into despair. 

The insane confidence of the British in their naval superiority had 
been exhibited a few days before, when Captain Porter, in the Ame- 



40 



AMERICAN NAVAL VICTORIES 



rican frigate Essex had been attacked by the British sloop of war 
Alert, a vessel of very inferior force. For her temerity, however, 
the Alert, in eight minutes had suffered so much from the fire of her 
enemy as to have seven feet of water in her hold. She surrendered 
of necessity, and was sent into New York. Other victories followed 
in rapid succession. On the 8th of October, the British sloop Fro- 




thk capture of the fk<u.ic by the wasp. 



lie, of twenty-two guns, was captured by the American sloop Wasp, 
Captain Jones, of eighteen guns. Seven days afterwards the frigate 
United States, Captain Decatur, being off the Western Islands, met 
the British frigate Macedonian, Captain Carden, and forced her to sur- 
render. The loss of the Macedonian was thirty-six killed and sixty- 
eight wounded ; that of the United States only four killed and seven 
wounded. Decatur carried the Macedonian into New York. On 
the 29th of December, the Constitution, now commanded by Captain 
Bainbridge, fell in with, and captured the British frigate Java, Cap- 
tain Lambert, off the coast of Brazil ; the Java losing sixty killed 
and more than one hundred wounded, while the loss on board the 
Constitution was but nine killed and twenty-five wounded. These 
series of successes had been attended with but few reverses. Only 
three national vessels had been lost, the Wasp, Vixen and Nautilus, 



CAPTURE OF YORKTOWN. 41 

of which the first, a sloop of war, was the largest. All of these ships, 
moreover, had surrendered to vastly superior forces. In addition to 
the victories of the regular marine, almost daily triumphs were 
achieved by the American privateers. It was computed, when Con- 
gress met in November, that two hundred and fifty British vessels 
had already fallen a prey to private cruizers. 

These successes determined the government to decline the offer 
of an armistice, tendered by Great Britain, unless that power would 
abandon her claim to impressment. The English Cabinet, however, 
refused to yield this point, and preparations were in consequence 
made to open the year 1813 with renewed activity. Twenty addi- 
tional regiments of infantry were ordered to be raised, and ten regi- 
ments of rangers ; while the greatest inducements were held out to 
enlist. It was resolved also to increase the navy. In a word, though 
our armies on land had met with almost universal defeat in 1812, it 
was hoped that in 1813 they would be attended by abetter fortune : 
and accordingly, a new plan for the invasion of Canada was pro- 
jected, under the especial direction of General Armstrong, the succes- 
sor of Dr. Eustice, as Secretary at War. 

The army on Lake Ontario was still commanded by General Dear- 
born. The plan of General Armstrong, as communicated to this 
General early in 1813, was to attack the British posts of Kingston, 
York, and Fort George, in succession — the reduction of the first 
being considered the most important, and therefore to be under- 
taken as a preliminary. General Dearborn, however, after consult- 
ing Commodore Chauncey, who commanded the fleet on Lake On- 
tario, resolved to begin with York. Accordingly, on the 27th of 
April, the fleet arrived off that place, and the troops being landed, 
the town was captured. Owing however to the explosion of the 
British fort, General Pike, who led the Americans, was killed, while 
two hundred of his men were either killed or wounded. General 
Dearborn having remained on board the fleet, and the officer who now 
succeeded to the command, being without orders, most of the 
fruits of the expedition were lost. The army next proceeded, 
though not until after various delays, to attack Fort George. On the 
27th of May that place was assailed, and captured, after a spir- 
ited resistance. A series of operations in the open field now ensued, 
which were attended generally with disgrace and failure to the 
Americans; and, in the end, General Dearborn recalled all his troops 
to the fort, which the British proceeded to invest. 

While this imbecile campaign was dragging along, a General 
born of the people blazed suddenly into notoriety. The circumstance 
iv* 6 



42 CAPTURE OF YORKTOWN. 

was this : On the 27th of May, an attack being made on the 
American post at Sackett's Harbor, General Brown, a militia officer 
of that neighborhood, placing himself at the head of the garrison, 
defeated the assailants. The gallantry and decision of Brown in this 
action, appeared the more conspicuous in contrast with the tardiness 
and want of ability displayed by Dearborn. The latter General was 
old, weak, and in bad health, and thus unfit, on many accounts, for 
his post. At last the public indignation rose to such a height, that 
he was recalled, and General Wilkinson appointed in his place. 

It is time now to return to the north-western frontier, where we 
left Harrison engaged in the construction of Fort Meigs. The cam- 
paign of 1813 was opened in this quarter, by the advance of Proctor 
against that post, in the latter part of April, at the head of two 
thousand British and Indians. Harrison being in hourly expectation 
of succor from Ohio, gallantly defended the place until the fifth of 
May, when General Clay arrived with the expected reinforcements. 
An unsuccessful attempt was now made to raise the siege. A few days 
later, Proctor finding the Indians dissatisfied, suddenly abandoned 
the enterprise, and embarking his artillery, retired towards Maiden. 
On the 20th of July another attempt was made on Fort Meigs, but 
after eight days, the siege was again given up. The enemy then 
sailed around to Sandusky Bay, in order to capture Fort Stephen- 
son, a post affording an inviting opportunity for capture, since it 
was garrisoned by only one hundred and fifty men. The comman- 
der, however, Major Croghan, was a young man of spirit, resolu- 
tion, and ambition. On the 1st of August, the British invested the 
fort, and on the second, after a heavy cannonade, advanced to as- 
sault it. But they were repulsed with such terrible loss, that they 
precipitately raised the seige, leaving behind their wounded. This 
gave Harrison an opportunity to contrast his humanity with that of 
Proctor. By the orders of the American General, the wounded Bri. 
tish soldiers were treated with the greatest kindness, an eloquent re- 
buke to the conduct of Proctor at the Raisin, where his negligence, 
if not his consent, led to the massacre of the Kentuckians. The 
brilliant defence of Fort Sandusky, in conjunction with that of 
Sackett's Harbor, assisted to rally the despondency of the nation, 
and prophetic minds saw in them, forebodings of future victories, 
which, in the succeeding year, were realized. 

From the period of his winter campaign on the Raisin, Harrison 
had urged upon government the necessity of a naval force on Lake 
Erie. He asserted that half the money expended in transporting 
supplies to the army as was necessary, for two hundred miles 



BATTLE OF LAKE ERIE. 



43 



through the wilderness, would build and equip a fleet which would 
give the United States the command of Lake Erie ; enable supplies 
to be procured at comparatively small expense ; and transport the 
army, if required, in a few hours to Canada. These views, at last, 
made an impression on the President, and two brigs, and several 
schooners were ordered to be built on Lake Erie. This fleet, being 
completed by the second of August, was entrusted to the comman t 
of Lieutenant Oliver Perry, an ardent, brave, and skilful young offi- 
cer. He immediately set sail in search of the enemy. He found the 
British fleet lying in the harbor of Maiden ; but the enemy refusing 
to come out and engage, Perry retired. On the 10th of September, 
the English squadron left its post, when the American commander 
promptly made sail to give battle. A change of wind prevented the 
enemy from declining the combat. The British fleet consisted of 
six vessels, carrying sixty-three guns; the American, of nine vessels, 




BATTLE OF LAKE ERIE. 



carrying fifty-four guns. The English, consequently, were rather 
superior. The action was warmly contested, and once nearly won 
by the enemy ; but the indomitable spirit of Perry was not to be 
subdued ; he fought on, and victory finally declared for him. The 
loss of the British was forty-one killed, and ninety-four wounded; 



44 BATTLE OF THE THAMES. 

that of the Americans, twenty -seven killed, and ninety-six wounded. 
By this victory, one of the most glorious in the annals of our conn 
try, the enemy was disheartened, and his fleet, on which he had de 
pendedfor supplies, destroyed. Every sagacious mind now saw that the 
British would be forced, in time, to evacuate, not only the American 
territory they occupied, but also a portion of Upper Canada. 

Meantime, a series of disasters was attending our arms on the 
St. Lawrence. General Dearborn, as we have seen, had been sus- 
pended by General Wilkinson ; and General Armstrong, the Secretary 
of War, had arrived in person, at the seat of operations, in order to 
superintend the campaign. But the new General was even worse 
than the last. If Dearborn was superannuated, Wilkinson was vain, 
as well as old. On the 21st of October he began the descent of the 
St. Lawrence, his intention being to attack Montreal, after forming 
a junction with General Hampton, who was to advance from Lake 
Champlain. The late period of the year however, bringing incle- 
ment weather, delayed the progress of the troops. At last, after a 
delay of two weeks, the army left Lake Ontario, and entered the 
St. Lawrence. A few days subsequently, the indecisive battle of Wil- 
liamsburgh was fought, and shortly after, on Hampton's declaring 
his inability to reach the rendezvous, Wilkinson abandoned the en- 
terprise. A bold leader would have advanced, nothwithstanding 
his disappointment. Wilkinson's only excuse for his conduct, is that 
he was enfeebled, both in mind and body, by sickness. The dis- 
graceful termination of this expedition ultimately produced the resig- 
nation of both Wilkinson and Armstrong. The disasters on the 
northern frontier did not, however, cease with this failure. On the 
10th of December, the Americans abandoned and blew up Fort 
George, and in retiring, burnt the Canadian village of Newark. On 
the 15th, the invaders were pursued to their own soil, Fort Niagara 
captured by surprise, and the neighboring villages of Lewis- 
town, Youngstown, and Manchester, consumed in retaliation for the 
destruction of Newark. Subsequently, Black Rock and Buffalo 
were also attacked by the British, and given to the flames. In the 
north-west, however, our arms had been more successful. The vic- 
tory of Perry having opened the road into Canada, Harrison, on the 
27th of September, 1813, embarked his troops, and landed the same 
day in the British territories. Proctor, who, since the defeat of the 
English fleet, had acted like one stupified with fear, immediately 
abandoned Maiden, and began a disgraceful flight. On the 5th of 
October, Harrison overtook the retreating General, and the battle of 
the Thames ensued, in which the combined British and Indian force 



BRITISH ATROCITIES. 45 

was defeated. Proctor was one of the first to fly. His savage ally, 
Tecumseh, fought with more resolution, and stoutly disputed the 
day, until he fell, covered with wounds. The loss in this hattle was 
comparatively slight. The Americans suffered, in killed and wound- 
ed, only twenty-nine ; the British and savages, about sixty-four. By 
this victory of the Thames, the whole territory surrendered by Gene- 
ral Hull was recovered, while a large portion of Canada was wrested 
from the British crown, and retained until the end of the war. 
Nor was this all ; the power of the savages having been thus 
broken, they were not able again to rally, and henceforth the British 
had to conduct the war alone. 

While success on the Canadian frontier had been fluctuating in 
this manner between the Americans and British, though, on the 
whole, inclining to the latter, the people of the Middle States were 
kept in a state of continual alarm by predatory incursions from the 
enemy's fleet. In December, 1812, the Atlantic coast, from the 
Chesapeake to Rhode Island, had been declared in a state of 
blockade. Immediately, the British ships on the seaboard, com- 
menced a harassing warfare on the exposed settlements. An attack 
made on Lewistown, near the mouth of the Delaware Bay, proved 
indeed, unsuccessful ; but in the Chesapeake, the depredations of 
the enemv, under Admiral Cockburn, spread terror on every hand. 
Nothing was too petty for this marauder to assail. Farm-houses 
were plundered ; country-seats burned ; and villages sacked, under 
his personal superintendence. Frenchtown, Havre de Grace, Fre- 
derickstown, and Georgetown, were laid in ashes. But at Norfolk, 
the enemy met with a repulse. Irritated at this however, the Bri- 
tish assailed Hampton, a town about eighteen miles distant, and 
having succeeded in capturing it, committed there the most revolting 
crimes. Subsequently, the shores of North Carolina were ravaged by 
Cockburn. The burning of Newark formed the excuse for these 
atrocities. Another circumstance in addition to these successful maraud- 
ing expeditions, tended to depress the public confidence. The naval 
successes of 1813 were less numerous, and with the exception of 
Perry's victory, less brilliant than in 1812, though the year had 
opened auspiciously. On the 23d of February, Captain Lawrence, 
in the Hornet, a sloop of war, captured the British brig of war, Pen- 
guin, Captain Peake. So shattered was the enemy's ship by the 
fire of the Hornet, that she sunk before her crew could all be remov- 
ed, carrying down with her nine Englishmen and three Americans. 
For this victory, Lawrence was promoted to the frigate Chesapeake, 
then in the port of Boston. He had scarcely taken command of his 



4G 



NAVAL BATTLES. 



new ship, before Captain Brock, of the British frigate Shannon 
cruizing off Boston harbor, sent in a challenge for the Chesapeake 
to come out and fight the Shannon. Ardent, young, and confident, 
Lawrence left his anchorage on the first of June, and proceeded to 
meet the foe. In the battle that followed, the American frigate was 
captured, with a loss of ninety-seven wounded, and seventy-eight 
killed — among the latter, the Captain. The British loss was twen- 
ty-four killed, and fifty-six wounded ; Captain Brock being among 
the latter. The success of the enemy was owing to his crew being 
composed of picked men, while that of Lawrence was in a state 
of almost open mutiny. This loss of the Chesapeake happening 
almost in sight of Boston, affected the nation with a profound senti- 
ment of despondency ; and there were even those who now began to 
assert that our former naval victories had been accidents, and that 
hereafter, England would defeat us on sea, as universally as she had 
done on land. 

However, other successes on the ocean soon brought the public 
mind back to a more healthy tone. In August the Argus, brig-of-war, 
commanded by Captain Allen, boldly entered the British channel, and 
in a short time captured vessels and cargoes to the amount of two 
millions of dollars. Such was the terror created by her depredations 




THE ENTERPRISE AXD THE BOXER. 



that insurances could scarcely be effected at any price in London. 
The government hastened to despatch various cruizers against the 
Argus, one of which, the Pelican, of superior force, finally fell in 



BATTLE OF TALLUSHATCHEE. 47 

with and captured her. The defence of the Argus was desperate, 
and only terminated by the fall of her Captain, and the approach of 
an enemy's frigate. On the 4th of September, the American brig-of- 
war, Enterprise, Lieutenant Burrows, took the British brig-of-war. 
Boxer, of equal force, and thus again changed the fortune of war. 
On the whole, however, our naval success in 1813, was inferior to 
what it had been during 1812 ; and that unlimited confidence in our 
naval prowess, which had begun to characterize the Americans, 
yielded to uneasy doubts. While the failures on the St. Lawrence, 
and the equal nature of the strife at sea thus filled the public mind 
with uneasiness, the breaking out of a war among the Creeks of 
Georgia, affording a new element of danger, led, for a time, to almost 
general gloom. 

The Indians of the south had early shown a taste for civilized 
pursuits, and become thriving agriculturalists. Some traces of their 
original savage natures, however, remained uneradicated, and 
these were easily re-awakened, when Tecumseh, in the spring 
of IS 12, visited them to instigate to war. In September of 
that year, accordingly, an attack was made on a party of Georgia 
volunteers, who, after a sharp conflict, were forced to retreat. 
On receiving intelligence of this event, General Jackson, at the head 
of twenty-five hundred Tennessee volunteers, was ordered out, 
and in consequence, the Creeks were, for a time, awed into quiet. 
But, on the 30th of August, 1813, a body of Indians suddenly at- 
tacked Fort Mimmns, in Alabama, and having fired the houses built 
around the enclosure, massacred the garrison and other inmates as 
they rushed from the flames. About three hundred settlers, alarmed 
by the disturbed condition of the country, had taken refuge in the 
fort, and these all fell, except seventeen, who managed to escape. 
The savages followed up this blow by laying waste the neighboring 
country, and murdering the peaceable inhabitants. Encouraged by 
these successes, the whole Creek nation rushed to arms, and the 
people of Georgia, Alabama and even Tennessee, began to tremble 
for property and life. 

An army of thirty-five hundred men was promptly raised to chas- 
tise the savages. At the head of this army was placed General Jack- 
son. He immediately marched into the Indian country, and on the 
9th of November, 181 3,despatched General Coffee, with nine hundred 
men, against a body of Indians, collected at Tallushatchee. A com- 
plete victory was gained by the Americans, and at a loss of only 
five killed and forty wounded. The enemy fought with desperate 
valor,and protracted the contest until nearly all his warriors perished, 
over one hundred and eighty being left dead on the field. On the 



48 BATTLE OF EMUCKFAU. 

9th of December, General Jackson, in person, met another body of the 
Indians at Talledega, and cut them to pieces, after a terrible encoun- 
ter. More than three hundred of the enemy were killed ; while but 
fifteen Americans were killed, and eighty wounded. After this bat- 
tle, General Jackson was forced to remain inactive for a time, in conse- 
quence of the want of provisions and of a mutiny among his troops. 
But, meanwhile, General White, at the head of another body of mi- 
litia, had attacked the principal towns of the Hillabee tribe, which 
he destroyed, killing sixty warriors, and making two hundred and 
fifty prisoners. Almost simultaneously, the Georgia militia, under 
General Floyd, at the Autossee town on Tallapoosa river, obtained 
a decisive victory over the Indians, killing two hundred, with a loss 
of but eleven Americans killed, and fifty-four wounded. 

The bloody tragedy continued without intermission during the 
rest of 1813, and up to the spring of 1814. As it is but a repetition 
of sanguinary battles, let us hasten to its close. On the 21st of Janu- 
ary, 1814, the savages, recovering confidence, attacked General Jack- 
son at Emuckfau, but were again defeated, with great slaughter. 
On the 27th, they also assailed the camp of General Floyd, with 
like ill-success. The Americans did not follow up these advan- 
tages, however, until spring, being prevented from active mea- 
sures by the want of provisions. But on the 14th of March, Gene- 
ral Jackson began to advance a second time into the Creek territory. 
On the 27th, he fought the decisive battle of the Horse-Shoe-Bend, in 
which near six hundred of the savages perished. The American 
loss was fifty-five killed and one hundred and forty-six wounded. 
This action terminated the war. The strength of the Indians had 
been completely prostrated in this last struggle, and being utterly 
unable to make another stand, they sued for peace. In all these ac- 
tions the savages had fought with the most heroic obstinacy, gener- 
ally refusing quarter ; and, at the close of hostilities, many, disdain- 
ing to submit, sullenly retired to Florida, where, in secret, they 
brooded over revenge. 

The conditions on which the United States granted peace, were 
liberal, considering the unprovoked nature of the war, and the almost 
uninterrupted success which had attended the American arms. All 
the prisoners on both sides were to be restored. As the war had 
prevented the Indians planting corn, and the nation would be con- 
sequently in a state of starvation, the United States agreed to furnish 
the necessaries of life until the famine should be over. In conside- 
ration of these things the Creeks ceded a portion of their territory 



NORTH-WESTERN FRONTIER. 49 

sufficient to indemnify the United States for the expensesof the war. 
It was furtherstipulatedthatroadsshonldbeopened through the Creek 
territory ; that the navigation of the Creek rivers should be free ; and 
that the United States should have the right to establish military 
posts and trading houses within the Creek boundaries. 

We have thus followed the course of events during the years 1812 
and 1813; and beheld, on every side, far more disasters than victo- 
ries. The task has been an uninviting one. With the exception of 
the victory at Fort Stephenson, an incessant torrent of misfortune 
had characterized the operations in the north-west, up to the victory 
of Perry on Lake Erie. First, Detroit had surrendered ; then Har- 
rison's autumnal campaign had failed ; afterwards had come the 
massacre of the Raisin; and, finally, to crown this climax of defeat, 
the American army, instead of recovering Michigan, was compelled 
to fall back and entrench itself at Fort Meigs. The first half of the 
year 1813 passed without any victories to compensate for these dis- 
asters. It is true, Fort Meigs twice repulsed the enemy, but this 
was only a negative success, and did not satisfy the people, who had 
expected the army to advance into Canada. At last the prospect began 
to brighten. After great exertions, a large army was collected on 
the shores of Lake Erie, and Perry having obtained his victory, there 
followed the invasion of the enemy's territory, the battle of the 
Thames, the recovery of Michigan, and the utter destruction of 
the hostile Indian confederacy ! 

But on Lake Ontario and the St. Lawrence, misfortune still at- 
tended our arms. What few advantages had been obtained over 
the enemy in this part of Canada, were lost before the close of 1813, 
and the most cheerless prospect presented itself to the people on that 
frontier. Our armies had been universally defeated ; our oldest and 
most tried Generals had failed ; and our soil had been profaned and 
our villages burned by the victorious enemy. Instead of being the 
invaders we had become the invaded. These triumphs over us had 
been gained by a comparatively small number of the British forces ; 
for occupied with the closing struggles of Napoleon, England had 
been unable to spare but few of her veteran troops. But the con- 
test in Europe was evidently drawing to a close. Before many 
months, Great Britain, disengaged from her continental foe, would 
be at liberty to inundate our shores with fifty thousand veterans. 
These considerations filled all reflecting minds with alarm. It was 
to be feared, that, with such superior advantages, England would not 
only regain what she had lost in the north-west, but carry her vic- 
v 7 



50 



REFLECTIONS ON THE WAR. 



torious arms permanently into New York. The prospect, indeed, 
was dark and threatening. Was it eternal night setting in, or only 
the gloom that precedes the dawn ? 

Indeed, even at this day, the historian cannot look back upon that 
period, without melancholy feelings. Millions of money had been 
spent, and thousands of lives sacrificed, yet scarcely a gleam of vic- 
tory had irradiated the dark tempest of disaster. But the heroic re- 
solution to continue the struggle remained, and while that was left 
all hope had not yet departed. The nation, at that epoch, reminds 
us of some defeated army, which has sunk down exhausted, amid 
the gloom and horror of the battle-field, to snatch a short repose be- 
fore renewing the desperate contest on the morrow. Only a prophe- 
tic eye could see light breaking across the ruin. 





BATTLE OF CHIPPEWA. 



BOOK III. 



TO THE CLOSE OF THE CONTEST. 

EFORE resuming the narrative of military 
events, we will turn aside to consider the 
financial condition of the country, and other 
J/k matters important to be known for a full un- 
derstanding of the contest. 

The two years of war which had now 
elapsed had cost the nation immense sums. 
By carrying on the contest at a distance from 
the thickly settled portions of the country, the 
expenses had been much increased, and in some instances were al- 
most appalling. Each barrel of flour for Harrison's army was esti- 
mated to have cost a hundred dollars. Of four thousand pack-horses 
employed in the autumn of 1812 to transport supplies to that Gene- 
ral, but eight hundred were alive at the end of the ensuing winter, 
and the nation paid for all that perished. The expenses of the war 

on Lake Ontario were less frightful, though even there thev swelled 

51 




.52 TAXATION. 

to an amount that was almost incredible. It cost a thousand dollars 
for every cannon conveyed to Sackett's Harbor. To build the fleets 
on the lakes absorbed immense amounts. The sum expended on 
Lake Ontario for this purpose alone was nearly two millions of dol- 
lars. These vast outlays necessarily embarrassed the public finances, 
especially as the war had been begun with an impoverished treasury. 
Before Congress adjourned, after the declaration of hostilities, a bill 
had been passed, allowing the President to issue treasury notes to 
the amount of five millions of dollars ; and one of its first acts on re- 
assembling in November, was to authorize a further issue of five 
millions, and to empower him to borrow sixteen millions in addition. 

These measures being found insufficient to provide for the rapidly 
increasing expenses of the contest, and the revenue from the customs 
being cut off almost entirely, it became necessary to adopt other ex- 
pedients, and accordingly, on the 22nd of July, IS 13, Congress passed 
an act for levying direct taxes and internal duties. The direct tax 
was, at first, fixed at three millions, but in January, IS 1.5, it was in- 
creased to six. The average duration of the war taxes was three 
years. The nett proceeds were about five millions three hundred 
thousand dollars annually. These taxes continued to be increased, 
from time to time, until the declaration of peace, after which they 
were gradually diminished until they ceased altogether. It is 
honorable to the nation to record that never were taxes paid 
more promptly, though specie payments being suspended, money 
was scarce and the currency in a most deranged condition. In addi- 
tion to these taxes, Congress, between the years 1S12 and 1S15, au- 
thorized loans to the amount of ninety millions, most of which were 
received in a depreciated currency, and never at an interest of less 
than six per cent. During the war the issue of treasury notes to the 
amount of forty millions also was authorized. At the close of the 
contest the national debt was increased nearly one hundred millions. 
In consequence of these enormous liabilities the credit of the federal 
government sunk so low that treasury notes depreciated to seventeen 
per cent, and the loans to thirty per cent, below par. During all 
this period the commercial world was plunged in distress. Coin dis- 
appeared from circulation, and was replaced by a paper currency, 
frequently of the most worthless kind. The ruin of private fortunes 
was frequent. Yet, on the whole, the people bore their calamities 
with cheerfulness, never forgetting that they, rather than the 
government, were the true authors of the war ! 

We have already alluded to the fact that England, for the first 
two years of the contest, depended chiefly on the savages to fight 



GENERAL DEARBORN. 53 

her battles. This was, in part, the result of necessity. Her minister 
at Washington, Mr. Foster, had so completely mistaken public sen- 
timent, in the United States, as to believe that there existed no dan- 
ger of a war, and accordingly his government, relying on these as- 
surances, made little or no preparation for the crisis. Hence, when 
Congress declared hostilities, the British had but five thousand troops 
in Canada. Alarmed at the consequence of his error, Mr. Foster 
hastened to obviate them by a trick ; and it was at his secret insti- 
gation that Sir George Prevost applied for and obtained the armis- 
tice with General Dearborn, to which we have before alluded. This 
armistice, it is true, was immediately disavowed by Mr. Madison ; 
but in the meantime it had served its purpose ; for as the agreement 
did not extend to the upper lakes, Brock had hastened thither, and 
in consequence Detroit had been captured. The disgrace attending 
the fall of that place, made it a point of honor that it should be re-ta- 
ken ; and hence more importance was attached to its re-capture than 
it, perhaps, deserved. It is almost certain that if the sums which 
were expended in recovering Michigan, had been applied to fitting 
out an expedition against Halifax, that important naval depot might 
have become ours in the first year of the war, and a blow been 
struck at England which would have staggered her, notwithstand- 
ing her colossal strength ! 

There is another consideration which increases the regret of the 
historian, when he reflects on this unfortunate armistice. It was the 
cause of a long period of inactivity, fatal not only to the health, but 
to the spirits of the army. The war on Lake Ontario having begun 
in a languishing way, was continued in the same manner for nearly 
two years ; for the troops who were to conduct it had been ruined, 
as it were, by the inactivity of the first three months. Had Dearborn, 
on the declaration of hostilities, dashed boldly across into Canada, 
he would have carried everything before him. A leader like Brown, 
or Scott, or Jackson, would, at that period, have been invaluable. 
The comparatively small numbers of the enemy would have render- 
ed his resistance unavailing, and the prestige of success once obtain- 
ed, our soldiers would have won victories subsequently as of course ! 
More men in Dearborn's command died of diseases contracted from 
inactivity, than would have fallen in all the battles necessary to 
wrest Canada from the British arms. The weakness, imbecility, and 
want of energy which characterized the leaders, soon descended to 
the soldiers ; and hence it was that Wilkinson's army, the finest 
of the war, effected nothing. Timidity in the General breeds cow- 
ardice in the men. 



54 NEGOTIATIONS FOR PEACE. 

The awe in which the enemy's prowess was held, was not unknown 
to him, as we have seen in narrating the operations that led to the 
surrender of Detroit. The old arrogance of England now displayed 
itself in consequence in a claim as absurd, as it was tyrannical. On 
the capture of Colonel Scott's regulars at Queenstown, those who 
had been born subjects of his majesty, were selected from the pri- 
soners, and sent to England, there to be tried for bearing arms 
against their King. This conduct, though sought to be defended by 
the doctrine of allegiance, was an outrage of the most atrocious cha- 
racter, since many of the men were not only Irishmen, and hence 
unwilling subjects of Great Britain, but had become legal citizens 
of the United States. The behaviour of England in this affair, was 
no less absurd than unjust, for she could not but know that the Uni- 
ted States would retaliate. Colonel Scott, on his exchange, immedi- 
ately represented the case of these men to the Federal Government, 
which promptly issued orders that the British soldiers taken by our 
armies, should be held responsible for any injury inflicted on the 
prisoners of Queenstown. The English ministry, threatened in reply, 
that if a single British soldier suffered, an American officer should be 
sacrificed for every such soldier. But the United States, regardless 
of this, maintained a firm attitude. For a while the prisoners on both 
sides, below the rank of captain, inclusive, were treated harshly ; but 
in the spring of 1814, the enemy set the example of relaxing, and the 
dispute was finally terminated, by the release of Scott's soldiers. 
The attitude assumed by England in this affair, would not, perhaps, 
have been attempted towards any other civilized power. That some 
of our citizens were found to defend it, proved that the colonial 
habit of submission had not yet entirely left us. 

Nor indeed was the administration of Mr. Madison wholly free 
from that belief in the invincibility of England, which had led to so 
many disasters on land, and had, in part, invited this arrogance. 
From a war, forced on it by the people, it was extremely anxious to 
escape. Mr. Gallatin, the then most prominent member of the Cabi- 
net, was eager for peace. Mr. Monroe, one of the warmest friends 
of the Government, declared that " we ought to get out of the war 
as soon as we could." Mr. Madison himself, had not favored hos- 
tilities, and was desirous to secure peace as soon as possible ; but the 
conflict having once begun, he objected to any terms of conciliation 
which did not afford redress for all our old complaints. Hence, 
when Admiral Warren arrived at Halifax, in September, 1812, hav- 
ing been sent out principally to arrange an accommodation, the Pre- 
sident rejected the offered olive branch, because Great Britain re- 



NEGOTIATIONS FOR PEACE. 55 

fused to abandon her claim to impressment. The terms on which 
the United States were willing to treat, were a repeal of the orders 
in council, no revival of paper blockades, the cessation of impress- 
ments, and the immediate release of all American seamen from Bri- 
tish ships. England, on her part, rejected these conditions, and the 
war consequently went on. But the negotiations had not been with- 
out their effect on military operations, which, as we have seen, lan- 
guished on Lake Ontario during the whole autumn of 1812. 

Another abortive attempt at a reconciliation came in the following 
year, from an unexpected quarter. On the 20th of September, 1813, 
the Russian Government, then in close alliance with Great Britain, 
offered itself as a mediator between the belligerants. This was, in 
part, attributable to the diplomatic skill of Mr. Adams, the minister of 
the United States, at the court of St. Petersburg; in part the result of the 
Emperor's anxiety to secure for his subjects those commercial advan- 
tages which hostilities between the two greatest maritime powers on the 
globe prevented. This offer of mediation was rejected in London as 
soon as made known, the English ministry declining to submit to 
mediation, differences which they declared involved the internal go- 
vernment of Great Britain. In the United States, however, the ten- 
der was promptly accepted, and Messrs. Gallatin and Bayard ap- 
pointed envoys, to unite with Mr. Adams in negotiating a peace. 
As ail these gentlemen had been opposed to the war, their selection 
was pregnant with meaning, and men were now confident that 
peace would speedily be declared. The embassy arrived in the 
Baltic on the 21st of June, 1S13, but met with disappointment. Eng- 
land, on the 1st of September, after again declining the mediation, 
offered, however, to appoint persons to hold conferences with the 
American embassy, and named Gottenburg as a suitable place for 
the meeting. As the Commissioners of the United States had no 
authority to treat, except under the mediation of Russia, it became 
necessary to await new powers, which did not reach Europe until 
the Spring of 1814. There can be no question but that the eager- 
ness shown by the United States for peace, frustrated its own wishes. 
Moreover, in proportion as this country grew more anxious for a re- 
conciliation, England became freed from her continental struggle, 
and more able to punish us. Hence, as our offers rose, her demands 
increased. But a re-action was now about to begin, which, in the 
short space of six months, was to make her as willing to accept as 
she had before been arrogant to decline our terms. 

The difficulty in the way of Mr. Madison's prosecution of the war, 
from the outset, had been the attitude of the New England states. 



56 DISAFFECTION OF NEW ENGLAND. 

This wealthy, intelligent and influential section of the Union had al- 
ways been opposed to hostilities ; and had gone so far as to refuse 
to order out its militia on the requisition of the President. In other 
ways, also, the New England states sought to embarrass military 
operations. In a republic like this, where public sentiment is the 
main spring of all movements, the influence wielded by the most in- 
telligent portion of the Union must ever be great. Hence, the senti- 
ments of New England made converts throughout the whole coun- 
try, especially in northern and western New York, where a large 
portion of the inhabitants were of New England origin. A .favorite 
doctrine of those who opposed the war, was that the President had 
no right to employ militia for purposes of invasion ; and hence it fre- 
quently happened at the most critical emergencies, that this species 
of force refused to cross into Canada. This occurred at the battle of 
Queenstown. The knowledge of the prevailing sentiment in New 
England induced Great Britain, during the first two years virtually 
to exempt that section of the Union from hostilities. Meantime, a thri- 
ving traffic was carried on with Halifax, by the disaffected states; 
and large quantities of American flour were landed at that port, 
almost weekly ; at a time, too, when the article was scarce in the 
United States. To check this species of treasonable commerce, Con- 
gress, in December, 1813, passed an embargo law, but the trade still 
continued to exist, notwithstanding; and accordingly, in April, the 
useless interdict was repealed. The hostility of New England to- 
wards the war had such an influence on the earlier stages of its pro- 
gress, as to induce the retort on Dr. Eustis, Secretary of War, and 
himself from Boston, " that if New England had not been disaffect- 
ed, the United States could have taken Canada, the first year, by 
contract" 

But, towards the close of 1813, sentiments in New England began 
to change. Nothing exercised a greater influence in producing this 
wholesome alteration than the barbarities committed by Admiral 
Cochrane, in the Chesapeake, but especially at Hampton. Hitherto 
it had been said in New England that we were the aggressors ; but 
after this invasion of our soil, and its attendant atrocities, public 
opinion turned. It was on this occasion that Henry Clay, then 
speaker of the House of Representatives, distinguished himself by 
one of those bursts of indignant eloquence, for which he was famed. 
Leaving the chair, he offered a resolution for the appointment of a 
committee to inquire into the departures of the enemy from the laws 
of war and humanity, and to embody a narrative of these outrages 
in a public document to challenge the attention of all civilized na- 



GENERAL BROWN. 57 

tions. The motion was carried, and in accordance with it a report 
made, which exercised an important influence in revolutionizing pub- 
lic sentiment and inciting the nation to a vigorous prosecution of 
the war. 

The blockade of the New England coasts in the spring of 1814, 
conduced also to this result. A British squadron seized Eastport, 
in Maine, and retained it until theclose of the war. In April a squadron 
of the enemy ascended the Connecticut, river as far as Pittipaug Point, 
set on fire the village, and burned over twenty vessels that had taken 
refuge there. In August, the town of Stonington, towards the eastern 
extremity of Long Island Sound, was bombarded for three days, by 
Commodore Hardy, but without success. In September, the whole 
coast of Maine, from the Penobscot to Passamaquoddy Bay, was 
seized by the enemy, and a proclamation issued by him, declaring 
it conquered, and requiring the submission of the inhabitants to the 
British government. These successive outrages on its own soil roused 
the indignation of New England. The spirit of hostility there was 
still further increased, in the summer of 1814, by the invasion of the 
enemy along the route of Lake Champlain. 

We have thus traced the causes why it happened that, just as Eng- 
land was prepared to turn her undivided strength against the United 
States, the latter, for the first time during the war, became compe- 
tent for the struggle, and united in favor of its prosecution. At the 
moment when Great Britain loomed more colossal than ever across 
the Atlantic, the American republic, like a young Sampson, whose 
locks had grown again, stepped forth to the combat. In 1S13, imbe- 
cile Generals, undisciplined troops, and divisions among the people 
had produced a harvest of defeat ; but when the campaign opened 
in 1S14, all this had changed. Younger and abler leaders were at 
the head of the army ; the soldiers had been so thoroughly drilled 
as to be almost veterans ; and the Union was united. Added to 
this, the imposing attitude of the enemy called up each latent sinew 
on our part. It was felt by every American that, if the republic was 
defeated in another campaign, consequences the most disastrous, if 
not fatal, would ensue. 

Wilkinson had been succeeded in his command by General Izard ; 
but the latter,in the active measures of the campaign, gave place to Ge- 
neral Brown. This leader belonged to a new school in war. To seek 
the enemy, to fight him at odds, never to think of retreat, these 
maxims which are now cardinal points in the creed of an American 
army, first originated with General Brown. In this species of war- 
fare he was ably sustained by General Scott, his second in command. 

8 



58 



BATTLE OF LUNDl's LANE. 



Resolving to take the initiative, General Brown, on the 2nd of July 
at midnight, embarked his troops from Black Rock, to attack Fort 
Erie. In the grey of the morning the astonished garrison beheld the 
Americans drawn up ready for an assault ; and knowing that resist- 
ance would be useless against such an overwhelming force, imme- 
diately surrendered. General Brown now pushed forward to Chip- 
pewa, where it was understood the British, under General Riall, 
were posted, to the number of three thousand. Here, on the 5th of 
July, the battle of Chippewa was fought, in which the enemy was 
signally defeated. The loss of the British, in this action, was one 
hundred and thirty-three killed, three hundred and twenty wounded, 
and forty-six missing. The Americans lost sixty killed and two 
hundred and sixty-eight wounded and missing. The English troops 
in that portion of Canada now hastened to concentrate. On the 25th 
of July, General Brown, being informed that a detachment of the 
enemy had invaded the American soil, hurried General Scott for- 




BATTLK OF LUNDY'S LANE. 



ward to attack the forts at the mouth of the Niagara, hoping by this 
diversion, to recall the foe to the Canadian shore. General Scott at 
the head of about thirteen hundred men only, came suddenly across 
a superior force, of the enemy at Lundy's Lane, under Generais 
Drummond and Riall. Disdaining to retire, a sanguinary battle en- 



BATTLE OF FORT ERIE. 59 

sued, which he maintained alone for two hours, until the arrival of 
General Brown with the remainder of the army. The latter officer 
immediately drew General Scott's brigade out of action, and com- 
mitted the contest to that of Ripley, which was fresh. The height 
at the head of the lane, where the enemy had posted a battery, and 
which was the key of his position, was now gallantly carried by 
Colonel Miller, under the orders of General Brown. Several unsuc- 
cessful efforts were made by the foe to regain this elevation. The 
combat, which began before dark, raged until midnight. By this 
time both Generals Brown and Scott had been wounded and forced 
to retire from the field. The command now devolved on General 
Ripley. The enemy being repulsed, Ripley concluded to retire to 
camp, whence, after refreshing his men, he was directed to march by 
daylight, and engage the foe. But, finding the enemy's force had 
been much increased during the night, Ripley thought it advisable 
to retreat, and accordingly retired to Fort Erie, destroying the 
bridges as he went. The loss of the British at Lundy's Lane was 
eighty-five killed, five hundred and fifty-five wounded, and two hun- 
dred and thirty-four missing. The Americans lost in killed, wounded 
and missing, eight hundred and sixty. 

Arrived at the fort, Ripley used the greatest exertions to strengthen 
its defences, before the enemy should arrive. On the 4th of August, 
General Drummond came up, and invested the place with five thou- 
sand men. The garrison was but sixteen hundred, commanded by 
General Gaines, who had been sent by General Brown to supersede 
Ripley. Having drawn their lines of circumvallation closer and 
closer, until, on the 13th of August, they had arrived within four 
hundred yards of the fort, the British began a furious bombardment 
and cannonade. At last, on the 15th, the enemy at two in the 
morning, advanced in three columns to assault the place. The con- 
flict was long and desperate. The British, at one time, obtained a 
lodgment in the fort, but were eventually driven out again, with 
great slaughter. The loss of the enemy was computed at nine hun- 
dred and fifteen. The American loss was only eighty-four. A 
fortnight afterwards, General Brown, having recovered partially 
from his wounds, arrived, and assumed command. Finding that the 
British continued to push forward the approaches, General Brown 
resolved to make a sortie, destroy the batteries, and cut off the ad- 
vanced division of the enemy. This bold undertaking was crowned 
with the most brilliant success. In thirty minutes, the Americans 
destroyed the labor of forty-seven days, took three hundred and 
eighty prisoners, and left five hundred of the enemv killed or 



60 EXPEDITION TO DISMEMBER THE UNION. 

wounded on the field. The loss of General Brown was seventy-nine 
killed, two hundred and thirty-two wounded, and two hundred and 
sixteen missing. On the night of the 21st, the British raised the 
siege, and retired with their whole army. The Americans, how- 
ever, soon after abandoned Fort Erie of their own accord, and trans- 
porting themselves to the other shore, terminated the third invasion 
of Canada. This was done under the orders of General Izard, who, 
arriving at head quarters on the 9th of October, took command as 
superior officer. 

In the meantime, an expedition had been projected by the 
enemy, to dismember the Union by an invasion along the line of 
Lake Champlain. The scheme was not unlike that proposed by 
Burgoyne in the revolutionary war ; and, as at that time, the English 
officers boasted of the certainty of success. It was thought a portion 
of New York or New England, might be permanently annexed to 
the British crown ; and there were even those among the enemy 
who believed that the city of New York itself, would be captured by 
the expedition. The force collected for the purpose, boasted, indeed, 
threatening numbers. Napoleon having abdicated at Fontainbleau. 
in April, and the British troops in Europe being left without em- 
ployment, large detachments of them were shipped to Canada, where 
they arrived during the months of July and August, 1814, to the 
number of thirty -five thousand. After garrisoning the various posts, 
and despatching reinforcements to the Niagara, there remained about 
fourteen thousand men, with whom the British General marched on 
Plattsburg, a town on the river Saranac, near its junction with 
Lake Champlain. 

The whole force of the Americans left here, was but fifteen hun- 
dred, commanded by Brigadier General Macomb ; for General 
Izard, a few days before, had carried off with him most of the troops 
to Niagara. But Macomb was equal to the emergency : his genius 
made up for the want of soldiers. On the 6th of September, the 
enemy appeared before Plattsburg. After some sharp skirmishing, 
Macomb retired across the Saranac, to an entrenched camp on the 
opposite shore, tearing up the planks of the bridge as he retreated, 
and with them strengthening his defences. The enemy, attempting 
to follow him, was repulsed. From this day, until the 11th, the 
British contented themselves with erecting batteries opposite 
Macomb's position. Meantime, the foe was busily engaged in fitting 
out a fleet, with the intention of capturing that of McDonough, 
lying in Plattsburg bay. On the 18th, the English squadron appeared 
in sight, and bearing down on the American fleet, began the action. 



BURNING OF THE CAPITOL. 61 

Simultaneously, the land forces of the enemy attempted to carry 
Macomb's position, but were repulsed at every point of attack. 
Finally, the British ships being captured, and night approaching, 
the battle ceased. As soon as darkness had settled on the landscape, 
the enemy precipitately abandoned the field, and began a retreat. 
Thus, at the head of fifteen hundred regulars, and three thousand 
militia, Macomb defeated an army fourteen thousand strong, coin- 
posed of the very elite of the conquerors of the Peninsula. The loss 
of the American land forces was only ninety-nine, that of the fleet, 
one hundred and ten. The British squadron lost in killed, wounded, 
prisoners, and missing, one thousand and fifty ; their army was di- 
minished by the same casualties, at least twenty-five hundred. 

In another quarter of the United States, however, an invasion of 
the enemy was more successful. In August, an expedition destined 
to act against Washington appeared in the Chesapeake, and having 
effected a landing at Benedict, on the Patuxent, began its march 
towards the Capitol. The force of the British was about five thou- 
sand, commanded by General Ross. The Americans, to the number 
of three thousand, more than half of whom were militia, were led 
by General Winder, who, finding it impossible to make head against 
the enemy, fell back to Bladensburg, where, on the 24th, he was 
joined by a reinforcement of twenty-one hundred men, exclusive of 
Commodore Barney, at the head of his marines. Here the Ameri- 
cans made a stand. But the armies were too nearly equal in num- 
ber to allow the invading one to be defeated by the illy disciplined 
levies of General Winder. The only portion of the field properly 
contested, was that occupied by Commodore Barney and his marines. 
These poured such a destructive fire into the enemy, flushed from 
the easy defeat of the militia, that he staggered, and was thrown into 
momentary confusion. A few more such brave marines, or another 
Barney at the opposite side of the field, would have saved the day. 
But General Ross perceiving the scanty numbers of these troops, 
poured his columns upon them, and charging them on both flanks 
and in front, simultaneously, gained the victory. Barney fell 
wounded into the hands of the foe, as did also Colonel Miller, of the 
marines. Meantime, the militia fled, panic-struck, in all directions, 
abandoning Washington to the enemy. General Ross, following up 
his success, entered the capital that evening, and proceeded with 
Vandal barbarity to burn the public buildings. The Capitol, the 
President's mansion, the War, Treasury, and Navy offices, shared 
this fate. The old excuse of the burning of Newark, in Canada, was 
offered for this outrage ; a better one would have been that the con- 

VI 



62 



ASSAULT UPON FORT MC HENRY. 



querors, so lately from the Peninsula, had become debauched by the 
wars of Europe. To men brutalized by a long series of hostilities in 
a half savage country ; to men who had sacked Baclajoz, and ravaged 
half of Spain ; the wanton destruction of an enemy's Capitol, ap- 
peared a slight offence against civilization and humanity. It is the 
proud boast of America, that under similar circumstances, and when 
the siege was infinitely more irritating, the public edifices of Mexico 
were sacredly respected. 

The British retired from Washington on the evening of the 25th, 
and on the 29th, embarked from Benedict. Their loss in this expe- 
dition is estimated at four hundred killed or wounded ; while it is 
believed five hundred deserted, or were made prisoners. Simulta- 
neously with this attack upon the Capitol, two other detachments 
had been sent out from the fleet, one against Alexandria, the other 
up the Chesapeake. The attack on Alexandria proved successful, 
and the town was preserved from the torch only by the sacrifice of 
all its vessels and merchandize. The foray up the Chesapeake was 
more unfortunate for the British. Near Bellair, Sir Peter Parker, 
who led the expedition, landed to assault a body of militia, but was 




KOKT MC HE.NRY. 



driven back, receiving a wound, by which he died in a few minutes. 
The enemy, flushed with success at Washington, now moved upon 



OPERATIONS IN CHESAPEAKE BAT. 63 

Baltimore, where he expected as easy a triumph, and a richer prize ; 
for it was now a maxim with the invaders only to attack for the 
purpose of booty. But meantime, the country was rising to its de- 
fence. In an incredibly short interval, fifteen thousand armed men 
had been collected at Baltimore, under the command of General 
Samuel Smith, an officer of the Revolution, in whom the fire of 
military genius had not yet suffered diminution. Batteries were 
hastily erected, and a ditch dug on the eastern side of the town ; the 
only line where it was available by land. Ten thousand men were 
stationed to defend these works. The approach to Baltimore by 
water was guarded by Fort McHenry, by obstructions sunk in the 
channel of the river, and by two heavily constructed batteries be- 
tween Fort McHenry and the city. 

On the 12th of September, the enemy debarked his land forces, to 
the number of five thousand men, at North Point, fourteen miles 
below Baltimore. A detachment twenty-two hundred strong, under 
General Strieker, having been sent forward in anticipation of this land- 
ing, to skirmish with the enemy and impede his progress, a sort of 
running action began, which continued throughout the day ; the 
Americans slowly retreating before the superior numbers of the Bri- 
tish. During the early part of the combat, General Ross, the Eng- 
lish commander, was killed. By evening, General Strieker had re- 
tired to within half a mile of the American entrenchments, where he 
rested. On the ensuing day, the enemy was seen moving in heavy 
masses to the right, as if intending to reach the city by a circuitous 
route, but General Smith, concentrating his forces in that direction, 
frustrated the design. Night fell, when the enemy took post within 
a mile of the works, intending to storm them as soon as the attack 
by water had succeeded. 

Here, however, the British met with an unexpected repulse. The 
bombardment of Fort McHenry began at sunrise, on the 13th, and 
continued throughout that day and the succeeding night, though 
without reducing the fortress. Under cover of the darkness, several 
rocket vessels and barges ascended past Fort McHenry, but being 
detected, were received with a heavy cannonade. They maintained 
their course, however, until they arrived opposite the lesser forts, 
where they met such a deadly fire that they hastened to retire — one 
of their flotilla being- sunk with all on board. When morning dawned, 
a consultation was held between the commanders of the English fleet 
and army, and the resolution taken to abandon the expedition. Ac- 
cordingly, the troops retired to North Point, where they embarked 
the same evening, and on the morning of the 15th, the people of 



64 ATTACK ON FORT BOVVTER. 

Baltimore were gladdened by the sight of the English sails, whiten 
ing the bay, in their retreat. The British lost in this affair about 
three hundred ; the Americans, two hundred and thirteen. During 
the whole series of operations the militia behaved with the greatest 
spirit, and amply redeemed the conduct of the same species of force 
at Bladensburg. Indeed, the whole number of regulars at Balti- 
more, exclusive of marines, was but seven hundred. 

The enemy had projected, simultaneously with this attack, an 
expedition against our southern waters. Towards the close of 
August, General Jackson, whose head-quarters had been at Mobile 
since the termination of the Creek war, received intelligence that an 
English squadron had appeared at Pensacola, where it was harbored 
by the Spanish Governor. Information was also obtained that a 
second squadron, accompanied by ten thousand troops, was soon to 
arrive at Pensacola, whence a descent was to be made on some con- 
venient point on the American coast, most probably New Orleans. 
General Jackson, having vainly remonstrated with the Governor of 
Pensacola, for receiving and granting assistance to the British, now 
proceeded to call on the neighboring states for reinforcements, with 
the intention of punishing this infraction of the law of nations. 
Meanwhile, Colonel Nichols, the Commander of the enemy's forces, 
issued a proclamation, supremely ridiculous considering the circum- 
stances, calling on the people of Louisiana, Tennessee and Kentucky, 
to " throw off the yoke under which they had been so long groan- 
ing." Simultaneously, also, he attempted to enlist in his service a 
band of nautical marauders, half smugglers, half pirates, who had 
formed quite an extensive settlement at the island of Barrataria, on 
the coast of Louisiana. These lawless men were commanded by a 
person named Lafitte. This individual, instead of accepting the 
terms of Colonel Nichols, revealed them to the Governor of Louisi- 
ana, at the same time communicating important information respect- 
ing the designs of the British. Lafitte was offered, in return, an 
amnesty for himself and followers, if he would join the Americans. 
This proposition was accepted, and the haunt at Barrataria broken 
up. Subsequently, at the siege of New Orleans, Lafitte and his 
men rendered important services. 

On the 15th of September, while General Jackson was awaiting 
reinforcements at Mobile, a British squadron appeared off Fort 
Rowyer, thirty miles below the town, and immediately began an 
attack. A tremendous cannonade, on both sides, was continued for 
three hours, when the enemy's squadron retired, having suffered 
immense slaughter. The flag-ship ran aground, and was set on fire 



DEFENCE OF NEW ORLEANS. 65 

by her surviving crew ; for out of one hundred and seventy men in 
her, only the Captain and twenty escaped. At the moment of the 
naval attack, Colonel Nichols, with a force of three hundred and 
thirty British and Indians was debarked for a land attack ; but the 
fire of the fort soon destroyed all hopes of his success, and, after the 
retreat of the squadron, he retired to Pensacola by land. Thither, 
on the 6th of November, General Jackson, having been reinforced 
by two thousand Tennessee militia, followed him ; and immediately 
despatched a flag to the Governor of Pensacola, demanding redress 
for his late conduct. The flag was fired on and compelled to retire. 
On the following day, General Jackson stormed the town, and after 
capturing one of the batteries, forced the Governor to capitulate. 
In consequence of the loss of Pensacola, the British left the bay, and 
General Jackson returned to Mobile. 

The design of the enemy to attack New Orleans having now be- 
come public, General Jackson hurried to assume the command of that 
important post. He left Mobile accordingly on the 22nd of Novem- 
ber, and reached his destination on the 2nd of December. His 
presence was the salvation of the city. He found, on his arrival, 
that scarcely any preparations had been made to repel the projected 
invasion ; and that the most vigorous measures would be necessary 
in consequence, to place the town and its approaches in a state of 
defence. Moreover the city was full of disaffected persons, who 
carried intelligence almost daily to the enemy. To check these 
treasonable practices, as well as to give him that despotic control 
over the labor of the citizens, which was necessary in the emergen- 
cy, he applied to the Legislature to repeal the habeas corpus act. 
The Legislature hesitated. As no time was to be lost, General 
Jackson cut short further discussion by proclaiming martial law. 
The inhabitants were now ordered down to the lines, to work on the 
fortifications, without regard to their wealth. The whole country 
by which the city could be approached was personally examined 
by the General, and defences constructed at all proper points. These 
preparations were increased when a fleet of gun-boats, on which the 
General had placed much dependence, was attacked in the lakes to 
the east of the city, and overcome by superior forces. In a word, 
General Jackson availed himself to their utmost extent of all the 
materials for defence within his reach ; and by his promptitude, 
energy, and vast resources of mind, infused confidence into both 
citizens and army. 

On the 5th of December, the enemy had first appeared off the 
coast; on the 14th he had captured the American gun-boats; and 
vi* 9 



66 BATTLE OF NEW ORLEANS. 

on the 23rd, availing himself of a pass, called the Bayou Bienvenne, 
which unfortunately had been left unguarded, he fell on an advanced 
guard of the Americans, made its members prisoners, and pushing 
rapidly on, reached the bank of the Mississippi at two o'clock in the 
afternoon. The road to the city was now open before him. In this 
crisis, General Jackson, instead of waiting to be attacked, resolved 
boldly to march out and assail the British. He arrived at their 
position about five o'clock. Their flank being exposed to the water, 
Commodore Patterson's armed schooner, the Caroline, was sent, 
under cover of the night, to assail it, which was done, the guns 
being aimed by the British watch-fires. This was the first intima- 
tion the foe had of his danger. Simultaneously the American land 
forces attacked the right, centre and left, of the enemy. His camp 
was carried on the right, and the slaughter along his front was ex- 
cessive. But, extinguishing their watch-fires, the British rallied to 
the combat, when a close and well contested combat ensued. In 
the end, General Jackson drew off his men in consequence of a 
dense fog. He lay on the field all night, but thought it most pru- 
dent to retire in the morning to a stronger position, two miles nearer 
the city. In this action, the enemy numbered about three thousand. 
The loss of the Americans, in killed, wounded and missing, was two 
hundred and thirteen : that of the British two hundred and eighty- 
two. This battle may be said to have decided the fate of New Or- 
leans. It inspired confidence among the Americans, while it fore- 
warned the enemy that his expedition was to produce more hard 
blows than booty. 

In his new position, which, strong by nature, was rendered stronger 
by art, General Jackson leisurely awaited the approach of the foe. 
On the 28th, the main body of the British having landed, their com- 
mander, Sir Edward Packenham, advanced within half a mile of 
the American works and began a bombardment and cannonade. 
The American batteries replied, however, with such spirit, and were 
so well sustained by an armed vessel in the river, that the enemy 
retired with loss. On the 1st of January, another unsuccessful at- 
tempt was made on General Jackson's lines. Between this and the 
8th, each army received accessions of force, so that the American 
numbers were raised to seven thousand, and the British to twelve 
thousand. On the morning of that day Sir Edward Packenham 
made a grand assault on his enemy's lines ; but notwithstanding his 
troops were all tried veterans, and those of Jackson raw militia, in- 
differently armed, he was repulsed with immense slaughter. The 
loss of the Americans was but seventy-one in killed, wounded and 



COMMODORE POItTEK IN THE PACIFIC. 67 

missing. The British lost two hundred and ninety-three killed, 
twelve hundred and sixty-seven wounded, and four hundred and' 
eighty-four prisoners and missing. The mortality among their officers 
was excessive, Sir Edward Packenham being among the killed. We 
cannot record his death without a reflection on the chances of for- 
tune. It had been originally intended that the Duke of Wellington 
should lead the expedition against New Orleans ; and, had this hap- 
pened, that great General might have perished in Packenham's place, 
and Waterloo never have been won ! 

The British now hastened to abandon their enterprise. Embark- 
ing their troops they retired to Fort Bowyer, which surrendered to 
this immense force. Here they remained until the news of peace, 
which arrived in the following month. It was doubly fortunate for 
the United States that the expedition against New Orleans had failed, 
since, tempted by the possession of so great a prize, the enemy might 
have found some excuse for setting aside the treaty of Ghent. In 
that event a long and sanguinary war on the Mississippi must have 
followed, and though America would eventually have triumphed, 
because fighting on her own soil, the victory could only have been 
purchased by an immense expenditure of blood and treasure. The 
battle of New Orleans was the closing act of the drama. It remains 
for us only to notice the treaty of Ghent, before bringing this narra- 
tive to an end. Yet, preliminary to doing this, let us pass in hasty 
review the naval history of 1814. 

Towards the close of 1812, Commodore Porter, in the frigate Es- 
sex, had sailed from the Delaware. Missing a rendezvous with 
Bainbridge, at Brazil, he proceeded, pursuant to a discretion vested 
in him, around Cape Horn, and began a war on the British com- 
merce in the Pacific. He remained in this quarter of the globe for 
more than twelve months, during which he lived at the enemy's ex- 
pense, and captured twenty vessels, carrying in all one hundred and 
seven guns. The value of these prizes was estimated at two and a half 
millions of dollars. At last, in March, 1814, while lying at Valparaiso, 
the British frigate Phoebe, carry ing thirty-eight guns, and a sloop of war 
which had been fitted out expressly to capture Porter, appeared off the 
port. In a few days the Essex, attempting to get to sea, carried away 
her main-top mast. Unable to return into harbor, she anchored near 
the shore. The English ships now attacked her, and placing themselves 
out of reach of her cannonades, opened with their long guns, of which 
fortunately for them, their armament was composed. Disabled from 
manceuvreing, and exposed to a fire he could but feebly return, for 
he had but three long twelve-pounders, Porter was finally compelled 



68 



NAVAL BATTLES. 



to surrender. He lost fifty-eight killed, and sixty-six wounded ; the 
British losing but five killed and ten wounded. This battle was 
fought on neutral waters, and was therefore a violation of the laws 
of nations; but England has never hesitated to act in a similar man- 
ner when her interest required it. 

This reverse was followed, however, by numerous victories. 
The sloop-of-war Peacock, Captain Warrington, on the 29th of 
April, 1814, captured the British brig-of-war Epervier, of about 
equal force. In this action the enemy lost eight killed, and fifteen 
wounded; the Americans only two wounded. On the 28th of 
June, the sloop-of-war Wasp, Captain Blakely, captured the Rein- 
deer, of slightly superior force, after one of the most hotly contested 
naval engagements of the war. The British lost twenty-five killed, 
including their captain, and forty -two wounded ; the Americans lost 
five killed, and twenty -one wounded. On the first of September, 
Captain Blakely took the Avon, a sloop-of-war of twenty guns. On 
the 23d, he captured a British brig, the Atalanta, which he sent into 
the United States. From that day to this, nothing has ever been 
heard of the gallant Blakely, or his ship. They probably perished 
in a tempest. 

The war was now virtually over, since peace had been concluded 
at Ghent, but this being as yet unknown, the naval combats continued. 
On the 14th of January, 1815, in gallantly attempting to get out of 
New York harbor, Commodore Decatur, in the President, was pur- 
sued and captured by the British blockading squadron. In this action 
the Americans lost twenty-four killed, and fifty-five wounded. On 
the 20th of February, Commodore Stewart, in the Constitution, took 
the Cyane and Levant — the first of thirty-four guns, the last of 
twenty-two. The loss of the British was seventy-seven in killed and 
wounded ; that of the Americans fifteen. On the 23d of March, the 
Hornet, a sloop-of-war, of eighteen guns, commanded by Captain 
Biddle, captured the British brig-of-war Penguin, of nineteen guns. 
In this action the enemy lost forty-two in killed and wounded ; the 
Hornet twelve. 

We have already narrated the offer of Russia to mediate between 
England and the United States ; the refusal of the former to accept 
this mediation ; her agreement, however, to appoint commissioners to 
treat of a peace ; and the alteration in the powers of the American em- 
bassy, to enable them to act under these new circumstances. In the 
Spring of 1814, these powers were sent to Europe, and Henry Clay 
and Jonathan Russell added to the United States Commissioners. 
The place of meeting was first appointed at Gottenburg, but finally 



TREATY OF PEACE. 69 

changed to Ghent. The British plenipotentiaries arrived at the latter 
place on the 6th of August, but showed little earnestness for a treaty 
until after the news of Chippewa, Lundy's Lane, Plattsburg, and Bal- 
timore. On intelligence of these events, foreboding a long, and pro- 
bably disastrous war, the high tone of the English Commissioners 
lowered, and on the 24th of December, 1814, a treaty was finally 
signed. In this document, no notice was taken of the question 
of impressment, which appears a singular circumstance at first sight; 
but we have endeavored to explain the reasons for the omission in 
the first book of this narrative. The articles of the treaty provided 
for the restoration of all possessions taken by either power, during 
the war, with the exception of the islands in the Bay of Passama- 
quoddy, whose destination was to be referred to arbitrators. Various 
questions of boundary were left to be decided in the same way. 
Both parties agreed to desist from warfare with all tribes of Indians 
with whom they were engaged in hostilities, provided such tribes 
ceased warlike operations, on being notified of the treaty. By 
another article, England and the United States stipulated to do all 
they could to abolish the slave trades. Other provisions were in- 
serted in the treaty, but they related chiefly to prizes and prisoners, 
and were such as are usual on all like occasions. This treaty was 
ratified by England, on the 2Sth of December, 1814, and by the Uni- 
ted States on the 17th of February, 1815. A commercial treaty was 
subsequently negotiated between the two countries during the 
year 1815. 

Thus closed a war in which little was nominally gained, but much 
in reality. By it, indeed, the United States consummated their inde- 
pendence, which hitherto, so far as regarded England at least, had 
not fully existed. In other words, the war of 1812, freed the popu- 
lar mind in America, from a sort of provincial reverence for Great 
Britain. It also removed that dread of her military prowess which 
had descended from the revolutionary epoch, but which was wholly 
unbecoming a nation so vigorous as the United States had since 
become. It is not too much to say that the military spirit of the 
Republic, which has since shone with such brilliancy, had its birth 
in the war of 1812. 

The early misfortunes of the war, considered in this light, were 
not without their benefits. They forced the nation to put forth its 
whole strength, and thus developed a capacity, of the existence of 
which, even she had been ignorant. From that hour the United 
States took a prouder stand among the nations of the earth. From 
that hour her flag was respected. More than thirty years have 



70 



TREATY OF PEACE. 



elapsed since the treaty of Ghent, yet England has never re- 
newed her claim of impressment, nor is it probable that she 
ever will. 





DETROIT. 



WILLIAM HULL. 



HAT it required the war 
of 1812 to consummate 
our independence, is 
proved by the military- 
operations which led to 
the surrender of Detroit. 
Our enterprise and saga- 
city in commerce was 
admitted; but even a 
portion of our own citi- 
zens laughed at our pre- 
tensions to arms. It was 
said that we could not withstand the power of Great Britain for six 
months. An uneasy feeling of provincial weakness, and a profound 
awe of our old enemy possessed, in part, the public mind, and espe- 
cially influenced those officers who, by their rank, services and ex- 
perience, would naturally be looked to in the emergency of war. 
Hence, during the earlier periods of the contest, most of our Generals 
regarded any attempt to overthrow the veteran armies of England 
va 10 7a 




74 WILLIAM HULL. 

as worse than useless. Mistrusting their troops, hut most of all 
themselves, they invited defeat by their moral cowardice. In no 
other manner can we explain the conduct of General William Hull, 
in the surrender of Detroit. With his overpowering force he ought 
to have been confident of success. It is now apparent, that if he had 
put on a bold front, he would have achieved a glorious triumph ; 
opened the war with eclat ; and forced Great Britain, two years 
earlier, to listen to terms of peace. He was conquered by his own 
fears, not by the prowess of the enemy. 

William Hull was born in 1753, and served, with some distinction, 
in the War of Independence, as an officer in the continental line. 
He was present in several of the hardest fought battles of that period, 
and distinguished himself uniformly as a soldier of spirit, industry 
and bravery. He rendered himself especially conspicuous on the 
glorious field of Saratoga, and afterwards at Stony Point. On his 
retirement from the army, Hull settled in Massachusetts, where, in 
1796, he was chosen a Major-General of the state militia. Like 
others of the officers of the Revolution, he sought and obtained em- 
ployment from the Federal Government; for, in 1805, he was ap- 
pointed Governor of Michigan Territory. This office he continued 
to hold until his disgrace and ruin. When, in 1812, it became 
probable that war would be declared with Great Britian, an army, 
to be composed chiefly of volunteers and militia, was ordered to be 
raised on the north-western frontier, for the two-fold purpose of 
holding the Indians in check, and opening the expected contest with 
eclat. The command of this force was bestowed on Hull, with the 
rank of Brigadier-General in the United States army. The soldiers 
mustered at Dayton, in Ohio, on the 1st of June, 1S12, and, after a 
long and toilsome march, reached the Miami of the Lake on the 30th 
of the month. Here Hull received a despatch from the war office, 
requesting him to quicken his movements. Accordingly he embarked 
his baggage, stores, sick and convalescent, in a vessel bound for De- 
troit, continuing his march with the main body of the army by land. 
Up to this period he had received no intimation of the declaration 
of hostilities,aculpable negligence on the part of our government which 
has never been properly explained. But the day after the embarka- 
tion of the stores, a letter arrived from the Secretary of War, written 
under the same date as that to which we have alluded, and which 
Hull had received several days before by a special messenger. He 
now pressed forward to the River Raisin, alarmed for the safety of 
his stores. Here his fears were verified. He learned that the Bri- 
tish had received intelligence of the declaration of war, at all their 



WILLIAM HULL. 75 

posts, in advance of himself; and that in consequence his stores had 
been captured in passing the fort at Maiden. This disaster, so early 
in the campaign, like an ill omen weighed on his spirits from that 
hour. 

Pursuing his march he soon reached Detroit, and immediately 
proceeded, under instructions from the war office, to invade Canada. 
Indeed, in the United States, the most sanguine expectations had 
already been formed of the result of his expedition ; but these, how- 
ever, were not common to all classes ; large numbers, affected by 
the feeling we have alluded to, doubted secretly of his success. On 
the 12th of July he crossed the river Detroit, and pitched his camp 
at Sandwich, with the professed intention of marching against Mai- 
den, a post which it was of importance to reduce, since it lay in the 
way to intercept all supplies forwarded from the United States. 
There can be no doubt, if Hull had pushed forward at once to Mai- 
den, that the place would have surrendered. The fort there was in 
a most dilapidated condition, nor was it until a week later that it 
was rendered defensible ; the garrison numbered but seven hundred 
men, of which six hundred were lukewarm militia, and indifferent 
savages ; and, to add to the chances of success, the population of 
the neighborhood was very generally disaffected, and ready, as were 
also the Indians of the vicinity, to join whatever side promised, by 
a successful first blow, to gain the ascendancy. Only eighteen 
miles interposed between Hull and Maiden. A rapid summer day's 
march would have brought him to the gates of his enemy. He had 
nearly two men where his opponent had one. Yet he lingered 
for three weeks at Sandwich without striking a blow. There are 
few things in history as inexplicable as this conduct, and nothing 
but the solution we have given can unriddle it. 

His behavior appears the more singular when we come to follow 
the transactions of these three weeks into detail. During his stay at 
Sandwich different detachments penetrated the country sixty miles 
into the interior, and everywhere found the inhabitants friendly. 
The royal militia at Ahmetsburg, opposite Maiden, was daily desert- 
ing. Nor was this all. A party of American soldiers, commanded 
by Colonels Cass and Miller, on the 16th of July, assailed a British 
outpost at the bridge over the Canard, a river but four miles distant 
from Maiden, and drove the picket back upon the fort, where the 
fugitives arrived panic-struck, spreading terror and confusion among 
the garrison. The enemy, satisfied that Hull was advancing with 
all his strength, knew scarcely what to do ; and had there been a 
sufficient force at hand to take advantage of this dismay, Maiden 



76 WILLIAM HULL. 

would have fallen before sunset. Even on the ensuing morning, 
when the enemy had partially recovered from his alarm, if Hull had 
brought up all his troops, and made a vigorous attack, the place 
must have surrendered. But, instead of doing this, he sharply 
reprehended Cass and Miller for having exceeded orders in making 
their attack, and directed that they should immediately return to camp, 
unless they were prepared to assume all the responsibility of holding 
their position, and that, too, without reinforcements. Perhaps age, as 
well as dread of British prowess, had something to do with this con- 
duct. To quote the epigramatic remark of another, " he who, in 1777, 
would have fought or died without care, in 1S12, with not much of 
life left, was fearful of losing that little." 

Yet his mind evidently vacillated, and for a space he appeared to 
have regained a portion of his old daring. In fact, the strictures of 
his younger officers had reached his ears, and he began to show a 
disposition for more vigorous measures. He gave out that he 
would lead the army directly to Maiden. There seems, indeed, no 
reason to doubt the sincerity of his intentions. The artillery for 
which he had waited, was now ready. It had been proved by the 
affair at Canard, that the British were not invincible. His troops, to 
a man, were eager to be led forward. Accordingly, the ammunition 
was placed in wagons, the cannon fixed on floating batteries, and 
every other preparation for the attack made. But, at this point Hull 
stopped, and became suddenly irresolute. He had just received in- 
telligence of the fall of Mackinaw, a fort situated on the island of 
that name, commanding the passage between Lakes Huron and 
Michigan, which had been surprised by the enemy, its commandant 
receiving the first intimation of the war on his surrender. This dis- 
astrous news was backed by information of the rising of the Cana- 
dians and Indians, both of whom, foreseeing Hull's fall in his inac- 
tivity, began to take arms for the British. The very thought that 
by advancing and sustaining a defeat, his army might become a prey 
to the savages filled his mind with horror. He countermanded his 
orders, and re-crossed the river to Detroit, on the 7th of August. 
He had begun his career in the Canadian territory by a vaunting 
proclamation ; he finished it by a temerity which made him the scorn 
even of his own troops. He had commenced with the inhabitants 
favorable to him ; he ended by alienating them forever. Far differ- 
ent was the conduct of General Brock, the British commander in that 
region. Receiving intelligence on the 25th of June, of the declara- 
tion of war, he hastened to plan the capture of Fort Mackinaw, and 
his scheme having been crowned with success, his audacity in- 



WILLIAM HULL. 77 

creased, and he conceived the idea, not only of driving Hull from 
Canada, but of capturing him within the territories of the United 
States. Brock, indeed, seems to have despised his adversary as much 
as the latter feared Brock. In furtherance of his design, Brock 
superseded Colonel St. George in the command of the district, and 
appointed in his place Colonel Proctor, a skilful officer, obedient, 
active, daring, and unscrupulous. The wisdom of his choice was 
soon vindicated, for Hull, having sent out a detachment of two hun- 
dred men to open his rear for a convoy, Proctor, ever on the 
watch, fell on the party, and totally routed it, with the loss of nearly 
seventy men. A second detachment, led by Colonel Miller, was 
more successful, defeating the British, and routing their Indian ally, 
Tecumseh ; but this body Hull refused to support after its victory, 
and finally commanded its return to camp, where it arrived just in 
time to be included in the surrender. 

As Hull retreated, Brock had advanced, and on the 14th of August, 
took post at Sandwich,, opposite his adversary's camp. Here he threw 
up a battery, Hull refusing to annoy him. In vain the American 
officers solicited permission to open a fire on their enemy ; in vain 
they desired to be led to the charge, in order to spike his cannon. A 
mortal terror of his foe seemed now to have seized Hull. The vision 
of defeat constantly pursued him, and the sanguinary tomahawk was 
ever present to his fancy. He would, even at this early stage, have 
grasped at a truce, as the only hope of safety. " If you will give 
permission," said the brave Dalliba, " I will clear the enemy on the 
opposite shore from the lower batteries." " Mr. Dalliba," said the 
weak old man, " I will make an agreement with the enemy, that if 
they will not fire on me, I will not fire on them." Even the success 
of Colonel Miller's detachment could not inspire him with hope. 
" Nothing has been gained by it but honor," he said despondingly, 
" and the blood of seventy-five men has been shed in vain." A per- 
son in such a frame of mind, was ill fitted to cope with a General as 
enterprising and bold as Brock. It needed the impetuosity of youth 
in that crisis, not the drivelling caution of old age. A Croghan 
would have saved the day, which a Hull ignominiously lost. 

On the 15th, Brock sent a boat across the river, with a summons 
of unconditional surrender. It found Hull in a moment of re-action, 
and he returned a spirited refusal. The refusal had scarcely been 
transmitted, however, before he regretted it. Brock appears to have 
read his adversary's character thoroughly. An enemy, under ordi- 
nary circumstances, would have taken some precautions, in crossing 
a hostile river, with an inferior force ; but though the British Gene- 



VII* 



78 WILLIAM HULL. 

ral had only twelve hundred men, and Hull thirteen hundred and 
fifty, the former boldly embarked in broad day, under cover merely 
of a slight cannonade. No attempt was made to oppose his landing. 
The American leader had already expressed to several of his officers 
an opinion that a capitulation would be necessary ; and accordingly 
when Brock drew up his troops, and marched to the assault, orders 
were sent to the advanced parties not to fire. The command was 
heard with indignation. Tears of shame and rage rose to the eyes 
of the men, and the officers talked of marching back and displacing 
their commander. But it was now too late. 

The position of the army would have warranted a defence against 
twice the numbers of the enemy. The fort, a work of regular form 
and great solidity, surrounded by a wide and deep ditch, strongly 
fraised and palisaded, was defended by two twenty-four pounders, 
and a garrison of four hundred artillerists and infantry of the line. 
The town was held by three hundred Michigan militia, eager to de- 
fend their firesides, and well protected by the houses. Flanking the 
approach to the fort, and covered by a high and heavy picket-fence, 
were four hundred Ohio volunteers, all expert marksmen, all indig- 
nant at the retreat, all athirst for glory ! To add to this, the detach- 
ment under Colonel Miller, which we have already spoken of as or- 
dered back to camp, was within a mile and a half, stretching for- 
ward directly in the enemy's rear, with every nerve strained at 
sound of the cannon. Not a man in the American lines but was 
anxious for the contest. Only one hesitated, and he the leader ! 
It is said that surrounded by the ladies of his family, who besought him 
with tears to save them from the savages by a timely surrender, he 
sat for a while irresolute, blushing with shame at the proposed ca- 
pitulation. But at last rising with trembling limbs he ordered 
the white flag to be hoisted, the troops to stack their arms, and the 
outer positions to be given up. No council of war was summoned. 
No advice was asked of a single officer. For once he took all the 
responsibility on his own shoulders ; but it was one which covered 
his name with eternal infamy ! 

The capitulation which followed was announced amid the execra- 
tions of the troops, the sullen silence of the militia, and the stinging 
reproaches of the women of Detroit. It was such a one as might 
have been expected from Hull's panic. Everything was given up, 
even more than was asked. Not only the territory, in its length and 
breadth, was yielded to the enemy,but the supplies at the river Rai- 
sin, and the absent detachment were included in the surrender. This 
was done, moreover, at the suggestion of Hull himself. He seemed 



WILLIAM HULL. 79 

to be guided by a morbid desire to save blood, and to crave his an- 
tagonist's mercy by abandoning everything to him. He engaged that 
the militia should not serve again until exchanged. Yet he forgot to 
make any stipulation in favor of the Canadians who had joined his 
army ; but sacrificed them to the anger of the enemy. In short, the 
whole capitulation betrayed the panic in which it had its origin. 
Hull's surrender, as one of his cotemporaries remarked, was the re- 
sult of " an ignorance that knew not what to do ; of a self-sufficiency 
refusing to be instructed ; and of a cowardice that in its terrors, lost 
all sense of national interest, personal dignity and professional duty." 
As for Brock, he could scarcely conceal his surprise at this wonder- 
ful success. " I hasten to apprize your excellency," he said, writing 
to his superior, Prevost, " of the capture of this very important post. 
Twenty-five hundred prisoners have this day surrendered prisoners of 
war, and about twenty-five pieces of ordnance have been taken with- 
out the sacrifice of of a drop of British blood. I had not more than 
six hundred troops, including militia, and about six hundred Indians 
to accomplish this service. When I detail my good fortune your 
excellency will be astonished." 

Yet Hull can scarcely be called a coward in the ordinary sense of 
the term. Cowardice is applied in military affairs at least, to physical 
rather than to moral terror. There are many men willing to brave 
death on the battlefield, who shrink from assuming responsibility in 
critical and uncertain emergencies. Hull had fought bravely in the 
revolutionary war, and would probably have fought bravely again 
as a subordinate. Had he been a Colonel in the north-western army, 
with a Jackson at its head, a portion of the inflexible character of 
his superior might have been imparted to him. His whole career 
proves that though brave enough when he could lean on others, 
he was not accustomed to depending on himself. Personally he had 
no fear of death ; but he shrank from the responsibility of bringing it 
on others. It is probable that if there had been no Indians in the 
British army, he might have made a bolder stand, for dread of the 
savages was a prevailing feature of that day. But the conviction 
that England was invincible, and that it was a waste of blood and 
treasure to combat her, seems to have been the leading cause which 
produced Hull's surrender. He began the campaign with uneasy 
fears of her superiority, and these fears were increased by the bold 
and dashing enterprise on Mackinaw. It has been well remarked 
that, from the day that fort fell, Hull was conquered. 

The news of the capitulation at Detroit was received in the United 
States with incredulity at first, and subsequently with curses of rage 



80 WILLIAM HULL. 

and shame. The astonishment of the people, who had expected to 
hear of the conquest of all Canada, could not have been greater. A 
re-action from hope to despair was the consequence. Those who 
had been most confident became the most desponding. The cry was 
that the war would ruin us. The New England states, which had 
denounced the invasion of Canada as unjust and irreligious, pointed 
to the late disaster as a rebuke sent by Providence, and exhorted the 
militia to refuse crossing the border. Never, perhaps, since the War 
of Independence, and in the period immediately preceding the battle 
of Trenton, was the public mind so despondent. But suddenly news 

ame of a victory, so unexpected, so brilliant, so far beyond ordina- 
ry calculation, that the nation was flung into transports of joy. We 
allude to the capture of the Guerriere. The fall of Detroit now 
ceased to call the blush of shame to American cheeks, for it was 
more than set off, in the popular estimation, by this triumph. If the 
flag of the republic had been trailed in the dust on the north-western 
frontier, the red cross of Britain had been struck down on her native 
element, the sea ! 

So great was the public indignation at Hull's surrender, that, for 
a while, he was regarded as a traitor, who had sold his country to 
the enemy. He had been carried, with his officers, to Montreal, 
where the English entered the city with their captives in mock pro- 
cession ; but subsequently, having been exchanged, he was brought 
to trial before a court-martial, found guilty of cowardice, and con- 
demned to be shot. In consideration, however, of his age and 
past services, the court recommended him to mercy ; and the Pre- 
sident humanely suffered him to live, though not without first strik- 
ing his name from the army roll. The charge of treason was 
abandoned as unfounded. There is one redeeming feature in the 
history of Hull, as connected with this transaction. He made no 
attempt to excuse himself before the public, by endeavoringto incul- 
pate his officers in his crime ; but stated frankly, and at once, that 
the whole blame should rest on himself. In summing up his cha- 
racter, we must regard him as a man of weak, though not despicable 
intellect ; possessed of mere animal courage, but with little moral 
firmness ; as a soldier, good enough for subordinate stations, but to- 
tally unequal to a superior command. 

Hull endeavored to exculpate himself before the public, by 
printing, in 1814, a defence of his conduct. But he did not succeed. 
In 1824, he again appeared as an author, by publishing a memoir 

of the campaign of 1812, together with a sketch of his revolutionary 
services. He died in 1825, aged seventy-two. 




MASSACRE AT THE RIVER RAISIN. 



JAMES WINCHESTER. 




AMES WINCHESTER, a Bri- 
gadier-General in the army of 
the United States, was born in 
Maryland, about the year 1756. 
He served during the war of In- 
dependence in a subordinate capacity, and 
subsequently removed to Tennessee, where 
he rose to considerable influence. Possessed 
of an ample fortune, conciliating in manners, 
and ambitious as well as brave, he became 
the successful candidate, in 1812, for the office of Brigadier from his 
adopted state. His competitor was Andrew Jackson, then compara- 
tively an obscure man, out of Tennessee. It is said that the deci- 
sion in favor of Winchester was made at the instigation of the mem- 
ber of Congress from his district, who feared that if Winchester was 
not put into the army, he might become a formidable opponent in the 
ensuing election. 




11 



81 



82 JAMES WINCHESTER. 

The ignominous surrender of Hull, had, at this period, filled the 
whole west with grief and indignation. The best and bravest of her 
sons, especially from Kentucky, pressed forward to offer themselves 
as volunteers, and within a month from the fall of Detroit, a gallant 
army had assembled, breathing vengeance for the late disgrace, and 
resolved not to return until the British conquests had been regained. 
Two competitors presented themselves for the command of this force. 
The first was Winchester, who claimed it as senior Brigadier ; the 
other was William Henry Harrison, who had been created a Major- 
General by the Governor of Kentucky, expressly to supersede Win- 
chester. Harrison was popular with the troops ; Winchester was not. 
In the end, the difficulty was adjusted by the Federal Government, 
which assigned to Harrison the chief command. Accordingly the 
army put itself in motion for a winter's campaign, the Comman- 
der-in-chief leading the right wing, and Winchester the left. 

Winchester, after relieving Fort Wayne, in September, moved 
down to the site of old Fort Defiance, where a new post was estab- 
lished, called Fort Winchester. Here, the General, by perseverance 
in conciliatory measures, succeeded in gaining the popularity of his 
troops. After building a sufficient number of large canoes, to trans- 
port their baggage down the Maumee to the Rapids, the volunteers 
left this camp in November, and advanced in the direction of the 
enemy. The way was long, difficult, and wild. The troops, as yet, 
were destitute of winter clothing, though snow was on the ground 
and ice forming fast. Provisions soon failed, and for fourteen days 
the gallant Kentuckians subsisted on hickory roots, elm bark, and 
the beef of a few cattle killed in a state of starvation. At last a 
supply of warm clothing was received, and the troops moved for- 
ward with re-animated bosoms. It was at this period that an inci- 
dent occurred, characteristic of the generosity of the western people. 
The volunteers from Kentucky were the first to receive their winter 
clothing, and a regiment of regulars remained for a long time after- 
wards with no protection against the inclement weather, except 
linen fatigue dresses. The brave Kentuckians insisted that this 
regiment should be exempt from camp duty, and be allowed to 
remain by their fires : and they carried their humane point. 

It was on the 8th of January, when the order was issued to march 
to the Rapids. The snow lay twenty-seven inches deep on a 
dead level, and the men had to harness themselves to sleighs, in 
order to transport the baggage. Yet, intense as the cold was, the 
everlasting swamps of that region were not hard frozen. Through 
incalculable difficulties the troops of Winchester pressed forward, 



JAMES WINCHESTER. 83 

and in about ten days reached the Rapids. In the meantime a mes- 
senger had arrived in camp from the village of Frenchtown, on the 
Raisin, a small stream, emptying its waters into the north-west angle 
of Lake Erie ; the inhabitants terrified at the approach of the enemy, 
solicited aid from Winchester. Accordingly, Colonels Lewis and 
Allen, were detached with six hundred men. This little band, on 
the 18th of January, 1813, reached the river Raisin, and defeated a 
combined English and Indian force, five hundred strong, led by 
Major Reynolds, of the Canadian militia. The effect of this victory 
was electric. The inhabitants of Frenchtown were filled with exul- 
tation, and while two days before they had thought only of escaping 
the tomahawk of the savage, now, they considered nothing but in 
what way best to pursue the enemy. Nor was the excitement less 
at Winchester's camp. Every man there felt as if it had been the 
greatest misfortune of his life to be left behind when Lewis marched 
on Frenchtown, and all, with one voice, demanded to be led forward 
in order to share what there was of glory yet remaining. Little did 
they imagine the dark and bloody tragedy in store for them. 

On the 21st of January, Winchester put his troops in motion for 
the Raisin. The way lay partially through the woods, where the snow 
was two feet deep, partially along the borders of the lake, where 
the ice almost blocked up the passage ; these were obstructions suffi- 
cient to deter ordinary men, but the indomitable spirit of the Ken- 
tuckians was not to be disheartened. Winchester reached French- 
town on the evening of the 21st; he found Colonel Lewis, who was 
an officer of experience in Indian wars, posted in enclosed gar- 
dens, with an open field on his right. The reinforcement brought 
by Winchester, numbered about three hundred, and was commanded 
by Colonel Wells, who being of the regular army, outranked Lewis, 
who belonged to the volunteers. Wells demanded to be posted on 
the right, as the station due to his superiority in rank ; and to this 
claim Winchester yielded, placing Wells, in consequence, in the open 
field. Had the advice of Lewis been taken, who recommended that 
Wells should be stationed in some gardens on his left, the result 
of the day might have been different. 

Meanwhile, Proctor having heard at Maiden of the defeat of Rey- 
nolds, was hastening forward with all his disposable force. On the 
morning of the 22d,just after dawn, he prepared for the assault. 
Covering his right with artillery, and his flanks with Indian marks- 
men, he advanced at first gallantly, but when he had approached 
within musket shot of the pickets, was met by so galling and inces- 
sant a fire, that this part of his army fell into confusion. On the left 



84 JAMES WINCHESTER. 

however, he was more successful. Perceiving the exposed situation 
of the detachment under Wells, Proctor hastened to concentrate all 
his force against it. A furious conflict ensued on this part of the 
field. Sharp and rapid vollies of musketry followed in succession 
from either side, over which occasionally rose the whoop of the In- 
dians, or the cheers of the brave Kentuckians. But that little band, 
unprotected as it was, could not long hold out against overwhelming 
numbers. After the action had lasted about twenty minutes, Win- 
chester saw that his position was untenable, and ordered Wells to 
fall back and gain the enclosures of Lewis. But at the first symptom 
of this retreat, the enemy redoubled their exertions, and pressed so 
obstinately on the Americans, that the line soon got into disorder. 
A panic now seized the men, who had just defended themselves so 
bravely, and mistaking the command to fall back, for a direction to 
retreat, they rushed to the river, which they crossed on the ice, and 
began to fly through the woods, in the direction of the Rapids. 
Exhilarated by victory, the British gave pursuit, the chase being led 
by the savages, who tasted, in anticipation, the blood of the fugi- 
tives. In vain Winchester, riding among the men, endeavored to 
rally them ; in vain Colonels Lewis and Allen, hurrying from their 
enclosures, with a company of fifty men each, struggled to check the 
torrent of defeat. Nothing would avail. Allen fell bravely fighting 
in the desperate attempt ; while Winchester, with Lewis and other 
officers, were taken prisoners. And now the rout became a mas- 
sacre. On sped the panic-struck troops, on came the Indians, like 
tigers who had tasted blood. Some fell by merciful rifle-balls, some 
were reserved for the hatchet, some were scalped alive, and left to 
perish by degrees. Of the whole of that chivalrous band which had 
left the Raisin with Winchester two days before, all were slaugh- 
tered, except forty who were taken prisoners, and twenty-eight who 
were miraculously saved. To this melancholy catalogue must be 
added the two companies under Lewis and Allen, who had made 
the sortie we have spoken of in favor of their companions. 

We have already seen that Proctor had been repulsed from the 
enclosures in the earlier part of the day. In that abortive attack he 
had lost one-fourth of his men, and would probably have now been 
glad to retire, satisfied with his partial victory, if he had not heard 
that Winchester was among the prisoners. His fertile mind immedi- 
ately suggested a stratagem by which he might yet, perhaps, capture 
the whole American force. Sending for Winchester, he enlarged on 
his large number, on the ruthlessness of his savages, and on the 
impossibility of the remaining portion of Winchester's command being 



JAMES WINCHESTER. 85 

able to make good their defence. " I can set fire to every house in 
the village," he said, " and this my duty will compel me to do. 
Think of the innocent women and children who will be massacred 
by the Indians in consequence. You alone can avert this terrible 
calamity. Order your subordinate to surrender, and these miseries 
will be spared." 

Instead of replying indignantly to this brutal threat, Winchester 
suffered himself to be deceived by Proctor's sophistry, or by his own 
humanity, and sent word to the garrison that it was his advice they 
should surrender. The message, however, was basely perverted, 
for when Proctor's aid-de-camp was introduced to Major Madison, 
on whom the command had now devolved by the capture of Colonel 
Lewis, the latter was informed that " he and his followers had been 
surrendered prisoners of war, by General Winchester, to the arms 
of his Brittannic Majesty." But Madison, refusing to acknowledge 
the right of a captured General to make a capitulation for his troops, 
declared his determination to perish where he stood, with his gallant 
Kentuckians, unless more favorable terms should be granted. " We 
prefer selling our lives as dear as possible," he said, " rather than 
be massacred in cold blood." At last a solemn stipulation was en- 
tered into by Proctor, that all private property should be respected ; 
that sleds should be sent, next morning, to remove the sick and 
wounded to Ahmetsburg, opposite Maiden ; that, meantime, a guard 
should be left to protect them from the savages ; and that the side 
arms of the officers should be restored to them at Maiden. 

On these conditions, Major Madison surrendered, though reluc- 
tantly. He would still have rejected all proposals for a capitulation, 
and held out to the last extremity, but for a scarcity of ammunition. 
That night the prisoners, about six hundred in number, were marched 
to Ahmetsburg, where they arrived on the evening of the 23rd. 
Here they were penned up in a muddy and confined wood-yard, 
exposed to a pelting rain, without sheds, tents, or blankets, and with 
scarcely sufficient fire to keep them from freezing. The men, on 
first hearing of their surrender, had broken their muskets across the 
pickets in rage; and now they spent the night in muttering execra 
tions on their captors for this inhuman treatment. But their fate 
was merciful compared to that of the sick and wounded who had 
been left behind. These, by the terms of the capitulation, were to 
have been conveyed to Ahmetsburg in sleds, on the morning of 
the 23rd. But instead of the sleighs came two hundred savages, 
painted in the most hideous manner, who, rushing upon the houses 
where the wounded lay, first plundered them of every valuable, and 

VIII 



86 JAMES WINCHESTER. 

then surrounding the habitations, set them on fire. As the flames 
roared and crackled to the sky, the savages danced around with 
yells of fiendish delight. Some of the victims, staggering from their 
beds, endeavored to fly, but their merciless enemies drove them back 
with exulting whoops. When the fire smouldered into ashes, the 
bones of sixty-four brave men lay charred among the embers. 

Nothing can excuse Proctor's agency in this affair. He broke his 
plighted word in not detailing a sufficient guard to protect the 
wounded. Moreover, one of his own officers, a half-breed named 
Elliot, on being told that most of the American Surgeons had been 
killed, and that there were not sufficient to attend to the wounded, 
answered inhumanly, and with prophetic meaning, " the Indians 
will be found excellent Doctors." The rage and despair of the pri- 
soners at Ahmetsburg, all of whom had left friends, and some 
brothers behind, when they heard of this massacre, exceeded all 
bounds. In this disastrous battle, and in the bloody scene that fol- 
lowed, so many of the best sons of Kentucky were sacrificed, that it 
was said the whole commonwealth was plunged into mourning. 
The sacrilegious neglect of the American dead was another part of 
the conduct of Proctor, as disgraceful, though not, perhaps, as crimi- 
nal as his perfidy to his prisoners. The corpses were formally de- 
nied the rights of sepulture, and left a prey to the hogs and dogs of 
the village. Some time afterwards friendly hands were found to lay 
them piously in the ground ; but when the American army passed 
that way, in the ensuing summer, the relics were again seen ex- 
posed. They were buried once more, and thenceforth slept in peace. 
For his success in defeating Winchester, Proctor was made a Briga- 
dier-General ; but not a word of disapproval was uttered by his 
government in reference to the massacre. 

The history of Winchester, after this unfortunate defeat, ceases to 
be of interest. He survived several years, respected in private life 
for his mild and generous heart ; but suffering, in his public capacity, 
under the odium of this disgraceful and fatal repulse. His career is a 
warning to popular governments, that a man without real capacity 
for command, should never, whatever his influence or fortune, be 
entrusted with the lives of his fellow men. 




ZEBU L ON MONTGOMERY PIKE 




EBULON 

ERY PIKE, a Brigadier- 



MONTG )M- 
a 

General in the United States 
army, was born at South 
Trenton, in New Jersey, on 
the 5th of January, 1779. He was 
an officer of industry, ability and pro- 
mise, though he perished at too early 
an age to fulfil all the high expectations 
that had been formed of him. He was 
a strict disciplinarian, and adroit in the 
management of men. His courage was bold and dashing. Fond of 
his profession, ambitious of distinction, and with many qualities to 
ensure success, it was the melancholy burden of his thoughts, as he 
lay on his untimely death-bed, that he perished too soon for glory ! 



87 



S8 7EBUL0N MONTGOMERY PIKE. 

Pike was destined for the army from his earliest years, his father 
being a Major in the regular service. He served, when quite a 
youth, as a cadet in his parent's corps, and on the 3rd of March, 
1799, received his first commission, that of an Ensign, in the second 
regiment of infantry. In little more than a year he was promoted 
to the rank of First-Lieutenant. His assiduity soon attracted the 
notice of his superiors, and in 1805, he was appointed, by General 
Wilkinson, to command an expedition to explore the head waters of 
the Mississippi. The detachment, consisting of a Serjeant, a Corpo- 
ral, and seventeen privates, beside Pike himself, left St. Louis on 
the 9th of August, 1805, and was absent eight months and twenty- 
two days. During this period it visited numerous tribes of Indians 
on the upper Missouri, and was the first to carry the flag of the Uni- 
ted States into those remote regions. Pike found the savages gene- 
rally suspicious of this republic, though acknowledging the prowess 
of its citizens in war ; and it soon became evident to him that for 
these opinions they were indebted to the intrigues of the English 
traders in that direction. During the war of 1812, the sentiments, 
thus sown, bore bitter fruits, some of these very savages marching 
fifteen hundred miles to join in the contest against us. 

The admirable manner in which Pike executed his task in this 
expedition, induced Wilkinson to despatch him on an exploration to 
the head waters of the Arkansas and Red Rivers. The primary ob- 
ject of the enterprise, as appears from his instructions, was to restore 
certain Osage captives, recently rescued from the Potawatamies, to 
their homes on the Grand Osage ; the second was to effect a perma- 
nent peace between the Kansas and Osage nations ; and the third 
was to establish a good understanding with the Yanctons, Tetans, 
or Camanches. If there were other, and more secret purposes of 
the expedition, they have never come to light. Pike started from 
St. Louis on the 15th of July, 1806. His party consisted of a Second- 
Lieutenant, a Sergeant, two Corporals, sixteen privates, and an in- 
terpreter. A professional gentlemen, Dr. Robinson, accompanied 
the party as a volunteer. The Indians carried out by the expedi- 
tion, were fifty-one Osages and Pawnees. 

The enterprise proved disastrous. Near the head of the Arkansas 
River, Pike lost his way, and wandered about for a month without 
gaining a day's journey on his original encampment. The winter set 
in severely ; the snow lay thick on the ground ; provisions failed ; 
and many of the men became frost-bitten, and had to be left on the 
road. At last Pike reached what he supposed to be. the Red River, 
and began to erect a fortification there, his intention being to leave 



ZEBUL0N MONTGOMERY PIKE. 89 

lour or five men in this place, when completed, and, with the 
remainder, to return for those of his party he had been compelled to 
abandon. In a few days, however, he was visited by a party of 
Spanish dragoons, the commander of which, first informing him that 
he was within the boundaries of New Mexico, and on the Rio del 
Norte instead of the Red River, ended by civilly requesting his com- 
pany at Santa Fe, which was but two days march distant. Under 
the circumstances there was no resource but to accede to a request, 
which, if refused, would evidently be enforced as a command. Ac- 
cordingly Pike accompanied the officer to Santa Fe, first stipulating 
that a party should remain at the fort, in order to await the men for 
whom he had sent back. On reaching Santa Fe, the cause of his 
arrest was explained, in the notoriety which Burr's exploded designs 
on Mexico had attained. The Spanish Governor had, at first, sup- 
posed Pike to be one of Burr's emissaries. On discovering his mis- 
take, however, he allowed Pike to return to the United States, though 
not until he had taken away his papers. Pike's homeward journey 
was pursued through what is now Texas. In the ensuing year, he 
published the results of his observations, in a work entitled, " Geo- 
graphical, Statistical, and General Observations on the Interior 
Provinces of New Spain ;" and shortly after, made a report to the 
government of his expedition up the Mississippi. The most flatter- 
ing testimonials, from both the Secretary of War and the President, 
were received by him for his conduct in these explorations. He 
appears indeed to have possessed every required qualification except 
being a man of science. 

After his return from Mexico, Pike was raised to the rank of Cap- 
tain ; in 1809, to that of Major ; and in 1810, to that of Lieutenant- 
Colonel. When the War of 1812 broke out, he was advanced to 
the post of Colonel. In the ensuing year, when General Dearborn 
planned his attack on York, the command of the expedition was 
given to Pike, who had meantime been nominated for Brigadier. It 
was on the 27th of April, 1813, that the tragical assault was made. 
The defenders numbered about eight hundred, half regulars, and 
half militia and Indians, commanded by General Sheaffe. An ad 
verse wind prevented the landing of the Americans where they had 
intended, and accordingly it became necessary to pass some thick 
woods before reaching the works. These woods were occupied by 
a strong party of the enemy, who poured in a destructive fire as the 
troops approached the shore. The first who landed were the rifle- 
men under Major Forsythe. One of their number, an especial 
favorite, falling almost as soon as he sprang on the beach, the whole 
vm* 12 



00 



ZEBUI.ON MONTGOMERY PIKE. 



corps became inflamed with a thirst for revenge, which lent the most 
terrible effect to their fire. Immediately taking covert behind the 
trees, they picked off the troops of the British one by one, Forsythe, 
it is said, passing up and down the line behind his men, and point- 
ing out those who presented the surest mark. The slaughter was 
terrible. Yet the enemy resolutely held his ground, until Pike, with 
the main body, had effected a landing. 

Quickly forming his men, Pike dashed on in pursuit. After 
threading the wood we have spoken of, he came to an open ground, 
at the further end of which appeared the redoubts of the enemy. 
One of these soon yielded to the impetuous attack of the Americans. 
Hut the other holding out, it was resolved to halt the column until 
a battery could be established of some light artillery, beneath the 
cover of the conquered redoubt. The troops being fatigued, the 
leading regiments were allowed to seat themselves on the ground, 
Pike himself, surrounded by his staff, imitating their example. In 
this position they were awaiting the effect of the artillery, when sud- 




DEATH OF GENERAL PIKE. 



denly an explosion occurred, shaking earth and sky. Instantly 
every man looked around in horror. The explosion was seen to 
proceed from a magazine of the enemy, a huge stone building, 



ZEBULON MONTGOMERY PIKE. 91 

which had caught fire by some untoward accident. The Americans 
were all within a compass of a few hundred yards, right in the track 
of this terrible volcano. An instant or two elapsed between the 
stunning report and the fall of the destructive missiles. The sight 
is described as having been awful. At first a jet of flame was seen 
shooting to the sky, followed by thick puffs of white smoke, from 
the midst of which huge fragments of the wall went spinning aloft, 
and then fell, thick and fast, over the field around. The gigantic 
masses, as they poised a moment before descending, seemed like 
some black cloud obscuring the heavens : then, with a rushing sound, 
they came to the earth, bruising, maiming and destroying wherever 
they touched. In some places the fragments fell with such force as 
to bury themselves several feet in the ground. Over three hundred 
individuals, by that fearful descent, were hurried into eternity, or 
else wounded or maimed for life. 

Pike was one of the sufferers. Seeing the huge masses in the air, 
and knowing that escape was impossible, he did not attempt to rise, 
but stooped his body forward instinctively. A piece of the wall 
struck him on the back as he bent in this position, and gave him a 
mortal injury. Just as he was lifted from the ground, he heard a 
shout, and inquiring what it was for, was told the enemy's flag 
was coming down. He smiled proudly on hearing this. He lived 
but a few hours, just, long enough to be taken on board the fleet. 
Here he desired the captured banner might be placed under his 
head. He died thinking of his wife and children, and regretting that 
his career was cut so short. His wife was a woman who shared all 
his ambitious longings, and would have incited him to glory, if he 
had been less athirst for it himself. She heard of her loss with the 
fortitude of a Roman matron, and lived thereafter to cherish his 
memory, as a sacred deposit. 

The death of Pike, and the explosion of the magazine, threw the 
Americans into momentary confusion, which General SheafTe availed 
himself of to abandon his fortifications, leaving the authorities of 
York to make the best terms of surrender they could. Offers of 
capitulation were immediately made, but while they were being 
entertained, the enemy set fire to a public vessel on the stocks, and 
to a magazine of military and naval stores. The loss of the British 
in this affair was five hundred, in killed, wounded and prisoners ; 
that of the Americans, in killed and wounded, three hundred and 
twenty, and most of these were in consequence of this explosion. 

Pike was but thirty-four at the period of his death. His loss was 



92 



ZEBULON MONTGOMERY PIKE. 



deeply regretted by the nation, which had formed a high estimate 
of his ability. In the army, but especially in his own regiment, the 
grief for his premature fate was long and heart-felt. 





HENRY DEARBORN. 



ENRY DEARBORN, a Major-General 
in the army of the United States, was 
another example of a revolutionary of- 
ficer who failed to maintain his old re- 
putation. But as there are grades in 
unfitness as in other things, Dearborn 
has the merit of being less incapable 
than either Wilkinson or Hull. His 
fault was that of all the earlier Gene- 
rals of the war of 1812. Age had 
damped his ardor, and weakened his energy : instead of being the first 
to lead, he was content to delegate this task to others. Forty years had 

93 




94 HENRY DEARBORN. 

completely changed his character. In 1776 he had been distinguished 
for promptitude and fire ; in 1812 he was remarkable only for inac- 
tivity. 

Dearborn was a native of New Hampshire, where he was born in 
the year 1751. He received as good an education as the colonies 
could then afford, and at the age of manhood, settled as a practi- 
tioner of medicine at Portsmouth, in his native state. Among one 
of the most ardent supporters of the colonial rights, he did not hesi- 
tate, when the trial of arms came, to devote his sword and life to his 
country ; and on hearing of the battle of Lexington, marched, with 
sixty volunteers, to Cambridge, a distance of sixty miles, within 
twenty-four hours. He was present at the battle of Bunker Hill, 
where he held a Captain's commission, in Stark's regiment. He sub- 
sequently accompanied Arnold to Canada, where he was captured, 
and at first closely confined ; but was afterwards liberated on parole, 
and, in March, 1777, exchanged. He was now attached to the 
army of Gates, with the rank of Major, and shared, with his compa- 
nions, the glories of Saratoga. In the campaign of 1778, he distin- 
guished himself at the battle of Monmouth, in a manner to win the 
personal commendation of Washington. In 1779, he formed one of 
the expedition, under Sullivan, against the Six Nations. His milita- 
ry career in the War of Independence, closed at the siege of York- 
town. 

After the conclusion of peace, Dearborn returned to private life. 
On the elevation of Washington to the Presidency, he was appointed 
marshal of the District of Maine. Subsequently he was twice elected 
to Congress from Maine. In 1801, on the formation of the Jefferson 
administration, he was appointed Secretary of War, an office he held 
until 1809. He was rewarded, on his retirement, with the collector- 
ship of the port of Boston, at that time the most lucrative post, of 
its character, in the country. When the war with Great Britain was 
declared, he was made a Major-General, partly on account of his in- 
fluence, and partly for his reputation earned during the revolutionary 
struggle. His first operation in the autumn of 1812, signally failed. 
But, as the army was as yet only partially prepared for action, bet- 
ter auspices were drawn for the future. 

The plan of campaign for 1813, on the northern frontier, was 
sketched by General Armstrong, the Secretary of War. He pro- 
posed the reduction of Kingston and York, on Lake Ontario, and of 
Fort George, on the Niagara, in the order named. It was the opin- 
ion of Armstrong that the most important of the posts, Kingston, 
ought first to be attacked, since its fall would paralyze the operations 



HENRY DEARBORN. 95 

of the British throughout Canada ; and in arriving at this decision it 
must be confessed, the Secretary of war evinced more than his usual 
judgment. The force of Dearborn was thirteen thousand men, and 
that of the enemy but three thousand, so that if numbers could se- 
cure victory, the Americans had nothing to fear. Besides, Chauncey 
was on the lake, with a fleet, ready to co-operate with Dearborn. 
On a consideration, however, of the Secretary's plan, Dearborn and 
Chauncey decided to assail the weakest point of the enemy first, 
thus displaying another instance of that exaggerated dread of the 
English armies, and a mistrust in our own, which led to most of the 
disasters during the first two years of the war. Accordingly the ex- 
pedition against York was undertaken. 

This post fell into the hands of the Americans after a feeble at- 
tempt at resistance. It was here that the brave Pike lost his life by 
the explosion of a magazine ; and in consequence of this calamity a 
portion of the enemy escaped, for Dearborn not being present on the 
field, and Colonel Peirce, who succeeded Pike, having received no 
orders, a pursuit was not undertaken. The next movement was 
against Fort George, which was abandoned by its garrison on the 
approach of Dearborn. But here also the inactivity, or want of 
foresight of the American General, permitted the escape of the ene- 
my. If, instead of concentrating his whole force on the water-side 
of the British defences, he had sent a sufficient detachment across the 
Niagara, below Queenstown, he could have cut off all escape. Even 
when, on the flight of the garrison, Colonel Winfield Scott, on his 
own responsibility, gave pursuit, Dearborn recalled him, and thus 
allowed the enemy to secure a safe retreat. Afterwards, by taking 
the wrong road, he lost, two days in following the foe to Burlington 
heights ; and finally closed this series of blunders by detaching an 
insufficient force, which was attacked at Stony Brook, in the night 
of the 5th of June, and completely defeated. These failures the pro- 
phetic eye of Pike had foreseen before his death. " Our country is 
again doomed to defeat," he is reported to have said, " if the opera- 
tions now meditated by the General are attempted to be accom- 
plished." 

Dearborn's want of success, during the twelve months he had been 
in command, had now led to a very general demand on the part of 
the public, that he should be recalled. Not only had he signally 
failed in his attempt on Canada in the autumn of 1S12, but after- 
wards, when full time had been allowed to discipline his troops, and 
when the government had given him the most unlimited discretion- 
ary powers, his campaign had presented only a series of disasters. 



06 HENRY DEARBORN. 

With an army never less than thirty-five hundred men, he had been 
foiled by an enemy rarely numbering a thousand. After the defeat 
of Chandler and Winder at Stony Brook, Dearborn had withdrawn 
his forces to Fort George ; and the enemy, though much inferior in 
numbers, emboldened by these signs of fear, had advanced in the 
direction of that post, in order, as the British General wrote in his 
despatches, " to circumscribe the range of the American troops, 
and compel them to live on their own resources." Aroused by 
these encroachments, Dearborn determined to send out a detach- 
ment to attack the enemy. A last opportunity to redeem him- 
self was here presented ; but he wanted either the sagacity or 
energy to avail himself of it. If he had despatched Scott and Miller, 
both known to be active and able officers, with fifteen hundred men 
each, he might have crushed the British ; but instead of this he chose 
Colonel Boerstler, an officer proved by no particular service, with 
but five hundred and forty men, to operate, beyond sustaining dis- 
tance, against a rapid, practised and vehement foe. The conse- 
quences were such as might have been foreseen. Boerstler was 
surrounded and compelled to surrender. 

When intelligence of this last disaster reached the city of Washing- 
ton, Congress was in session, and an informal committee was immedi- 
ately appointed, to wait on the President and solicit the recall of Dear- 
born. Madison complied, and the order was despatched that day. In 
consequence of this removal, the operations of the northern army were 
suspended, for General Boyd, the second in command, was ordered 
to do nothing until the arrival of Wilkinson, Dearborn's successor. 
In justice to the retiring General it must be stated that he had been 
ill for more than a month before his removal ; that his army was 
becoming rapidly thinned by sickness ; and that he had been left 
almost entirely without regimental officers. Moreover, about this 
period, the command of the lake was temporarily lost. But Dear- 
born, nevertheless, appears to have been wanting in the requisites of 
a successful General ; for he displayed a torpor and indecision, which, 
whether resulting from age or natural incapacity, produced the most 
unfortunate results. 

After his recall, Dearborn was ordered to assume command of the 
military district of New York city. His subsequent life presents few 
incidents worthy of record here. In 1S22, during the administration 
of Monroe, he was appointed Minister Plenipotentiary to Portugal ; 
but he did not long hold this honorable post, being recalled, two 
years later, at his own request. He survived only a short period, 
dying in 1829, at the age of seventy-eight. 




JAMES WILKINSON. 




AMES WILKINSON, a 

Major-General in the army of the 
United States, had distinguished 
himself in the revolutionary war, but 
failed in the present contest to maintain 
= his former reputation. He was, in fact, 
| disqualified for a supreme command, 
I though capable of discharging with 
" credit the duties of a subordinate. The 
disgraceful termination of the attempt on 
Canada, in the autumn of 1 SI 3, is to be 
Attributed chiefly to him. At the head of the most imposing force 
which had yet been concentrated on the northern frontier, he had 
ix 13 97 



98 JAMES WILKINSON. 

advanced to a convenient distance of Montreal, when suddenly he 
abandoned his design, and retired to French Mills, to the chagrin of 
all his abler officers. His excuse for this conduct, was the want of 
concert on the part of General Hampton. But this is an insufficient 
justification. The battle of Williamsburg, in which the enemy had 
met a check, left the road to Montreal comparatively open, and it needed 
only a bold and vigorous push to carry that important place. But 
there was nothing heroic about Wilkinson. He was a gentleman of 
polished address, and a methodical officer, but not a great General. 
He was fitted to follow rather than lead. His pompous maimer, his 
affectation of military knowledge, and his jealous spirit, all marked 
the second-rate man, attempting to conceal his deficiencies by noise 
and bluster. 

Wilkinson was born in Maryland, in the year 1757. He was 
educated for a physician, and began his medical career in 1775, but 
the War of Independence breaking out in that year, he yielded to a 
partiality he had always experienced for the military life, and repaired 
to the camp at Cambridge. In March, 1776, he was rewarded with 
a Captain's commission. He served in Canada under Arnold, and 
subsequently in New Jersey, under Washington. At first, his 
advance was rapid. In January, 1777, he was elevated to the rank 
of Lieutenant-Colonel. When General Gates was appointed to the 
northern army, he offered Wilkinson the post of Aid-de-camp, a 
flattering tender, which the young soldier accepted, resigning for that 
purpose his commission in the line. Appointed Adjutant-General 
by his patron, he served with industry and ability, until the surren- 
der of Burgoyne, when he was despatched by Gates to inform Con- 
gress of the capitulation. Wilkinson stopped so long at Reading, on 
his way to Philadelphia, that the felicitous news reached the capi- 
tol before him ; but notwithstanding his laggard pace, Congress was 
so delighted with the intelligence, that he was rewarded with the rank 
of Brigadier. A keen rebuke, however, was administered by Roger 
Sherman, who, in seconding the motion, proposed to amend it, by 
voting the messenger a whip and a pair of spurs. When Gates 
became President of the Board of War, Wilkinson was appointed 
his Secretary. Having been implicated in the cabal against Wash- 
ington by the conduct of Gates, a rupture occurred between the 
patron and pupil, and Wilkinson, in consequence, resigned his 
post as Secretary, as also his brevet of Brigadier. He was, however, 
subsequently appointed Clothier-General of the army. 

At the close of the war, Wilkinson settled in Kentucky, where he 
embarked in trade; but soon becoming disgusted with commerce, he 



JAMES WILKINSON. 9<) 

returned to the army, and was employed on the frontier. When the 
purchase of Louisiana was effected, under Jefferson's administration 
Wilkinson was joint commissioner with Governor Clairborne. to 
receive that territory from the French authorities. He was now in 
command of the southern department. A few years later, Burr 
conceived the design of invading Mexico, and Wilkinson, still at the 
head of the southern department, appears to have lent, at first, a 
favorable ear to the dazzling scheme. Subsequently, however, 
induced either by patriotism or interest, he refused to give his coun- 
tenance to the enterprise, and became, indeed, one of the most active 
and even virulent witnesses against the prisoner. In this conduct, 
there is such an absence of magnanimity, as leaves no very favora- 
ble impression on the mind of the historian. Nothing, in fact, can 
vindicate Wilkinson from the imputation of having sought his own 
personal advancement by the rum of his former friend. He was well 
acquainted with the real intentions of Burr, and had been a party 
to them ; but when the popular cry was raised, he became one of 
the first, not only to desert his late associate, but to seek his destruc- 
tion. The most partial eulogists of Wilkinson's behaviour in this 
affair, are forced to admit, that either he shared in Burr's ambitious 
plans, or else played the spy on him from the beginning. 

Wilkinson continued in command of the southern department 
until 1811. In 1S13, he was ordered to the northern frontier, to 
assume the chief command of the army there, made vacant by the 
recall of General Dearborn. The failure of the preceding campaign 
had led to the resignation of the Hon. Wm, Eustis, Secretary of War, 
and the advancement of General Armstrong to that place. The new 
officer had no sooner assumed his post, than he planned a bold and 
comprehensive campaign against Canada, the reduction of Kingston, 
the enemy's chief depot, being laid down as the first step to be 
taken, and preliminary to the conquest of Montreal and Quebec. 
The campaign was to have been opened on Lake Ontario, by the 
first of April, or as soon as that lake was free from ice ; and on the 
St. Lawrence by the 15th of May, or earlier if the navigation would 
permit. Had this plan been vigorously carried out, there is little 
doubt but that the whole of Canada would have fallen. But there 
seems to have been a lamentable imbecility, not only in those 
entrusted with its execution, but in the Secretary of War himself, 
who, later in the season, repaired to the scene of action in person. 
In the early part of the spring, General Dearborn was in command 
of the northern department, but instead of opening the campaign by 
an attack on Kingston, he moved against York, where victory 



100 



JAMES WILKINSON. 



afforded no reward commensurate with the trouble. Had he assailed 
Kingston at once, it is now apparent that he would have succeeded, 
and in so doing, struck a deadly blow to the British in Canada. His 
mistake at the beginning of the campaign, led to the inactivity of his 
army during the whole summer, for in July he was recalled, and 
by direction of the Secretary of War, every thing was left to await 
the arrival of Wilkinson, his successor. Meantime, however, Arm- 
strong renewed the original plan of the campaign, which, on Wilkin- 
son's arrival, was communicated to that General. The seizure of 
Kingston, and the destruction of the British fleet there, the Secretary 
said would give Wilkinson command of Lake Ontario, and strike at 
the vital parts of the enemy. In conjunction with this enterprise, 
the Secretary proposed a movement from Lake Champlain on the 
St. Lawrence, and the troops destined for this service, about four 
thousand men, were entrusted to General Hampton. 

Wilkinson arrived at Albany in the early part of August, 1S13, 




KINGSTON. 



and despatched, on the 16th of that month, his first orders to Hamp- 
ton. The latter General, who had imagined his command an inde- 
pendent one, was jealous of this new superior, and immediately 



JAMES WILKINSON. 101 

tendered his resignation, but the Secretary succeeded in persuading 
him to retain his post until the close of the campaign, though 
not in wholly eradicating his disgust. The consequence was that the 
operations, which ought to have opened in the spring, and which 
were now about to begin at last in the autumn, commenced with a 
feud between the General-in-chief and his second in command, an 
event generally ominous of failure. However, the campaign was 
at once begun. Wilkinson arriving at Sackett's Harbor, hastened 
to call a council of war. At this assembly it was resolved to ren- 
dezvous the troops at that post, and after a bold feint on Kingston, 
to slip down the St. Lawrence, and in conjunction with General 
Hampton, capture Montreal. The army at Wilkinson's disposal, 
was already seven thousand four hundred men, which, in a month, 
could be raised to nine thousand. This, it was believed, would outnum- 
ber the disposable force of the enemy, and ensure certain success to the 
contemplated campaign. In order that nothing might be left undone to 
obtain victory, the Secretary of War transferred his department from 
Washington to Sackett's Harbor, believing that his presence at the scene 
of operations would add to the celerity of the army, and compose the 
jealousies of Wilkinson and Hampton. But in this expectation, as 
might have been foreseen, he signally failed. His appearance 
rendered Wilkinson as jealous of the Secretary, as Hampton had 
before been jealous of Wilkinson. Where there should have been 
but one controlling head, there were now three. A general distrust 
between the Generals was the consequence. As a late writer has 
powerfully said, " that deplorable campaign was a monster with 
three heads, biting and barking at each other, with a madness which 
destroyed them all, and disgraced the country. Discord was a leprosy 
in the very marrow of the enterprise, worse than all its other cala- 
mities. Armstrong was on good terms both with Wilkinson and Hamp- 
ton till it failed, but thenceforth the enmity became as bitter 
between him and both of them, as between the two themselves." 

On the 21st of October, Wilkinson at last set his army in motion ; 
Commodore Chauncey, having, as a preparatory measure chased the 
English fleet into harbor, and obtained command of the lake. The 
troops were embarked at Grenadier Island, near Sackett's Harbor, 
in three hundred boats, under convoy of a part of Chauncey's squad- 
ron, but more than a fortnight elapsed before they cleared the lake, 
and reached the St. Lawrence. This delay is attributable to the 
advanced season. Now was seen the error of putting off the cam- 
paign to this late period of the year. Autumn proved particularly 
inclement; there was almost constant rain, with occasional snow 

IX 



102 JAMES WILKINSON. 

storms ; while the gales that swept that inland sea, lashed it into short, 
wild waves, that were more dangerous even than those of the 
ocean. One third of the boats were wrecked in this perilous navi- 
gation. The troops, crowded into the remainder, and unprovided 
with proper clothing, were continually drenched to the skin. To add to 
all provisions were scanty and unwholesome. In consequence, large 
numbers, both of officers and men, fell sick, and the spirits of the rest 
became materially impaired. Nor did the enemy omit any oppor- 
tunity to harass and distress the expedition, but frequently assailed 
it from their batteries, which were posted at various points along 
the shore. At last, on the 6th of November, the Americans arrived 
opposite Prescott. The main body of the troops was now debarked, 
only a small portion being left with General Brown, to whom was 
entrusted the charge of carrying the fleet of boats past the English 
fortification. This task, that daring and skilful General effected 
in the night, without loss, though in the midst of a furious cannon- 
ade. The army and its flotilla having once more united, the expe- 
dition advanced on its way. At Ogdensburg, Wilkinson heard from 
Hampton, who expressed his conviction that the campaign was at 
an end, and renewed his desire to resign. Wilkinson, in reply, 
announced his present position, declared his intention of marching 
on Montreal, and demanded Hampton's co-operation to carry out 
the objects of the campaign. The progress of the main army down 
the St. Lawrence was now continued. 

During the whole voyage Wilkinson had been ill, and for most of 
the time confined to his bed. Secluded in his boat from the view of 
the men, his own spirits appear to have sunk as fast as theirs, if the 
diary which he kept of the proceedings of the army, is any criterion 
of his feelings. As early as the 24th of October, he writes in the 
most despondent strain. With each succeeding day, this deplorable 
want of confidence seems to have increased. Every new storm, every 
additional obstruction added to the depression of the General, when they 
should have been only increased inducements to renewed enterprise 
and perseverance. If Greene, when at the head of the southern 
army in the Revolution, had given way to the thousand difficulties 
that surrounded him, the Carolinas never would have been liberated ; 
but, though suffering for most of the time under disease, and though 
pursued by infinitely greater obstructions than Wilkinson, he 
manfully bore up against all, and came out victorious. The test of 
military genius is to conquer in spite of fate. Second-rate men 
always fail in difficult emergencies, but the first order of minds 
succeed by bending destiny to their will. Napoleon was never 



JAMES WILKINSON. 103 

greater than in his Italian campaign, where, nevertheless, he was 
always inferior in force to the Austrians. Washington, when retreat- 
ing across the Jerseys with three thousand men, while the British 
with twenty thousand, thundered in pursuit, is one of the noblest 
spectacles in military history, because he was conqueror in defiance 
of odds. Neither the sickness of Wilkinson, nor the inclemency of 
the weather can be admitted as a justification of his failure. The 
fact was, he held a post above his ability. He was unfitted to com- 
mand. 

We have said that the British had omitted no occasion to annoy 
the Americans. Undismayed by the superior numbers of the inva- 
ders, they had attacked, whenever an opportunity offered, with a 
bravery and resolution which extorts admiration. Indeed, the effect 
of the preceding campaign had not worn off from the public mind 
in either country. The British, were, in consequence, always con- 
fident of victory ; the Americans, distrustful of their own powers 
and expecting defeat. On the 9th of November, a fleet of the 
enemy's gun boats, commanded by Lieutenant Colonel Morrison, 
cut off a large quantity of provisions and stores, with two pieees of 
ordnance, from the rear of the Americans. Flushed with this success, 
Morrison on the following day pressed so close upon the invaders, that 
the Brigade under Boyd, which was nearest to him, turned and 
gave him battle. Had Wilkinson been a General of spirit, he would 
have concentrated all his forces, and crushed his assailant. But 
reduced by illness to spend the day on his pillow, he was so 
thoroughly destitute of the necessary energy, that, on hearing the 
distant cannonade, he merely enquired how the day was going, and 
was contented when he heard his troops had not been utterly 
defeated. The battle was thus left wholly to General Boyd, who 
had but sixteen hundred men, while his adversary commanded 
a force at least equal, if not superior. The conflict raged for two 
hours, and was obstinately contested. Both the British and Ameri- 
can Generals exhibited the greatest skill and intrepidity, so much so, 
indeed, that the English commander paid his adversary the compli- 
ment of declaring that the battle was in these respects, the hand- 
somest affair of the war. In the end, the British were driven from 
their positions, with a loss to the Americans of one hundred killed, 
and two hundred and thirty-six wounded, the enemy losing more 
by our account, less by their own. The desperate character of the 
fight is shown by the loss, which, in Boyd's brigade, amounted to 
one-fourth of the whole number. Had this detachment of the 
Americans been sustained by the whole disposable force of our 



104 JAMES WILKINSON. 

army, there can be no doubt but that a glorious and decisive victory 
would have been won. This battle has been known as that of 
Williamsburg. 

Wilkinson had now achieved three-fourths of his journey. His 
forces were greatly superior to those of the enemy ; the road to 
Montreal was comparatively open ; and the season was approach- 
ing which, notwithstanding the cold, is more favorable to military 
operations in Canada than either the autumn or spring. His 
advance was commanded by General Brown, a bold and gallant 
officer, who felt confident of the success of the campaign. Serving 
under Brown was a young officer, since the conqueror of Mexico, 
Colonel Winfield Scott, who had just routed a party of the British, 
eight hundred strong, at Hoophole Creek, and who was equally con- 
fident of victory. Had Wilkinson listened to the advice of these 
more heroic spirits, he might yet have achieved successes that would 
have crowned his name with glory. But, instead of this, he took 
counsel of his own morbid fears. At every step he considered he 
was further from his base, and, expecting defeat, lamented the dis- 
tance that separated him from a secure place of refuge. While in 
this miserable condition of mind he received a letter from Hampton, 
on the 12th of November, refusing peremptorily to join the expedi- 
tion. This decided Wilkinson. He saw a chance to shift the 
responsibility on another, and relieve himself of his suspense. His 
brow, which had been so long clouded, cleared up ; eagerly snatching 
at this refusal of Hampton as an excuse, he resolved. to retreat, and 
calling in the advance, set out, the very next day, for French Mills, 
on Salmon River. This resolution was heard with grief and dismay 
by the younger officers. Thus failed an expedition, undertaken at 
the head of the best appointed army which had yet been sent out by 
the United States. No palliation, or but little, can be offered for the 
conduct of Wilkinson. It was not criminal, perhaps, but it was not 
heroic. A man of more ability, a Jackson, a Taylor, or a Scott, 
would have entered Montreal in triumph. Wilkinson was tried by 
a court-martial, and acquitted, of course, since neither treachery, nor 
any other glaring error could be proved upon him. But the popu- 
lar verdict was against him, and in questions of this kind the robust 
common sense of the people is generally right. 

We cannot close the narrative of this disgraceful campaign with- 
out alluding to the loss of Fort George and of Fort Niagara. The 
former was situated on British soil, and had been the only conquest 
remaining to us, when its Commander, Colonel Scott, eager to share 
in the expected glories of Wilkinson's expedition, left it in charge of 



JAMES WILKINSON. 



105 



General M'Clure of the New York militia. During the period of 
his absence, the British, twelve hundred strong, headed by General 
Drummond, advanced to the siege of the place. Alarmed at this 
imposing force, a council of war was called in the fort, and its aban- 
donment resolved upon, though the place was fully competent for a 




QUEENSTOWN. 



defence. The post was accordingly dismantled. But, not content 
with dilapidating the fort, the retiring Americans set fire to the 
neighboring village of Newark, alleging that otherwise it might 
afford a shelter to the enemy during the approaching winter. By 
this inhuman act, four hundred women and children, deprived of 
their homes, were thrust out into the open air to endure all the hor- 
rors of a Canadian winter. Nor did the savage cruelty of the militia 
end here. Finding that the British sought shelter in the neighboring 
village of Queenstown, red hot shots were fired at that place, to 
deprive the enemy, of a refuge there. For these acts of Vandalism, 
a terrible and speedy retribution was taken by the British. Crossing 
the river at the head of five hundred men, Colonel Murray, of the 

14 



106 JAMES WILKINSON. 

English army, surprised and carried Fort Niagara, putting sixty- 
three of its garrison to death with the bayonet, before he would grant 
quarter. This bold act was followed up by the burning of the 
villages of Lewistown and Manchester, and subsequently by the 
sacking and conflagration of Black Rock and Buffalo. We do not 
pretend to defend either of these barbarities. The British, in the 
campaign of the preceding year, had acted so ruthlessly as to exas- 
perate the Americans ; and to this, in part, is the burning of New- 
ark and Queenstown to be attributed. But the Vandalism of one 
party should never excuse that of another. It ought to be the proud 
boast of Americans, that while they make war like heroes, they 
conduct themselves towards defenceless women and children, with 
the tenderest humanity. Such, indeed, had been their character up 
to this period. It is lamentable to consider that this fair fame was 
lost through the instrumentality of cowards, who, incompetent to 
defend their post, set an example of barbarity that was fearfully 
retaliated in the sack of Buffalo, and subsequently in that of the 
capitol of the nation. 

Wilkinson, having arrived at French Mills, waited until his army 
was established in winter quarters, and then requested leave of 
absence, in order to recruit his health. He directed Hampton to be 
brought to a court-martial, and, in the spring, that General resigned. 
Wilkinson afterwards requested a court-martial on himself. This 
body met in 1815, and acquitted him of all blame. However, on 
the new organization of the army, after the peace, he was not 
retained on the establishment, an ominous hint as to the popular 
opinion of his conduct. He availed himself of the leisure thus afford- 
ed him, to give to the world, in 1S17, three large octavo volumes 
entitled " Memoirs of My Own Times." This work is not without 
value, but is marked by too much personal prejudice. 

Having become possessed of large estates in Mexico, Wilkinson 
removed to that country soon after leaving the army. He survived 
there until the 28th of December, 1825. His death occurred in the 
vicinity of the capitol, and he lies buried in the parish of St. Miguel. 




JOHN ARMSTRONG. 




S 



LTHOUGH Armstrong was not 
present in any battle during the 
war of 1S12, yet, as Secretary 
of the War Department, and the 
projector of the campaign of 1S13, he merits 
a place in this series. It can scarcely be 
™^ said that he was a very able, or a very for- 
■\ tnnate leader. None of his projects were 
** crowned with success. Though he removed 
his department from Washington to the northern frontier, in order 
to be nearer the scene of operations, he gained nothing from the 
step but the envy of his Generals. Neither in arranging the plan of 

107 



10S JOHN ARMSTRONG. 

this campaign, nor in endeavoring to reconcile the jealousies of Wil- 
kinson and Hampton, did he exhibit any evidences of a superior in- 
tellect. In short, he was better at criticising others than at perform- 
ing great deeds himself. A caustic writer, a good hater, prejudiced, 
vindictive and vain, he presents the spectacle of a man, who, unable 
to rise to a first position himself, detracted from all others who aspired 
to it. 

Yet it would be improper to speak of Armstrong in a tone of un- 
qualified censure. He experienced many things to exasperate him, 
and to leave upon his mind the stinging impression of injustice and 
undeserved insult. The failure of the campaign of 1813 was far 
from being entirely his fault. In fact the very errors which led to 
that failure, he had early warned the commanding Generals against ; 
and the removal of the department to the northern frontier was pro- 
jected in hopes to prevent, by«his presence, unnecessary delays. 
Moreover, he was not properly seconded in any of his plans by the 
President. Madison and Armstrong had not agreed from the first ; 
and as the war progressed, the mutual distrust widened. None of the 
Generals whom the executive had most confidence in, and who were 
consequently appointed to the chief commands, were, in the Secre- 
tary's opinion, competent for their posts. It was Armstrong's favor- 
ite belief that victory would never attend our banner, until the old 
Generals were weeded out of the army, and new and more vigorous 
ones appointed in their place. The result certainly verified his views. 
His retirement from his office was attended by circumstances which 
favored his assertion at the time, that he had been unjustly treated ; 
for, when the capture of the capitol covered him with undeserved 
odium, instead of endeavoring to shield him, the President hinted 
that it would be best for him to be absent for a while. The truth 
was that it was Madison and not Armstrong, who was the real cause 
of the capture of the capitol. The President insisted that Winder 
should command the troops, and Armstrong objected. But the will 
of the President prevailed, and the imbecility of Winder caused a 
defeat. In the end, the popular clamors demanded a victim, and 
Armstrong, though the least criminal of all, was disingenuously sa- 
crificed to public opinion. Indignant at this treatment he threw up 
his office. His own generation blamed him for the fault of another ; 
but it is the duty of the annalist to reverse this decision. 

John Armstrong was the son of General John Armstrong, a dis- 
tinguished officer of the Revolution, and was born at Carlisle, Penn- 
sylvania, in the year 1758. At the age of eighteen, contrary to the 
wishes of his parents, he absconded from his studies and entered the 



JOHN ARMSTRONG. 10* 

army as a volunteer. He was present at the battle of Princeton in 
the capacity of Aid-de-camp to General Mercer ; and after the conflict 
assisted to bear the wounded and dying hero from the field. Subse- 
quently, he was invited by General Gates to become a member of his 
military family, and in this situation, with the rank of Major, he con- 
tinued until the close of the war. He was the author of the celebrated 
Newburgh addresses which raised such a ferment in the army in 
1782, and which Washington publicly denounced as improper, fac- 
tious, and dangerous to the country. They were written with great 
ability, and having something of justice as a foundation, were emi- 
nently calculated to exasperate the officers against Congress. It was 
with difficulty that even the Commander-in-chief could allay the 
storm. The writing of these letters was, in later life, a source of ob- 
loquy to Armstrong. Attempts have been made accordingly to de- 
fend his conduct. But though we can see some slight palliation, we 
cannot discover any legitimate excuse. The verdict of Washington 
in reference to these letters, pronounced many years subsequent to 
their publication, is, perhaps, the most impartial that can be given. 
This judgment exculpated Armstrong from intentional error, but 
censured the means he employed. " I have since," wrote Washington, 
" had sufficient reason for believing that the object of the author was 
just, honorable and friendly to the country, though the means sug- 
gested were certainly liable to much misunderstanding and abuse." 
After the conclusion of peace, Armstrong was Secretary of the 
state of Pennsylvania, during Franklin's administration. He was 
subsequently a member of the old Congress. In 1789 he married a 
sister of Chancellor Livingston, of New York, and removed to the 
latter commonwealth to reside. In 1800 he was elected a Senator 
of the United States. In 1804 he was appointed, by Jefferson, Min- 
ister to the court of France. He continued to reside in Paris, dis- 
charging the duties of his mission, and acting also as ambassador to 
Spain, until 1810, when, at his own request, he was recalled, his 
health and his private affairs requiring his attention at home. On 
the declaration of war in 1S12 he was appointed a Brigadier ; but 
he had scarcely entered on his duties, when the resignation of Dr. 
Eustus as Secretary of War, opened his way to that high post. The 
President, it is understood, selected him with reluctance, but consi- 
dered the choice the best that could be made under the circumstances ; 
while Armstrong, on his part, accepted the post with misgivings, for 
he found, almost on his first interview, that Madison and himself dif- 
fered as to the Generals to be employed. " The old commanders have 
lost all ambitious aspirations," said the new Secretary, " while they 
x 



110 JOHN ARMSTRONG. 

have forgotten all they ever knew, and are ignorant of the later im- 
provements in military science." In the end, this difference of opin- 
ion, as we have already seen, led to the comparative alienation of 
the President and Secretary, and to the resignation of the latter in 
disgust. 

It was in February, 1813, that Armstrong assumed his new office. 
He immediately drew up a plan for the invasion of Canada, predica- 
ted on the capture of York, Kingston and other posts, and the obtain- 
ing command of the St. Lawrence, before the ice should leave 
that river, and recruits arrive from England. Had this scheme been 
executed with promptitude and vigor it is probable that Montreal 
would have fallen into our hands, and perhaps the whole province 
been triumphantly overrun. But Dearborn, then in command at the 
north, trifled with the precious moments, and the navigation was open- 
ed before anything could be effected. At last, the expedition against 
York was undertaken, a gallant exploit, but an almost useless one, 
since it was beginning at the extremity, instead of striking at the 
heart. Annoyed at these delays, Armstrong insisted that Wilkinson 
should be sent to supersede Dearborn, and that the war office should 
be changed to the north in order that he might personally inspect 
and hasten operations. But the campaign, though begun again un- 
der these happier auspices, proved a total failure. Armstrong re- 
venged himself, however, by abusing both his subordinates, thus 
proving that, if he was not a great war minister, he had at least a 
caustic pen. He continued in office until August, 1814. 

Armstrong, after his retirement, amused himself with literary 
labors. He wrote a sharp review of Wilkinson's Memoirs ; numerous 
short biographical notices ; a treatise on gardening, and ano- 
ther on agriculture, both considered admirable ; and a work in two 
volumes, entitled, " Notices of the War of 1S12." The latter publi- 
cation is strongly tinged with the author's prejudices and acrimoni- 
ous feelings ; but displays a large share of military knowledge ; and 
is written in a very effective style. Indeed, Armstrong is decidedly 
the best military author America has produced; and it is to be re- 
gretted that he did not live to finish a history of the Revolution, 
which he is understood to have begun. 

He retained his health in almost full vigor to the 84th year of his 
age. Towards the close of 1S42 he began to waste away, and 
sinking into a rapid decline, died on the 1st of April, 1843. 




GEORGE CROGHAN 



cess in the north-west was 
the heroic defence of Fort 
Sandusky, by Major Geo. 
Croghan. This affair oc- 
curred on the 2d of August, 
1813, and exhilarated the 
public mind in proportion 
to its former depression. 
A more gallant act it has 
never been the province 
of the historian to record. Croghan was born at Locust Grove, 

Kentucky, on the 15th of November, 1791. He received the best 

111 




112 GEORGE CROGHAN. 

education the grammar schools of his native state could afford ; and 
entered the college of William and Mary, in Virginia, in his seven- 
teenth year. In July, 1810, he graduated, and immediately began 
the study of the law. In the autumn of 1S11, however, the dis- 
covery of an Indian confederacy under Tecumseh, became public, 
and a large portion of the more spirited of the young men of Ken- 
tucky, resolved to offer their services iu this emergency to their 
country. Croghan was one of this number. He first entered as a 
private for the campaign up the Wabash, but soon attracting the 
notice of his superiors, was made Aid-de-camp to General Boyd, the 
second in command. This promotion was a short time preceding the 
battle of Tippecanoe. For his behaviour in that stoutly contested 
field, he received the thanks of the commanding General, and was 
presented with the commission of a Captain in the provincial army, 
directed to be raised in the spring of 1812. 

In August of that year, Croghan accompanied the detachment 
under General Winchester, which marched from Kentucky to the 
relief of General Hull. As is well known, the premature surrender 
of Hull rendered the advance of these reinforcements unnecessary, 
Croghan continued with Winchester, until, in the succeeding winter, 
that General moved upon the Rapids, when our hero was left in 
command of the fort just erected at the juncture of the Miami and 
Au Glaize rivers. In consequence of this arrangement, he escaped 
being made a prisoner with the rest of his comrades at the Raisin. 
He now joined Harrison at the Rapids. This was previous to the 
erection of Fort Meigs. On the completion of that work, Croghan 
was one of those besieged in it, with the commanding General ; 
and Harrison frequently afterwards expressed the confidence he had 
reposed in his subordinate's judicious arrangements during that 
leaguer. On the occasion of the sortie of the 5th of May, Croghan 
commanded one of the companies under Colonel Miller, and, for his 
courageous deportment, was again noticed in general orders. In 
1813, Croghan was advanced to the rank of Major. The command 
of Fort Stephenson was now entrusted to him, and the consequence 
was that brilliant exploit which will enshrine his name to the latest 
posterity. 

A large body of Indian auxiliaries having assembled at Maiden, 
in the spring of 1813, Proctor, to give them employment, resolved 
to attack Fort Meigs, and subsequently Fort Stephenson, at Lower 
Sandusky. His design, in assaulting these places, was two-fold. 
By making a demonstration against Fort Meigs, he hoped to induce 
the commander, Colonel Clay, to leave his entrenchments, and meet 



GEORGE CROGHAN. 113 

himself and Tecumseh in the open field. This was his first object. 
His second was by seriously alarming Harrison, then at Lower San- 
dusky, for the safety of his out-posts and stores on the Miami, to 
induce that General to hasten to their defence, by which means the 
British leader thought the capture of Forts Stephenson, Cleveland, 
and Presque Isle, would be rendered comparatively easy, since no 
longer sustained by the army of the Commander-in-chief. Accord- 
ingly, these being the plans of his campaign, Proctor, on the 22d 
of May, advanced against Fort Meigs. But speedily discovering 
that his designs against that post promised little success, he raised 
the siege six days after, and dismissing a portion of his force to Mai- 
den, and sending another portion to watch Harrison, he hastened 
with the residue, twenty-two hundred, white and red, to assail 
Fort Stephenson. 

Meanwhile, Croghan, the commander of that place, was in a most 
perilous condition. Harrison, having determined to retreat, had 
sent word to him to abandon the fort, and repair to camp ; but the 
young officer taking the order as a discretionary one, resolved to 
hold the position. The fort, however, presented few inducements 
to encourage resistance. Injudiciously placed, and badly construc- 
ted, neither finished nor furnished — stripped of a part even of its 
usual armament, and garrisoned by only one hundred and fifty 
men, it was scarcely worthy the name of a military work, and would 
have been considered untenable by four out of five ordinary officers. 
But the men who occupied that little post, as well as their heroic 
commander, were made of no common stuff. The disgrace of the 
preceding campaign had caused their cheeks to burn with shame, 
and they longed, one and all, for an opportunity to redeem the glory 
of their country, now suffering a sad eclipse. Accordingly, when 
notice was given of the approach of the enemy, there was but one 
opinion in the fort as to the course to be pursued. " We will repel 
the foe," was the cry, " or perish in the attempt." 

The instructions of Harrison had been that Croghan should 
abandon the fort on the approach of Proctor, provided a retreat 
should then be practicable. The disposition of the British force, 
however, rendered a retrograde movement difficult, if not impossible. 
Proctor's first object had been to surround the place with a cordon 
of Indians. This movement showed that he considered the retreat 
of the garrison so certain, as to render some precautions necessary 
to secure his ground. Having thus, as he thought, provided against 
the only contingency by which hisenterprise could fail of complete suc- 
cess, Proctor despatched Captain Elliot, the half-breed, who had figured 
x* 15 



114 GEORGE CROGHAN. 

in the massacre at the Raisin, to summon the fort to surrender. The 
demand was seconded with a threat of indiscriminate slaughter in 
case of refusal. Croghan's answer was short and heroic : " Go back 
to your leader," he exclaimed, " and tell him that brave men do not 
surrender without blows. We will defend the fort to the last extre- 
mity." With these words, he turned on the messenger, and regaining 
his companions, prepared to make good his words by a desperate 
defence. 

Yet, to have seen the scanty means at his disposal, would have 
made the heart of any man less brave, sink within him. The works 
were shamefully weak, and but a single cannon constituted the 
armament. These things, however, had all been known before, and 
duly considered by that little garrison. The resolution to defend the 
place had not been the Quixotic impulse of an hour, but the settled 
determination of days of calm deliberation. Croghan felt that it was 
better the whole garrison should be cut off, than that, by its retreat, 
hundreds of miles of frontier, with thousands of innocent inhabitants 
should be thrown open to the merciless savages. Moreover, he 
knew well the perfidy of Proctor. The very messenger the British 
General had sent had been ominous of massacre. The Americans, 
in consequence, resolved, like the heroic defenders of the Alamo in 
a similar emergency, to rely on their own stalwart arms and unerring 
aim, rather than on the word of a treacherous enemy, choosing to 
perish, if death must be their fate, in the noble effort to defend their 
flag, and not unresistingly under the scalping knife and tomahawk 
of the savage. A resolution worthy of freemen, and fortunately 
crowned with success ! 

Proctor, though fully expecting a surrender, had not, however, 
intermitted his preparations for a siege, and by the time his messen- 
ger returned with a defiance, had landed his artillery, and placed it 
so as to support his gun-boats. A fire was immediately opened on the 
fort. Soon the balls began to strike the works, knocking the 
splinters in every direction. The day, meanwhile, departed, but 
darkness was not allowed by the eager enemy to retard his opera- 
tions. All through that mid-summer night cannon shook the neigh- 
boring shores with their roar, and flung a lurid blaze across the 
gloom. It was no time for slumber, consequently, in the American 
camp. Every man was at his post, or convenient to it ; every cartridge 
box was seen to be supplied ; every musket was examined, and the 
point of every blade tried, that they might be sure to do their work. 
Croghan passed and re-passed among his troops, in order to convince 
himself that nothing was omitted. Now and then, perhaps, as he or 



GEORGE CROGHAN. 115 

his soldiers looked out on the plain below, and beheld the thick 
masses of the enemy, revealed every few minutes by the flashes of 
the cannon, their thoughts might revert to the terrible chances against 
them on the morrow, and, in fancy, memory would return to the 
homes they had left, and the lovely faces that made those homes so 
dear, never, perhaps, to be seen again. But feelings like these were 
not suffered to unman them. On the contrary, at every such thought, 
the musket was grasped more tightly, and a silent vow taken to 
fight as if those distant ones were looking on. Occasionally, between 
the sound of the explosions, wild noises would come up from the 
flanks of the enemy, which the soldiers too well knew to be the 
shouts of the savages, as their braves boasted of the scalps they 
should take on the morrow ; and, once or twice, there were those 
who saw, or fancied they saw, the figures of painted Indians dancing, 
the scene blazing out an instant in the blue and ghastly light of the 
cannonade, like a vision of fiends at their orgies. 

Morning came slowly and wearily to the besiegers, but with 
wings of lightning to the besieged. As the grey dawn melted into 
the rosy hues of sunrise, many a brave man within that fort looked 
up for the last time, as he thought, to heaven, but still with no 
unmanly fear ; only with that sad feeling which the boldest will expe- 
rience when he sees himself about to be immolated. Such a feeling 
perhaps, crossed the heart of Leonidas, when he fastened on his 
buckler, and waited for the Persian thousands. Croghan was in the 
front of his men, calm in that hour of extreme peril. But it soon 
became evident that the enemy did not intend an immediate assault, 
for he had established a new battery, consisting of six pounders, 
within two hundred and fifty yards of the pickets. A respite was 
thus gained for the defenders. But it was a respite allowing no 
repose, and only a protraction of their suspense. The fire of this new 
battery soon began, and the air shook with concussions. The balls 
hurtled around the fort, or bounded from the ramparts. The 
surface of the ground in the line of fire, became covered with smoke, 
which, every few minutes, would rend asunder, and a ball come 
whistling along. Thus the morning passed. Noon came, but the 
roar of the cannonade was undiminished. And even when the hot 
August sun began to decline in the west, the blaze of artillery still 
went on, and the suspense of the besieged continued. 

At last the fire of the British was seen to be concentrated on the 
north-west corner of the fort, and now Croghan no longer doubted as 
to the point where the attack was to be made. He accordingly 
hastened in person to the threatened spot. Every man that could be 



116 



GEORGE CROGHAN. 



spared from other quarters, was put in requisition, and all the bags 
of flour and sand that could be found, were hurriedly collected, 
and arranged to strengthen the angle. The solitary cannon, the 
only hope of the defenders, was charged with grape-shot, and placed 
so as to enfilade the assailants. Then each soldier took his post. A 
profound silence succeeded within the fort. This lasted for perhaps, 
two minutes, at the end of which the enemy was seen advancing 
through the smoke, his troops formed in one compact column, and 
marching with the steady tread of assured victors. When Croghan 
gave the order to fire, such a rattling volley was poured in by the 
garrison, that the enemy reeled and fell into disorder. But, at this 
crisis, Lieutenant-colonel .Short, who led the British in the assault, 
sprang to the head of his soldiers, and waving his sword, called to 
them to follow, bidding them with oaths, to remember that no 
quarter was to be given. A savage shout answered this address, 




DEFENCE OF FORT STEPHBNSON. 



and the ranks recovering their order, the head of the column rushed 
forward, and leaped down into the ditch, which was soon densely 
crowded. 

This was the moment for which Croghan had waited. Another 
minute, perhaps, would have given the fort to the foe ; hut that 
minute many of his best men were destined never to see. The 



GEORGE CROGHAN. 117 

single cannon of the garrison, placed so as to rake the assailants, 
now bore full on the masses of soldiery in the ditch, and the mask 
being suddenly removed, the whole fearful contents of the piece 
swept the solid ranks before it. There was a gush of flame, a stun- 
ning explosion, and the hissing sound of grape — then, as the white 
smoke floated back on the besiegers, the prospect was, for an instant, 
hidden. But when the veil of battle blew aside, a scene of horror 
was exhibited, such as those who witnessed it have described as 
one of the most awful on record. At first a lane, perceptible to 
every eye, and extending right through the densest portion of the 
assaulting mass, marked the path traversed by the shot, but as the 
distance from the gun increased, and the grape scattered, this clearly 
defined line disappeared, and a prospect of the wildest confusion 
ensued. One third of those who had entered the ditch, lay there a 
shapeless, quivering mass. In many instances, the dead had fallen 
on the wounded, and as the latter struggled to extricate themselves, 
the scene resembled that depicted in old paintings of the Final 
Judgment, where fiends and men wrestle in horrible contortions. 
Groans, shrieks, and curses more terrible than all, rose from that 
Golgotha ! The few who retained life and strength, after the first 
second of amazement, rushed from the post of peril, leaped wildly 
upon the bank, and communicating their terror to the rest of the 
column, the whole took to flight, and buried itself in the neighboring 
woods. As this occurred, such a shout went up to heaven from the 
conquerors as never had been heard on that wild shore before. And 
well might the Americans exult — for it was against ten times their 
own number they had achieved a victory. 

In recompense for this gallant exploit, Croghan was elevated to 
the rank of Lieutenant-Colonel. His name was eulogized in Con- 
gress, and hailed with applause throughout the country as that of one, 
who united in himself the prudence of the veteran, and the courage of 
the hero. His military genius, indeed, had been proved by his uniform 
conduct, to be of a very high order. During his campaign under Win- 
chester, he became celebrated among his companions for the judi- 
cious selection he made of his ground wherever the army encamped, 
and for his throwing up some slight fortifications, even when the 
stay was to be but for a night. He was remarkable also for a manly 
and open character, for chivalrous sentiment, and for an intellect of 
more than ordinary force. In 1S35, Congress presented him a gold 
medal, in commemoration of his defence of Fort Stephenson. 

Croghan made an unsuccessful attempt after the battle of the 
Thames to recover the post of Mackinaw. On the conclusion of 



US 



GEORGE CROGHAN. 



peace, he was retained in the army, but resigned in 1817. Soon aftei 
he was appointed Post-Master at New Orleans. In 1825, however, 
he returned to the army, and accepted the post of Inspector-General, 
which he still worthily fills. He joined the army in Mexico on the 
inarch to Monterey, and was present at the assault of that place. 
During the crisis of one of the three days fighting, when a Ten- 
nessee regiment shook under a tremendous concentric fire, Croghan 
rushed to the front, and taking off his hat, the wind tossing his grey 
hairs, he shouted : " Men of Tennessee, your fathers conquered with 
Jackson at New Orleans — follow me !" The stirring words were 
received with a burst of cheers, and the troops re-animated, dashed 
on. In the list of brevets subsequently conferred for gallantry in 
this action, his name was, however, by some oversight, overlooked, 
and he was unwillingly recalled soon after to the United States. 




■^s- 




WILLIAM HENRY HARRISON 




ARRISON was one of the 
successful Generals of the las. 
war. It was under him that 
the first victories were gain- 
ed over the British in the 
north-west ; and his name will go down 
to posterity indissolubly connected with 
the battle of the Thames. He is even 
more honorably remembered for his In- 
dian wars, however : and as the hero of 
Tippecanoe has gained a fast hold on the 
public heart. Perhaps, critically speaking, he was inferior, in military 

119 




120 WILLIAM HENRY HARRISON. 

genius, to both Jackson and Brown. He wanted the terrible energy, 
the almost reckless boldness which characterized these two leaders. 
He belonged to a different school altogether. His was the policy of 
Fabius, rather than of Marcellus ; and this not from necessity, but 
from choice. The bent of his mind was to be prudent, economic of 
means, willing to listen to advice. 

William Henry Harrison was the son of Benjamin Harrison, one 
of the signers of the Declaration of Independence. He was born at 
Berkley, the residence of his father, in the county of Charles City, 
Virginia, on the 9th of February, 1773. He received his education 
at Hampden Sydney College, in his native state. At the age of se- 
venteen he graduated, and turned his attention to the study of medi- 
cine. His father dying, however, in the succeeding year, he aban- 
doned all thoughts of this profession, and solicited an Ensigncy in 
the United States army. In 1791, accordingly, he received a com- 
mission, and was immediately ordered to his regiment, then station- 
ed at Fort Washington, where the city of Cincinnati has since be n 
built. The war which raged with the western Indians gave the 
young soldier numerous opportunities to distinguish himself; and he 
was, on more than one occasion, mentioned in flattering terms by 
his superior officer. Promotion rapidly followed. In 1792 he was 
raised to the rank of Lieutenant. In 1794, on the victory of Wayne, 
he became a Captain. Soon after, peace having been concluded 
with the Indians, he was honored with the command of Fort Wash- 
ington. During the whole of this period he had resided, without 
intermission, in the west, and had now become so thoroughly identi- 
fied with its interests, that it needed but little temptation to induce 
him to make that his permanent home. 

Accordingly in 1797 he resigned his commission in the army, in 
order to be appointed Secretary of the north-western territory. The 
vast district, then known under this name, comprised what are now 
the states of Ohio, Indiana, Michigan and Illinois. In 1799, when 
the territory sent its first delegate to Congress, Harrison was chosen 
the representative. His career as a legislator was distinguished by 
practical sense and an untiring endeavor to benefit his constituents. 
Among other measures, he procured an alteration in the law provi- 
ding for the sale of public lands. Up to that period, the smallest 
portion of land which the government would dispose of to one indi- 
vidual was four thousand acres. This practice, though convenient 
for the government, was injurious to the west, and unjust to the peo- 
ple. It was, in fact, holding out inducements to the wealthy specu- 
lators, and virtually excluding the poorer classes, who composed 



WILLIAM HENRY HARRISON. 12! 

the real settlers, from being purchasers. Harrison procured the pus- 
sage of an act which provided that the public lands should be sold 
in alternate sections and half sections, the former comprising six 
hundred and forty acres, and the latter three hundred and twenty 
acres each. This change proved highly beneficial. The settlers 
of comparatively humble means were no longer at the mercy of the 
land speculators, and as a consequence, emigration to the west tri- 
pled itself within a few years. 

When Indiana, in 1801, was erected into a distinct territorial go- 
vernment, Harrison was appointed its Governor, with extraordinary 
powers. His administration was so popular with the people, that, 
at their solicitation, he was re-appointed to this office, by both Jef- 
ferson and Madison, down to the year 1813. His knowledge of In- 
dian affairs rendered him, during all this period, prominent in every 
transaction with the savages. In 1S03, Jefferson had appointed him 
a " commissioner to enter into any treaties which might be necessary 
with any Indian tribes north-west of the Ohio, and within the terri- 
tory of the United States, on the subject of their boundaries or lands." 
In his capacity of commissioner, under this appointment, he executed 
no less than thirteen treaties with different tribes. By his sagacity 
and wisdom the western border was preserved, for many years, in a 
state of comparative security. As the impression of Wayne's vic- 
tory began to wear away, however, the Indians, always restless, 
thirsted to take up the hatchet. The instigation of England, whose 
emissaries increased with the probabilities of a war between her and 
the United States, assisted to fan the flame of discord. But peace 
might, perhaps, still have been preserved but for the exertions of Te- 
cumseh, an Indian chief, who had conceived the design of uniting 
all his race in one great league against the whites, and thus endea- 
voring to recover the lands and hunting grounds of his ancestors. 

Had Tecumseh been a Roman, and successful in his design, his 
name would have been immortalized by this gigantic plan. He knew 
by the traditions of his people, that scarcely three centuries had 
passed since the white man first landed in America ; and patriarchs 
were still living among his tribe, who could recollect when the Alle- 
ghanies formed the boundary to civilization. He himself had seen 
how, year by year, the great tide of population rolled westward, 
obliterating forest, village and wigwam, like the sea gaining steadily 
upon the shore. Where once the smoke of the council-fire curled 
up amid the boundless wilderness ; where once the hunter roamed 
fearless, knowing that, far as he went, the land was all his own ; 
where once the Indian girl sang her love-song, the Indian wife 

Y 



122 WILLIAM HENRY HARRISON. 

plaited her mat, or the Indian children gambolled before the cabin- 
door, now rose the tall chimney of the furnace, now surged along the 
dense population of cities, now was heard the clatter of the mill-wheel, 
the roar of manufactories, and all the other noisy accompaniments 
of civilized life. Each year the Indian saw his territory decrease, and 
his white neighbor crowd him further towards the setting sun. Is it 
to be wondered at that Tecumseh regarded the Americans as his 
natural enemies, that he vowed against them eternal hostility, and 
that he sought to unite all the red tribes in one immense league 
against these natural foes of his race ? Yet even he must, at times, 
when revolving his stupendous plans, have felt how impotent would 
be resistance against what seemed to be the inevitable decree of Pro- 
vidence. 

Tecumseh was assisted in his enterprise by his brother, who was 
known by the name of" the Prophet." Together these two labored 
to excite the savages against the United States. Their designs at 
last began to attract the attention of government. Murders and other 
outrages became of frequent occurrence. Some great movement 
against the whites was obviously in preparation. Determined to 
take the initiative, the United States assembled a force of regulars 
and militia in 1811, and placing it under the command of Harrison, 
directed him to march against the Prophet's town of Tippecanoe, and 
demand the restoration of such property as had been carried off by the 
Indians. If his request was refused, he was to proceed and enforce 
the claim. Accordingly, Harrison, losing no time in delay, arrived 
before the town on the 6th of November. Here he was met by mes- 
sengers from the Prophet, deprecating hostilities and promising that 
all differences should be adjusted on the morrow. Relying in part 
on this stipulation, yet alive to the treachery of the Indian character, 
Harrison was perplexed what to do, since to seem to doubt the foe 
might produce the very danger he wished to avoid, while to trust 
implicitly to him might insure destruction. He resolved, finally, to 
encamp for the night on an elevated piece of dry oak land, situated 
between two prairies, a position affording the best means of defence 
in the vicinity. 

His mistrust of the enemy was so great, however, that he encamp- 
ed his men in order of battle, and directed them to rest on their arms ; 
hence, if attacked in the night, they would be ready instantaneously 
for the contest. The line was formed also with great skill. The front 
and rear were composed of infantry, separated on the right about 
ninety yards, and on the left about twice that distance. The front 
line contained a battalion of the fourth regiment of regulars, com- 



WILLIAM HENRY HARRISON. 123 

manded by Major Floyd; the rear line was formed of another bat- 
talion of the fourth, under Captain Baer. On the rear of the left 
flank was posted a company of sixty dragoons ; and in the rear of 
the front line another more numerous. The left flank was defended 
by about one hundred and fifty mounted riflemen, under General 
Wells, of Kentucky ; and the right flank by Spencer's company of 
mounted riflemen, in numbers about eighty. Two companies of 
militia flanked the right of Major Floyd, and on his left Captain 
Baer's line was flanked by four companies of militia under Lieuten- 
ant-Colonel Decker. Thus judiciously posted, the little army lay 
down to slumber. 

Before daybreak, however, on the morning of the 7th of Novem- 
ber, the soldiers were startled by the sound of the war-whoop close 
to the lines. Instantly every man sprang to his arms. Louder and 
nearer rose the yells of the Indians, followed by the rapid dropping 
of shots ; and speedily the pickets, driven before overwhelming 
numbers, came pouring into the camp. Never were the high quali- 
ties of the American soldier more gloriously displayed than in this 
emergency. Though surprised, and scarcely yet awake, each man 
knew at once what to do. The first weight of the assault fell on Cap- 
tain Barton's regulars and the mounted riflemen of Captain Geiger, 
and with such impetuosity did it burst, that a few savages actually 
cut through the ranks and penetrated into the camp. But this spec- 
tacle, instead of creating a panic, only roused the soldiers to the most 
desperate exertions. Reinforcements were hurried to the front. 
The Indians in the camp paid for their temerity with their lives. But 
suddenly, while the attention of the General was thus occupied, a tre- 
mendous fire was opened in another quarter, to the left of the front, 
on the companies of Baer, Prescott and Snelling. At the same time 
the savages appeared in great force among some trees a few yards in 
advance of the front. The flashes of their guns followed each other 
in rapid succession, and soldier after soldier fell beneath their uner- 
ring aim. Yet not a man flinched. The regulars died where they stood ; 
the mounted men were decimated unmoved ; and the volunteers, 
regardless of their fast thinning ranks, still bravely faced the foe. 

In this emergency, Major Davies, who had been posted in the 
rear of the front line, was ordered to charge the enemy with his 
cavalry. Calling to his men to follow, he dashed gallantly forward, 
but almost immediately received a mortal wound ; while his troops, 
unable to withstand the close and well directed fire of the savages, 
fell back in disorder. The yells of the Indians now redoubled, and 
in this part of the field rose triumphant over the rattling of the mus- 



124 WILLIAM HENRY HARRISON. 

ketry. Captain Snelling was next ordered to charge with the bayo- 
net. The command was received with a cheer, the long line of 
glistening steel was levelled, and the little phalanx of regulars was 
launched like a thunderbolt on the foe. The Indians gave way in 
affright. But this success crowned only one portion of the field. On 
all the others the savages still maintained their positions, and conti- 
nued to pour in heavy and destructive discharges. The light was 
still too faint to detect the situations held by the Indians, except when 
the Hashes of the guns lit up their dark forms in the back-ground, or 
a sudden burst of yells betrayed them in some near locality. The 
whole camp, however, was occasionally girdled with fire. Spencer's 
mounted riflemen and the right of Warrick's company appeared to 
be especial marks for the foe. The slaughter among these brave 
men was awful. Captain Spencer was killed, as was also his first 
and second Lieutenant ; Captain Warrick fell, mortally wounded ; 
and the men dropped from their ranks continually. The Americans 
could do nothing until morning broke, except maintain their 
posts, and keep up an intermitting round of vollies. This they did 
effectually. One rolling discharge after another shook the solid 
ground and hurled its missiles of death against the foe, until the 
smoke of the pieces grew so thick, that it increased the darkness 
and thus prolonged the danger. 

At last the dawn broke, and soon, in the increasing light, the po- 
sition of the foe became distinctly defined. The exact locality of the 
savages on the left was now reconnoitred for the purpose of a charge ; 
and Major Wells, in the most brilliant manner, leading his men 
down the slope, broke the line of the enemy. The Indians were 
no sooner perceived to be retreating, than a detachment of cavalry 
was hurled among them. Their consternation on this became gene- 
ral. Driven furiously by the horsemen, who cut them down almost 
unresistingly, and as fast as the sabre could be plied, they rushed 
wildly forwards, crowding and treading on each other in their ter- 
ror, until they finally plunged themselves into a marsh where the 
cavalry could not follow. The victory in this quarter was complete. 
Simultaneously the companies of Captain Cook and Lieutenant La- 
rabie were ordered to advance against the savages on the right, sus- 
tained by the mounted riflemen. The movement was executed with 
great gallantry. The Indians broke and fled. Our troops pursued, 
throwing in the bayonet, wherever it was possible, the cheers that 
rose from every part of the field, stimulating them with assurances 
of a complete victory. The enemy was now flying, indeed, in all 
directions. Harrison had gained a decisive triumph. 



WILLIAM HENRY HARRISON. 125 

In the battle of Tippecanoe the inherent courage, combined with 
the intelligence of the American soldier, was strikingly exem- 
plified. Rarely has any body of troops been attacked under circum- 
stances more discouraging to the assailed. The numbers and posi- 
tion of the foe were unknown ; the darkness prevented aggressive 
measures ; and nothing remained but to stand firm until dawn, a 
mark for the concentric fire of the enemy. The scattered nature of 
the Indian forces magnified their strength, lessened the mortality of 
our fire, and assisted to dishearten the soldiers. During the greater 
portion of the battle there was no opportunity for the exercise of 
generalship, or of any quality in either officers or men, except pas- 
sive courage. Yet nobly did the American soldier vindicate his 
blood. When morning dawned at last, and the positions of the 
savages could be made out, how readily, and with what splendid 
courage he came to the assault ! The loss of the Indians was exces- 
sive, considering the caution with which they hazard life ; it was 
one hundred and fifty. That of the Americans, in killed and wounded, 
was one hundred and eighty-eight. 

The victory was immediately followed up by vigorous measures 
against the offending tribe. On the 9th, two days after the battle, 
Harrison burned the Prophet's town. He next proceeded to lay 
waste the contiguous districts. The Indians, struck dumb with 
astonishment at their unexpected defeat, and finding themselves pow- 
erless to resist their foe, now sued for submission. Perhaps if Tecum- 
seh had been present, the contest would have been more protracted ; 
but that indomitable chieftain was in the south, engaged in stirring 
up the Creeks to war. Having completed all the purposes of the 
campaign, Harrison now set out on his return. Everywhere, as he 
traversed the inhabited country, he was received with enthusiasm. 
The people hailed him as the preserver of beauty from the toma- 
hawk of the savage ; as the defender of civilization against barbarian 
inroads ; as the hero whose sword carried victory upon its point. No 
man, in the whole west, was more popular. 

Accordingly when, in the succeeding year, the capture of Hull 
aroused the nation to the necessity of a more active prosecution of 
the war, the public voice at once fixed on Harrison as the only man 
capable of leading the army to success and glory in the north-west. 
When the news of the fall of Detroit reached Kentucky, Harrison 
was on a visit to that state, and was almost immediately invested, 
by the Governor, with the rank of Major-General. This was done 
although Harrison was not a citizen of Kentucky, in order that he 
might rank Winchester, a Brigadier. Some difficulty, in consequence 

XI* 



126 WILLIAM HENRY HARRISON. 

of this irregularity, ensued between the two Generals in reference to 
which should hold supreme command ; but it was terminated by 
the President, who assigned it to Harrison, and made Winchester 
second in authority. Before this, however, and immediately on 
receiving his appointment from the Governor of Kentucky, Harrison 
had marched to relieve the frontier posts, at the head of a body of 
militia, hastily collected. He left Cincinnati on the 29th of August, 
1812, and on the 3rd of September arrived at Piqua. His force now 
amounted to about twenty-five hundred men. Believing that an 
autumnal campaign held out prospects of success, he lost no more 
time at this place than was absolutely necessary to complete his 
arrangements and receive his military stores. 

On the 6th he marched for Fort Wayne, situated at the head of 
the Miami of the Lake, a river formed by the confluence of the St. 
Mary and St. Joseph. This post had been invested, for some 
time, by Indians, but, at the approach of the Americans, they fled in 
haste. On the 12th, Harrison arrived at Fort Wayne, and was fol- 
lowed, on the 19th, by Winchester, with reinforcements. The diffi- 
culty with respect to the rank of the two Generals not having been 
yet adjusted, Harrison yielded the command to Winchester, and 
started for his own government, at the head of a body of mounted 
men, intending to operate against the Indian settlements in that quar- 
ter. He had proceeded, however, but a short distance, when an 
express from Washington overtook him, with a notification that the 
disputed point had been decided in his favor. He accordingly 
returned to Fort Wayne, but found that Winchester had set out for 
Fort Defiance, the preceding day. This latter General arrived at 
Fort Defiance on the 30th, after a toilsome march. Here, on the 
3rd of October, Harrison overtook him ; but left on the 4th, to bring 
up the centre and right wing. He first, however, despatched Gene- 
ral Tupper, with a thousand men, on an expedition against the 
Rapids. Owing to the defection of the Ohio militia, as well as to a 
disagreement between Tupper and Winchester, the enterprise was 
never carried into effect. The autumn was consumed in a series of 
petty attempts upon the foe ; but no great movement was under- 
taken ; for the dearth of supplies frustrated any attempts of mag- 
nitude. Michigan did not afford even forage for the horses. " To 
get supplies forward," wrote Harrison to the department at Wash- 
ington, " through a swampy wilderness of near two hundred miles, 
in wagons or on pack horses, which are also to carry their own pro- 
visions, is absolutely impossible." In consequence of this difficulty 
an autumnal campaign was abandoned. 



WILLIAM HENRY HARRISON. 127 

But Harrison was still sanguine that, in the winter, he should be 
able to strike a successful blow at Maiden. His plan of operations did 
not vary much from that projected for the autumn : it was to occupy 
the Rapids of the Miami, and having collected a sufficient quantity 
of provisions there, to advance towards Detroit, make a feint against 
that place, and then suddenly passing the strait upon the ice, invest 
Maiden. His whole effective force was about six thousand three 
hundred men, divided into three detachments, one at Fort Defiance, 
another at Fort M' Arthur, and a third at Upper Sandusky. The 
different divisions were to concentrate at the Rapids. Winchester, 
who commanded at Fort Defiance, was the first to arrive at the ren- 
dezvous. Here he began to form a fortified camp. Having been 
induced to send forward a portion of his force to Frenchtown, in 
order to protect the inhabitants of that place from the savages, a 
victory was the consequence, which so elated the troops left behind, 
that they insisted on marching to share the glory of their comrades. 
Accordingly, Winchester, at the head of the remainder of his detach- 
ment, advanced also to the river Raisin, where the united forces sus- 
tained that terrible defeat, followed by a massacre, which we have 
narrated in its proper place. 

Harrison had arrived at Lower Sandusky on his way to the place 
of rendezvous, when he heard of the party sent forward to French- 
town by Winchester. The intelligence paralyzed the older officers 
of the army. Alarmed for the consequences, Harrison hastened his 
march, and reaching the Rapids, discovered that Winchester, deceived 
by the delusive victory, had pushed on in person to the Raisin. The 
force under Harrison's immediate command did not amount to quite 
seven hundred men, yet he decided at once to follow his subordi- 
nate, hoping to overtake him before it would be too late. He had left 
the Rapids but three miles behind him, however, when he heard of 
the disastrous defeat of Winchester. A hurried consultation now 
took place, when a retreat towards Sandusky was decided on. This 
decision was hasty. To have advanced against fifteen hundred victo- 
rious troops, with a force less than twice that number would, indeed, 
have been madness ; but it did not follow that a post, already par- 
tially fortified, should be dismantled, its provisions destroyed, and 
the garrison withdrawn. Such, however, was the decision of the 
council. The unnecessary haste of this measure was atoned for par- 
tially in the ensuing month, when Harrison advanced again to the 
Rapids, and began to fortify the post anew, under the name of Fort 
Meigs. Meantime, however, he had retired to Carrying River, about 
midway between this place and Sandusky. With this retreat, Har- 



12S WILLIAM HENRY HARRISON. 

rison's winter campaign terminated. It had been even less success- 
ful than the autumnal one. 

The ensuing spring opened with more eclat. Proctor, at the head 
of a combined force of regulars and savages, twenty-two hundred 
strong, advanced against Fort Meigs about the middle of April, 
hoping to capture it before the arrival of Harrison's reinforcements 
and supplies ; for in consequence of the term of service of a large por- 
tion of the troops having expired, the American army was com- 
paratively weak, and anxiously awaited the appearance of General 
Clay, from Cincinnati, with the new levies, amounting to twelve 
hundred men. Incessant rains prevented Proctor from opening his 
batteries before the first of May. The garrison, however, though 
little over a thousand, was not intimidated. The fort was strong 
and well supplied with cannon ; and the men relied even enthusias- 
tically upon their leader. Moreover, the time had been judiciously 
employed in throwing up a grand traverse, twelve feet high and 
three hundred yards long, which effectually covered the besieged. 
On the 5th of May, a small party sent forward by General Clay, 
arrived. Harrison now conceived the plan of making a sortie against 
the enemy, to be sustained by General Clay's detachment. The 
attack of General Clay was, at first, made with spirit, but finally 
failed, principally because of the imprudence and insubordination of 
the troops. The sortie from the fort, under Colonel Miller, was 
more successful, though, in consequence of General Clay's repulse, 
it was rendered abortive in the end. It is disgraceful to record that 
the cruelties visited on their prisoners by the savages, and this too 
in presence of the British officers, was such as to make humanity 
revolt at recording them. Proctor, notwithstanding his partial suc- 
cess in this engagement, soon found that he neither could make any 
impression on the works of the batteries, nor hope to carry the place 
by storm ; accordingly, on the 9th of May, four days after the battle, 
he raised the siege and began a precipitate retreat, carrying off with 
him his artillery. The Americans did not, however, molest him. 
The garrison lost about two hundred and sixty in killed and wounded 
during the siege, principally in the affair of the 5th. The repulse of 
Proctor from Fort Meigs obliterated, in a measure, the misfortunes 
of the preceding winter and autumn, and the name of Harrison was 
once more regarded, especially in the west, as a sure presage of tri- 
umph. 

And, in justice to Harrison, it must be said that the failure of the 
autumnal and winter campaigns cannot wholly be attributed to him. 
Though not a bold man, he was sufficiently brave, and would have 



WILLIAM HEXliV HARRISON. 12f) 

succeeded if prudence had not forbidden him to risk too much. He 
has been charged with excess of caution ; but it was better to err on 
this side than on that of rashness. His troops, moreover, were undis- 
ciplined, and scarcely fit to cope with British regulars. But the great 
delect of both campaigns was the attempt to reduce Canada without 
first obtaining the command of Lake Erie. As we have seen, the 
supplies of the army had to be carried a distance of two hundred 
miles, principally on pack-horses, and consequently at an enormous 
expense. The drivers of these pack-horses were generally of the 
most worthless description, who, by their carelessness, broke down 
their animals and destroyed the goods. Wagons were so difficult to 
obtain, that when used, the teams were valued at an excessive price, 
which operated as a bounty to induce the owners to drive them to 
debility or death, in order to get the price. No bills of lading were 
used, nor accounts kept with the wagoners, and of course the plun- 
der of the public goods went on without restraint. The immense 
sums thus squandered in supplying the army almost surpasses belief. 
" From my knowledge of the cost of transportation," wrote Harri- 
son to the Secretary of War, in December, 1812, " I do believe that 
the expense that will be incurred in the course of six weeks in the 
spring, in moving the provisions of the army along the roads leading 
from the Rapids to Detroit, would build and equip all the vessels 
necessary to give us the command of the lake." Hence, Harrison 
urged on the government the construction of a fleet on Lake Erie. 
His advice was finally adopted, and suitable vessels built in the sum- 
mer of 1S13. The victory of Perry over the English squadron, on 
the 10th of September in that year, followed, and laid open, at once, 
the whole of that portion of Canada to invasion. 

Harrison lost no time in availing himself of the fruits of this naval 
triumph. He immediately embarked his army, and on the 27th of 
September, lauded on the enemy's shores. Meantime consternation 
had seized Proctor. Abandoning Maiden, notwithstanding the 
reproaches of Tecumseh, the British General began an ignominious 
flight. Harrison, now reinforced by Colonel R. M. Johnson, at the 
head of one thousand mounted Kentucky men, pressed forward in 
pursuit; and, on the 5th of October, overtook the fugitives on the 
banks of the Thames, and gained a decisive triumph. The victory 
was won chiefly by the regiment of Johnson, who pressed forward 
with such impetuosity that the terrified enemy threw down his arms 
before the American infantry could get into action. By this glorious 
event, the direct result of Harrison's foresight and skill, all the terri- 
tory surrendered by Hull was recovered ; a vast quantity of small 

17 



130 



WILLIAM HENRY HARRISON. 



arms and stores was captured ; and what was, perhaps, of even more 
importance, the disgrace of that event was wiped from our arms, and 
the Indian confederacy under Tecumseh broken forever. Among 
the trophies were three pieces of artillery which had been taken 




GENERAL HARRISON'S ARMY CROSSING LAKE ERIK 



from the British at Saratoga, and had subsequently reverted to their 
original possessors by the surrender of Hull. 

Harrison, having taken possession of Detroit, and finding himself 
without orders from the war department, resolved to proceed in the 
fleet to Buffalo. Here he arrived on the 24th of October, and from 
this place marched to Newark, where he received orders to send 
McArthur's brigade to Sackett's Harbor, accompanied by an intima- 
tion that he had leave to return to his family. Harrison received 
this declaration as a hint to retire from his command. He obeyed 
the order, however, but soon after sent in his resignation. Arm- 
strong, then Secretary of War, from whom the order proceeded, has 
charged Harrison with imbecility in his command, asserting that his 
successes were the result of good fortune and not of plans well con- 
ceived. After the narrative we have given of Harrison's military 
career, it is impossible to coincide in opinion with the vindictive 
Secretary. Harrison was not a Wayne nor a Jackson ; he belonged, 
as we have said, to a less dashing school ; but he was an infinitely 
better officer than Armstrong, or than most of his cotemporaries. 
After Brown, Jackson and Scott, he ranks pre-eminent. 

The remainder of Harrison's career was chiefly political, and we 



WILLIAM HENRY HARRISON. 131 

shall, therefore, dismiss it with a rapid summary. In 1S14 he was 
appointed with General Cass and Governor Shelby, to treat with the 
north-western Indians; at d in 1815 to treat with numerous other 
tribes. In 1817 he was elected a representative to Congress from 
Ohio, having, at the close of the war, purchased a seat at North 
Bend, below Cincinnati. During his term he demanded an investi- 
gation of certain reports to his disadvantage, in relation to the manage- 
ment of the commissariat department in the army under his control. 
A committee being appointed, his character was fully vindicated by 
their report. He voted, during this session, to censure General 
Jackson for having seized the Spanish posts in Florida. Having been 
elected a member of the Ohio Senate in 1S19, he now transferred 
his counsels to that body. In 1S24 he was chosen a United States 
Senator from Ohio. His career in that body was marked by his 
endeavors to procure the passage of a just and proper pension law, 
for the benefit of those who had shed their blood in the battles of 
their country. In 1S28, Harrison was appointed Minister to the 
republic of Columbia, but was recalled by Jackson, on the elevation 
of the latter to the Presidency in 1829. He now retired to private 
life. His farm and his books employed his time: and bistable was 
ever ready for the calls of hospitality. He ultimately found, how- 
ever, that his income was not adetpuate to the support of his family ; 
and accordingly, in 1S34, accepted the office of Prothonotary of the 
court of Hamilton county, Ohio. 

In this office he continued until his election to the Presidency in 

1840. He was first made a candidate for that high office in 1836, 
but defeated, the successful candidate, Mr. Van Buren, receiving 
one hundred and seventy of the electoral votes, while Harrison 
obtained but seventy. At the next trial, however, in 1S40, he was 
chosen President by a larger majority of votes in the electoral col- 
lege than has ever yet been bestowed on any man ; for he received 
two hundred and thirty-four votes out of the whole number of two 
hundred and ninety-four. He was inaugurated on the 4th of March, 

1841. One month later, to a day, he breathed his last, after a short 
but severe illness, being the first President to die in that office. His 
decease was caused principally by the excitement of his new posi- 
tion, and the manner in which he was harassed, day and night, by 
applicants for office. Popular in manners, and too easy of access, his 
frame worn down by exposure and years, gave way beneath the 
exactions to which he was subjected. He died thinking of his coun- 
try. " The constitution — the constitution," were the words that were 



132 



WILLIAM HENRY HARRISON. 



continually on his lips. The demonstrations of grief at his decease 
were universal ; party rancor was forgotten for awhile ; and the 
nation, as one man, united to deplore its loss. 





RICHARD M. JOHNSON 



HE state of Kentucky, so fertile in 
great men, had the honor of giving 
birth to Colonel Richard M. Johnson. 
The early life of this distinguished 
warrior was passed in the midst of 
Indian alarms. While still an infant 
he was sent with his mother to take 
refuge in a frontier fort, against an in- 
road of the savages, his father being 
absent in Virginia. The fort was 
gqiiffi successfully defended by thirty men 

against five hundred Indians. Similar perils inured the young Keu- 
tnckian to danger ; while his active life hardened his frame. 

His education was simple, as in all new countries. A common 
xii 133 




134 RICHARD M. JOHNSON. 

school at first, and subsequently a grammar school prepared him for 
the study of the law. At nineteen he began to practice this profes- 
sion. At twenty-two he was elected to the legislature of his native 
state. Little more than two years later, he was sent to Congress, as 
a member of the House of Representatives, having just attained the 
age required by the Constitution. Here he was called on to vote 
for a war against England, which he did promptly, and immediately 
afterwards prepared to sustain his opinion in the field. 

When, after the successful defence of Fort Stephenson, Governor 
Shelby, with four thousand men, marched to the assistance of Har- 
rison, Colonel Johnson commanded a regiment of mounted Ken- 
tuckians. The force of Shelby arrived at head-quarters on the 17th 
of September, 1813, a few days after Perry's victory. The men 
were all in the highest spirits. The despondency of the preceding 
year had passed away, and nothing was expressed but the most 
confluent belief in victory. Johnson's mounted regiment comprised 
the whole cavalry of the Kentuckians ; the rest of the force, owing to 
imperative circumstances, acting as infantry. It was partly in con- 
sequence of this that his command played so prominent a part in 
the approaching campaign. 

The victory of Perry had opened a new road for the invasion of 
Canada, and one that ought to have been conquered a year before. 
Instead of having to march through a wilderness, the Americans 
had now only to embark on the lake, and be wafted by favorable 
breezes, in a few hours, to their destination. Accordingly, on the 
27th of September, seventeen days after Perry's victory, the Ameri- 
cans with the exception of Johnson's regiment, which was to proceed 
by land to Detroit, were embarked under convoy of the fleet, and 
before night reached the Canadian shore. The landing was effected 
without resistance, no enemy appearing in sight. Harrison pushed 
rapidly forward to Ahmetsburg, where his troops bivouacked for 
the night. This was the place where, on the preceding winter, the 
prisoners captured at the Raisin had been huddled into a pen, and 
where with tears of rage and despair, they first heard of the inhuman 
massacre of their brothers, relatives and friends who had been left 
wounded on the field of battle. As the recollection of this crowded 
on the Americans, many a bitter vow of revenge was taken. In 
sad memories like these the night was passed. 

But in the morning it became known that Proctor, after dismant- 
ling Maiden, and burning the barracks and navy-yard, and stripping 
the surrounding country of horses and cattle, had begun a precipitate 
retreat, early on the 26th. In fact, the British General had suddenly 



RICHARD M. JOHNSON. 135 

become a prey to terror. Like all who are brutal, he was a coward 
in heart, and shook at the shadow of disaster. His spies had mag- 
nified the number of the Americans to fifteen thousand, and declined 
them to be made up chiefly of Kentuckians sworn to avenge the mur- 
ders at the Raisin. The fear of falling into the hands of his enemies 
completely unnerved him ; and he resolved by a speedy retreat to 
save his pitiful life. . In vain his officers pointed out to him that 
there was still a chance of defending his post. In vain it was re- 
presented that the larger portion of his Indian allies would abandon 
him on the first symptoms of a retrogade movement. In vain the 
heroic Tecamseh, who was above deserting even a coward in ex- 
tremity, strove, by bitter taunts, to arrest his purpose. " Father," 
said the bold chief, "listen to your red children. They are standing 
all around, ready to fight and die for you. Do not forsake, do not 
alarm them. In the old war your fathers deserted ours. Will you 
do it again? You invited, encouraged, supplied us with arms, to 
war on the Americans ! Ever since you desired it, we have fought 
at your side ; and when did we turn our backs on the foe ? Listen 
to us now, father. The ships went out to fight on the lake — you 
made them go out. Where are they ? We do not know what 
happened : we heard the great guns. They sounded loud and far, 
and since we have seen you tying up bundles to carry away. You 
told us always you would never run away : that the English never 
do. Will you now run before you have even seen the enemy ?" 
But nothing could allay the panic, or alter the resolution of Proctor. 
He fled, and with such precipitancy, that he did not even stop to 
destroy the bridges behind him. 

When Harrison arrived at Maiden, accordingly, he found that 
place only a smouldering ruin. The embers of the conflagration 
were still smoking; and the neighboring country looked as if just 
lavaged by an invader. The barns were empty, the farms were 
plundered of their stock, and the few miserable inhabitants remain- 
ing bore the sad aspect of famine. At first, Harrison despaired of 
overtaking the fugitives ; and on the 27th he wrote in that strain to 
the Secretary of War. "I will pursue the enemy to-morrow," were 
his words, " but there is no possibility of overtaking him, as he has 
upwards of one thousand horses, and we have not one." But, 
pushing forward to Sandwich, he there met to his inexpressible 
satisfaction, Johnson's mounted regiment of Kentuckians, winding 
along the other bank of the Detroit. During the march of this force 
a circumstance had occurred which greatly inflamed them against 
the enemy. Their way had led them by the scene of the massacre 



136 RICHARD M. JOHNSON. 

at the Raisin, where they found the bones of the victims which had 
been piously interred in the preceding June, brutally exposed. The 
Kentuckians paused to consign them once more to the earth. While 
engaged in this sad duty, an express from Harrison reached them, 
urging them to hasten forward. The scene they had just witnessed 
inflamed the Kentuckians to madness. They were more eager than 
ever to overtake the enemy ; and pressing rapidly forward, joined 
Harrison, as we have seen. 

The combined forces now marched in pursuit of Proctor. Never, 
perhaps, had a greater number of gallant men, who were not pro- 
fessional soldiers, left their homes and peaceful associations to avenge 
the blood of their slaughtered relatives. There was Crittenden, and 
Barry, and Wickliffe, names since conspicuous among the highest in 
the councils of the nation. There was Perry, with the wreath of 
victory still green on his brow : Clay, whose services and bravery in 
the preceding campaign had won him merited renown : Cass, already 
celebrated for that courage and ability, which still, after nearly forty 
years, survive for the benefit of his country. There, too, was 
Governor Shelby, one of the heroes of the Revolution, who had 
fought at King's Mountain, and who now came, with a head silvered 
by age, to fight in a new and scarcely less holy cause. One common 
sentiment pervaded every bosom. To overtake the enemy, to avenge 
the blood shed at Raisin, was the sole thought of those gallant Ken- 
tuckians ! The pursuit was pushed with the greatest vigor. At 
every step new proofs of Proctor's panic met the eye. Here were 
stores abandoned in bulk, there arms scattered along the highway : 
here despatches left to their fate, there ammunition itself cast away. 
The road grew rougher as the army advanced ; there were morasses 
to be threaded and- rivers to be crossed ; but unintimidated by any 1 
obstacle, the Americans pushed resolutely forward, still thirsty for 
vengeance. For three days the pursuit continued. At last, on the 
morning of the 5th of October, the army of Harrison came up with 
Proctor, and immediately preparations for a battle began. 

The victory that followed was won chiefly by the regiment of 
mounted Kentuckians, under Johnson, though to Harrison is due 
the credit, in the capacity of leader, of directing their mode of 
attack. On approaching the enemy, he was found arrayed on a 
narrow strip of dry land, having the river Thames on his left, and a 
swamp upon his right. The savages, of whom there were about 
twelve hundred, under Tecumseh, occupied the extreme right on the 
eastern margin of the swamp. The infantry, eight hundred in 
number, were posted between the river and swamp, the men drawn 



RICHARD M. JOHNSON. 137 

up, not close together, but at some distance apart, in open order as 
it is called. Harrison had already made arrangements for attacking 
with his infantry, but perceiving this position of the British regulars 
to be favorable for a charge, he sent for Johnson, and asked him 
if he would undertake it. " I have accustomed my men to it from 
the first," was the reply. " Then charge !" said Harrison. Instantly 
galloping to the head of his regiment, Johnson informed the men 
of the duty before them, and the whole vast squadron, more than a 
thousand strong, went thundering over the solid plain. In the 
whole range of modern warfare, perhaps, there is no charge which 
can be compared to this for reckless and romantic courage, for the 
men were armed only with guns, hatchets, and knives, and had no 
sabres, that most necessary of all weapons in a melee. As they 
swept down towards the foe, leaving the infantry of the army half 
a mile behind, Johnson perceived that the ground on which the 
regulars were drawn up, was too confined for the manoeuvres of 
his whole regiment, and determined to divide his force, leaving to 
one half the attack on the British infantry, while with the other he 
resolved to go and seek the Indians under Tecumseh. In taking 
this bold resolution, in the absence of his commanding officer, he 
assumed the whole responsibility of victory or defeat. Accordingly, 
dividing his force, he consigned to Lieutenant-Colonel James John- 
son, his brother, and second in command, the task of charging the 
regulars, while he himself turned off towards the swamp, to assail 
an enemy even more formidable. 

The detachment under Lieutenant-Colonel James Johnson, 
advanced at a rapid pace, and was soon close upon the foe, who, 
at once, opened a heavy fire. The men came onward, in four columns 
of double files, and at this volley the heads of the column halted. 
' ; Forward, Kentuckians !" shouted Johnson, at this juncture. 
Ashamed of their momentary hesitation, the men again shook their 
bridles, and with a wild hurrah the solid masses of horsemen galloped on 
the enemy, and in the face of a rapid fire, penetrated his ranks. 
Wheeling rapidly, as soon as the British line was passed, the Ken- 
tuckians poured in a destructive volley on his rear. The battle, in 
this spot, was over in less time than we have taken to describe it, 
for when the regiment wheeled, it found the enemy crying loudly 
for quarters. This was immediately granted. A force was then 
sent in pursuit of Proctor, who was understood to be further in the 
rear ; but that General had already fled, having scarcely waited to 
see the defeat of his soldiers. He left behind him, however, his 
carriage, sword, and papers. His subsequent career furnished a 
merited, though late retribution for his preceding cruelties. Arriv- 
xii* IS 



138 RICHARD M. JOHNSON. 

ing at Burlington Heights, he was met by an angry Governor- 
General. He whose cruelty and rapacity had been overlooked in 
victory, now found himself, like many another tool of power, made 
to expiate his faults in consequence of defeat. Publicly disgraced 
for avarice and cowardice, Proctor, from that moment became as 
much an object of scorn, even in his own country, as he had before 
been one of dread in ours. 

The attack of Johnson himself on Tecumseh, was, if possible, 
executed with even more gallantry. Putting his squadron to a rapid 
trot, he charged into the midst of the savages. On their part, the 
Indians met this assault with unflinching bravery. For five or six 
minutes nothing was heard but the sharp ringing death-shot, and the 
shouts of the Kentuckians, answered back by the war-whoop of the 
savages, and the crack of their unerring rifles. Making right for the 
spot where the voice and dress of a chief seemed to betoken the 
presence of Tecumseh, Johnson strove to bring him to personal 
combat, and, by his fall, to end the day. As he advanced, the 
melee grew terrific. His men were falling on all sides around him; 
he was himself wounded in three places. The smoke grew so thick 
as almost to blind the eye. But still the Kentuckians pressed on 
around their leader, and still the Indians, gathering by Tecumseh 
answered with shot and yell. The rifle-balls whistled thickly 
past. Yet onward the Americans pressed. At last the dark form 
of Tecumseh, who had all along been animating his troops, fell 
prostrate, and, at the sight, a panic seizing his followers, they fled on 
every side. By whose hand the chief died, has never been satisfac- 
torily ascertained. The credit of the deed, however, has always 
been Johnson's. 

Colonel Johnson is still living. His life, since the victory of the 
Thames, has been chiefly spent in the political councils of the coun- 
try. In 1832, he was elected Vice-President, and again in 1836. 




ISAAC SHELBY 




HE enthusiasm with which the 
volunteers of Kentucky rallied 
to the defence of their country 
in the summer of 1813, is to be 
attributed in a great measure to 
the influence of Isaac Shelby, 
the venerable Governor of that 
state. He joined the army of 
Harrison with four thousand 
Kentuckians, and fought in per- 
son, at the age of sixty-three, 
in the battle of the Thames. For 



his valuable services in this campaign, Congress, on the 4th of April, 
1818, voted him a gold medal. 
Shelby was born on the estate of his family, near the North Moun- 



140 ISAAC SHELBY. 

tain, in Maryland, on the 11th of December, 1 750. His father, Ge- 
neral Evan Shelby, was a distinguished soldier in the Indian wars, 
and under his command the son served a first campaign against 
the savages on the Scioto river, in 1774. He was in the awful bat- 
tle of Kenhawa, fought during that year. The conflict raged from 
sunrise to sunset ; and when the struggle was over, the ground along 
the Ohio was strewed, for nearly half a mile with the bodies of the 
slain. 

In 1776, Shelby was appointed Captain of a body of minute-men 
in Virginia. He was not, however, called into service, and in 1777, 
he became attached to the commissary department. When, by the ex- 
tension of the boundary line of North Carolina, Shelby's estate be- 
came included in the latter colony, he was appointed a Colonel of 
militia by Governer Caswell. He was absent in Kentucky, laying 
out some lands he had purchased there five years before, when he 
heard of the fall of Charleston, and instantly abandoning his private 
affairs, he hurried to offer his sword to his country. Placing himself 
at the head of a body of militia, he took part in several subsequent 
skirmishes between the Americans and British. At last, on the 7th 
of October, 1780, the battle of King's Mountain was fought, in which 
the English leader, Major Ferguson, at the head of his riflemen, was 
beaten, and that, too, in a position from which he had vauntingly 
declared, " God Almighty could not drive him." Shelby was one 
of the commanders in this conflict. By a vote of the North Carolina 
legislature, he and his brother Colonels were presented with elegant 
swords for their behavior in this action. After serving two years 
longer, chiefly under Marion, he retired from the army. 

In 1783, Shelby returned to Kentucky, where he settled at Boons- 
borough. He was the first person in that State who took up a pre- 
emption grant for the purpose of cultivation ; and at his death, forty- 
three years after, was the only individual residing on his own 
settlement and pre-emption. In 1812, he was elected Governor of 
Kentucky. During the next year he organized a body of four thou- 
send volunteers, and marching with them to the support of Harrison, 
participated in the victory of the Thames. In 1S17 he was offered 
the War Department, but declined it in consequence of his age. He 
survived until the 18th of July, 1826, when a stroke of apoplexy 
terminated his useful and glorious life. 

Shelby was brave to a fault. He could endure exposure and fa- 
tigue without flinching. He was remarkable for a sound common 
sense, which rendered his opinion more practically useful than that 
of more brilliant men. In manners he was courteous. 








i2>£: /yurusu^ 






/ 



-r? — 




GENERAL BROWN AT THE BATTLE OF CHIPPEWA. 



JACOB BROWN. 




given to the British. 



T was reserved for the middle 
states to be the first to rally the 
drooping spirits of the country, 
in the war of 1812. While New 
England held coldly aloof from 
the contest, and the south as yet 
had scarcely roused herself for 
action, New York and Pennsyl- 
vania, then as now the two 
greatest states of the confedera- 
cy, came gallantly to the rescue. 
It was on the soil of New York, 
and principally by New York 
troops that the first repulse was 
It was a Pennsylvania General that won the 

141 



142 JACOB BROWN. 

victory. We allude to the defeat of the enemy at Sackett's Harbor, 
by a combined force of regulars and militia under General Brown. 

Jacob Brown, a Major-General in the American army, and per- 
haps the ablest commander in the war of 1812, was born in Bucks 
county, Pennsylvania, in the year 1775. His ancestors, for several 
generations, had been members of the society of Friends. His 
father was originally a farmer, but having embarked in trade, very 
soon lost the whole of his property ; and his progeny, among them 
Jacob, were thrown on the world to seek a subsistence, while still 
children. This happened when the subject of our memoir was but 
sixteen. Having an ordinary English education, he resolved to 
make it useful as a country schoolmaster, and accordingly acted in 
that capacity at Crosswicks, New Jersey, from his eighteenth to his 
twenty-first year. At this period the tide of emigration was just 
beginning to set towards Ohio, and young Brown, eager to improve 
his fortunes, resolved to move out to that territory. He accordingly 
went to Cincinnati, and obtaining employment as a surveyor, 
remained two years in that vicinity ; but finding the reality of west- 
ern life less alluring than he had been led to expect it, he returned 
to the eastern states. In 1798 he was teaching school in New York. 
He continued at this, however, but a few months. He next turned 
his attention to the law, but finally abandoned this also. He now 
purchased a tract of land in Jefferson county, New York, for he had 
acquired some property in his various pursuits, and, in 1799, he 
removed to his new possession, then a wild clearing in the heart of 
the wilderness. 

The district, however, rapidly improved ; and with the rise of its 
fortunes rose those of Brown. Here on this exposed border, he 
began to show those qualities of mind, which subsequently raised 
him to the head of the American army, and which would have 
enrolled his name among the most renowned of military command- 
ers, if a wider sphere had been found for their exercise. Bold, saga- 
cious, brave to a fault ; persevering, industrious, full of resources ; 
firm and decided in character ; never shrinking from assuming the 
responsibility of an action which his judgment approved, he was just 
the man to acquire influence among the rough, but shrewd border- 
ers with whom he was now thrown into contact. He soon took the 
lead among his fellow-citizens, and was looked up to upon all occa- 
sions. In 1809 he was appointed to command a regiment of militia, 
and in 1811 elevated to the rank of a Brigadier-General. When 
the war of 1812 broke out, he found himself at the head of a brigade, 
and with the charge of defending two hundred miles of exposed 



JACOB BROWN. 143 

frontier. But this novel and responsible position found him full of 
resources to meet the exigency. On the 4th of October, 1812, at the 
head of four hundred men, he repulsed the British, eight hundred 
strong, in an attack on Ogdensburg. His term of service having 
expired shortly after, he returned home and resumed the plough. 

The administration of Mr. Madison, appreciating his services and 
ability, now endeavored to secure his aid permanently during the 
war ; and accordingly offered him a Colonel's commission in the regu- 
lar army. This, however, he declined, not from unwillingness to 
serve, but from a resolution not to take a lower rank than he already 
held. He felt that he was fitted for great emergencies, and was con- 
tent patiently to wait until he should be better appreciated. If that 
never should occur, he was satisfied to remain in his peaceful avoca- 
tion as a farmer. But never was there a truer saying than that talent 
always finds its level, or never was it more forcibly exemplified than 
in the cases of Jackson and Brown. Both were refused the commis- 
sions they sought, in the beginning of the conflict ; yet both subse- 
quently forced them, as it were, from the country, by their genius 
for war. Both were emphatically heroes of the people. Both started 
to life, robust and armed, military commanders full born. Both only 
needed a wider sphere of action to have become among the most cele- 
brated professors of the military art. With the field that opened itself 
before the Marshals of Napoleon, Jackson would have rivalled Ney, 
and Brown surpassed Macdonald. 

The residence of Brown was in the neighborhood of Sackett's Har- 
bor, at that time the chief depot for stores on the lake. Here was 
collected the plunder of York ; here were building the vessels destined 
to annoy the enemy ; and here were stowed the munitions of war 
that had been transported, at great expense, from the Atlantic to the 
shores of Lake Ontario. Though it was scarcely thought probable 
that the British would venture to attack this place, the value of the 
prize rendered it possible that the attempt might be made ; and Colo- 
nel Backus, who had been left in command of the post, was instructed, 
in case of any such expedition, to summon General Brown to his 
assistance. It was not long before the contingency, thus provided 
for, arrived. To retaliate for the capture of York, Prevost conceived 
the design of attacking Sackett's Harbor. This idea was adopted 
during a visit to Kingston, where he heard that General Dearborn 
had withdrawn most of the garrison to assist in the expedition against 
Fort George. Accordingly, on the 27th of May, 1813, Prevost began 
his movement at the head of nearly a thousand men; his troops em- 
barkingin smallboats,and under convoy of the fleet commanded by Sir 



144 JACOB BROWN. 

James Yeo. It was his intention to reach Sackett's Harbor in the 
night, and at daybreak to assault and carry the place by surprise. 
The winds proved adverse, however,and it was not until ten o'clock 
on the evening of the 28th that he reached his destination. At day- 
break of the 29th he made his attack. Meantime, his fleet had been 
seen on the lake, and notice promptly carried to the harbor. The 
guns of the fort gave the alarm to the surrounding country. The 
people rose. By noon of the 28th, six hundred militia had rallied to 
the defence of the place ; and at their head came Brown, summoned 
in this emergency, like Cincinnatus, from his plough. An express had 
found him at his farm, eight miles from the harbor, and instantly mount- 
ing, he had hurried to the scene of action, rousing the militia as he 
came. His every movement marked the man born to command. The 
crisis found him, cool, ready, inexhaustible. It was one of those emer- 
gencies in which a bold and intrepid genius like his, finds its true ele- 
ment, while minds of less power sink under the responsibility. 

During the whole of the 28th the Americans were preparing for 
the attack. Brown, being thoroughly acquainted with the neighbor- 
hood, was at no loss to know the point where the enemy would proba- 
bly land. His dispositions were made accordingly. He placed the mili- 
tia and volunteers in the first line, and assigned to them the task of 
meeting the enemy on his disembarkation. Midway between the 
shore and village, and on ground rendered difficult of approach by an 
abattis, he arranged the second line, which was composed of regular 
troops, under the command of Lieutenant-Colonel Backus. A few 
artillerists were charged with the custody of the forts, where, in case 
of a defeat, Brown had prepared to make a last desperate stand. 
The location of the front line was partially altered, almost at the mo- 
ment of attack, in consequence of the enemy changing the point of 
his disembarkation, when he saw the stubborn preparations of the 
Americans. The troops, however, had full time to take their new 
position before the enemy could land. Brown himself superintended 
their line of battle. " Hide yourselves," he said, " as much as possi- 
ble, and do not fire until you can see the buttons of the enemy. If you 
are forced to retire, by superior numbers, throw yourselves into the 
wood, rally, and assail the foe in flank. If you cannot then stop him, 
retire on the left and rear of Colonel Backus, and wait for further 
orders. Only be cool and resolute and the day is our own." 

He had scarcely delivered these words when the British were seen 
close at hand, their numerous boats apparently crowded with sol- 
diers. The day was partially clear, with a slight mist hanging 
around ; and the glitter of the enemy's arms, perhaps, magnified his 



JACOB BROWN. 145 

numbers. None of the militia or volunteers had been in battle be- 
fore ; and awe of the British regulars' skill haunted the popular 
mind ; hence, when the front line of the Americans beheld the im- 
posing array of the enemy, it lost its self-possession, and began to 
fire too soon, and in a desultory manner. At such a crisis it is 
astonishing how few can infect the whole mass. One or two at first 
discharged their pieces, and this spread alarm in others, so that, in 
less than a minute, the whole line had delivered its fire. As might 
have been expected, the men overshot their assailants, and scarcely 
one of the enemy was seen to fall. The inefficiency of their fire 
increased the perturbation of the volunteers ; each looked for coun- 
tenance in his neighbor and found none ; a panic was the conse- 
quence ; and the whole body, breaking ground, took to flight igno- 
miniously. In vain their officers strove to rally them. Once thorough- 
ly frightened, nothing could allay their terror. Forgetful of Brown's 
orders to collect again in the wood, forgetful of the direction after- 
wards to gather in the rear of Colonel Backus, forgetful of everything 
but their own alarm, they hurried frantically onward, some even 
throwing away their guns, a mortifying and cowardly spectacle. 
Two companies, however, resisted this general consternation. They 
were headed by Captains M'Nett and Collins, and gallantly rallied 
to the fight. 

With inexplicable chagrin, Brown saw the flight of the militia and 
volunteers ; but his second line still stood firm, and to this he now 
devoted all his attention. By the disgraceful retreat of the front 
line, the position of the regulars, however, was rendered untenable. 
But this did not disconcert Brown. Falling back, step by step, dis- 
puting every inch of ground, he took shelter in some log huts which 
had been prepared for the winter accommodation of the soldiers, and 
here prepared to resist the now overpowering numbers of the enemy. 
This new post he soon rendered impregnable. In vain the British, 
flushed with their first victory, advanced with loud cheers to the 
assault. A sharp and well aimed volley checked their steps. Brown 
did not give them time to recover, before he threw in another vol- 
ley. At this moment, however, flames were seen rising from the 
place where the stores were collected ; for the officer left in their 
charge, seeing the flight of the front line, had deemed the day lost, 
and hastened to execute his orders. Soon dark volumes of pitchy 
smoke began to roll upwards to the sky, relieved here and there by 
forky tongues of flame, leaping about in the wildest confusion. Ani- 
mated by this sight, the British raised a second shout, and rushed 
forward, under cover of a heavy fire. But the American regulars, 
xiii 19 



146 JACOB BROWN. 

with the heroic Backus at their head, stood immoveable. For a few 
minutes only the result was doubtful. The vollies of the enemy- 
rattled without intermission, and the scanty front of the Americans 
was enveloped in sheets of fire. Soon the British began to w'aver. 
At this moment Backus, while cheering on his men, received a 
mortal shot, and fell in the arms of victory. Brown, meantime, 
had hastened to the rear, and succeeded in rallying three or four 
hundred of the militia, with whom he advanced to cut off the 
enemy's rear. But the British, alarmed at this demonstration, now 
began to retire on all sides. Indeed, to have remained longer, a 
mark for the deadly fire from the block-house and battery, would 
have been madness, even if their retreat had not been threatened. 
Accordingly, Prevost drew off his men, and forming them on the 
east of the hill proceeded immediately after to re-embark. As they hur- 
ried to their boats, mortified and enraged at this unexpected result, 
their sight was cheered by a spectacle, which, in part afforded a 
grim satisfaction for their disgrace. It was the burning barracks 
and store-houses. These buildings were now a sheet of flame, and 
being filled with highly combustible materials, the roar of the con- 
flagration was heard far and near. By that stern music the enemy 
re-embarked. 

The intelligence of this victory was hailed with rapturous 
applause throughout the Union, and by universal consent Brown 
rose at once to a first place in the public opinion. The government 
showed its grateful appreciation of his conduct by creating him a 
Brigadier. Both friend and foe acknowledged, as if by secret instinct, 
that a military leader of ability had arisen at last in this country. 
An opinion which heretofore had been breathed only in whis- 
pers, was now boldly proclaimed : it was said that the incom- 
petency of the old Generals had been endured long enough, 
and that it was full time that abler commanders, fresh from 
the people, should have their places. From this period, indeed, we 
may date an improvement in the character of the leaders, and a 
more daring spirit of enterprise in the management of the war. 
The days of the Hulls, Wilkinsons, and Dearborns, were nearly 
over ; that of the Browns, Scotts, Jessups, and Jacksons, was 
approaching. The spirit of the people which had begun to despond, 
from this hour rallied ; enthusiasm took the place of want of confi- 
dence ; and headed by leaders whom it could love, the army went 
gallantly from victory to victory. Chippewa and Lundy's Lane 
followed upon Sackett's Harbor, and the brilliant spectacle closed at 
New Orleans in a blaze of glory ! 

The letter in which Brown modestly announced his victory, is 



JACOB BROWN. 147 

worthy of being preserved : it is terse, unaffected, and eminently 
characteristic of the man. There is nothing of exaggeration, nothing 
of bombast about it. In reading it, we perceive that victory has not 
destroyed the even balance of his mind. 

" May 29th, 1S13. 

We were attacked at the dawn of this day by a British regular 
force of at least nine hundred men, most probably twelve hundred. 
They made their landing at Horse Island. The enemy's fleet con- 
sisted of two ships and four schooners, and thirty large open boats. 
We are completely victorious. The enemy lost a considerable num- 
ber of killed and wounded on the field, among the number several 
officers of distinction. After having re-embarked, they sent me a 
flag, desiring to have their killed and wounded attended to. I have 
made them satisfied on that subject. Americans will be distinguished 
for humanity and bravery. Our loss is not numerous, but serious 
from the great worth of those who have fallen. Colonel Mills was 
shot dead at the commencement of the action ; and Colonel Backus, 
of the first regiment of light dragoons, nobly fell at the head of 
his regiment as victory was declaring for us. I will not presume to 
praise this regiment ; their gallant conduct on this day merits much 
more than praise. The new ship, and Commodore Chauncey's 
prize, the Duke of Gloucester, are safe in Sackett's Harbor. Sir 
George Prevost landed and commanded in person. Sir James Yeo 
commanded the enemy's fleet. 

In haste, yours, &c, 

Jacob Brown." 

On receiving a commission in the regular army, Brown at once 
abandoned his farm, and devoted himself to the service of his coun- 
try. He accompanied Wilkinson, in the ensuing autumn, in his 
expedition down the St. Lawrence. Being the officer of the day 
during the passage of the British fort at Prescott, the direction of 
that difficult and somewhat perilous enterprise devolved on himself, 
a task which he performed with signal skill and resolution. At 
French Creek he repulsed, with his brigade, an imposing force of 
the enemy. He moved continually in advance of the main army 
and was already several miles ahead of Wilkinson, pressing on to 
Montreal, when he received, with undisguised chagrin, the order of 
that officer to fall back, since the expedition was to be abandoned. 
The army now retired to winter quarters. Wilkinson, on the plea 
of sickness, left the camp, and the other seniors of Brown being also 
absent, he now found himself at the head of the army. Early in 
the year 1S14, he was promoted to the rank of Major-General. 



148 



JACOB BROWN. 



The new campaign accordingly opened under the happiest aus- 
pices. The elevation of Brown to the chief command at once inspired 
confidence. His gallantry at Sackett's Harbor, and his courage 
under Wilkinson, were the theme of every tongue. His officers 
were in the highest, spirits, and the men relied on victory. Mean- 
time, he left no preparatory measures untried which could assist in 
securing success, particularly devoting himself to the thorough disci- 
pline of his troops. In this task he found a valuable assistant in 
Scott, then just elevated to the rank of a Brigadier. That officer 
established a camp of instruction at Buffalo, where, adopting the 




BUFFALO. 



system of Napoleon's army, the officers were first rigorously drilled, 
without regard to rank, by the commanding General ; and then 
these officers in turn, instructed the rank and file under their immedi- 
ate eye. It was in fact renewing the scenes of Valley Forge, when 
Baron Steuben first made soldiers of the raw levies of Washington, 
and with the same effect. The one trained the men, who, a few 
months later, drove the British grenadiers at Monmouth ; the other 
instructed the future conquerors of Chippewa and Lundy's Lane. 

Having become satisfied with the proficiency of his troops, Brown 
resolved to cross the Niagara, and begin the aggressive. Accord- 
ingly, on the 3d of July, 1813, the brigade of Scott was sent over to 
the British shore, below Fort Erie, and was followed, on the same 



JACOB BROWN. 149 

day by that of Ripley, which landed below. Fort Erie, being thus 
invested, surrendered without firing a shot. Leaving a small garri- 
son in the captured fort, Brown now pushed forward in the direc- 
tion of Chippewa, where the main body of the British was known 
to be encamped. The enemy's force was commanded by Major 
General Riall, and was estimated at three thousand. The brigade 
of Scott moved in advance of the rest of the American army, with 
orders to drive in any outlying parties of the British it should meet. 
The day was that glorious one in the history of our country, the 
fourth of July. As the troops marched, the national air greeted 
their ears at frequently recurring intervals, amid prouder bursts of 
music ; while the soft summer breeze that floated by, dallied with 
the flag of America, making the stars dance and quiver in the morn- 
ing sunbeams. Every man felt inspirited by the scene, by the 
music, and by the associations ; and with quickened steps marched 
on. It was not long before a detachment of the British army, con- 
sisting of the one-hundredth regiment, came in sight. This body 
was commanded by the Marquis of Tweedale. A sharp action im- 
mediately ensued, which continued for some hours, being maintained 
as a running fight, the Americans advancing, and the English falling 
back. At last, after a retreat of sixteen miles, the enemy reached 
the Chippewa river, across which he hastily retired. Dusk was 
now gathering around the landscape. On the opposite shore, 
however, could be discerned through the gloom the dark masses of 
Riall's army, protected by heavy batteries, in the midst of which the one- 
hundredth regiment had taken refuge. To have maintained the 
pursuit at that hour, and under the circumstances, would have been 
madness. Accordingly, halting his troops, Scott resolved to await 
the arrival of the main body, and his men, in consequence, pitched 
their camp about two miles from that of the enemy. So close were 
the two armies, and so calm and still was the night, as 
the hours wore on, the troops in either army could distinguish the 
various noises of the enemy ; and many a brave soldier, as he 
bivouacked on the bare ground, heard these sounds in dreams, 
where mingling with thoughts of home, they produced a strange 
medley' of sad and sweet images. 

The morning dawned close and sultry. Not a cloud obscured the 
sky, and scarcely a breath of wind stirred, ominous signs these of a 
hot and dusty day for the battle that impended. The British lay 
behind the Chippewa, commanding a bridge that led across the 
stream and debouched into a comparatively open plain. This plain, 
at its opposite extremity, was bounded by another small stream, 

XIII* 



150 JACOB BROWN. 

called Street's Creek, behind which the American army had taken 
up its position the night before. On its two other sides this plain 
was skirted by the Niagara River, and by a belt of heavy woodland. 
Nature appeared, indeed, to have constructed the piece of ground 
expressly for a field of battle, and both commanders, sensible of 
this, seemed to have made up their minds here to try their fortunes. 
Brown was already preparing to leave his position, cross into the 
plan, and attack the enemy in his lines at Chippewa, when the 
videttes announced that Riall was beginning to appear in force on 
the plain himself, as if eager to seek the proffered contest. This 
news was soon followed by the sound of firing, showing that the 
advanced posts of the two armies had begun to skirmish. The wood 
which we have mentioned, and which was on the American left, 
now began to swarm with the militia and Indians of the enemy, 
which, gaining ground as the day advanced, by noon were able 
materially to annoy the American pickets. Brown, on this, 
despatched General Porter with the volunteers and militia, by a 
circuitous route, to get in the rear of the Indians, and cut them off 
from the main body. At the same time he ordered his advance to 
fall back, in hopes thus to draw them on. In about half an hour, 
however, Porter came suddenly upon the light parties of the enemy 
in the wood. A heavy fire succeeded from each of the opposing 
detachments, and was maintained for some time, when the British 
irregulars gave way, and began to retire on Chippewa. The retreat 
however, had not progressed far, when it was checked by the 
arrival of the main body of the enemy on the field. The British 
irregulars now rallied, and with exulting cheers, deeming the day 
their own, bore down on the American line. For a moment the 
latter withstood the shock, but soon intimidated by the imposing 
front of the enemy's regulars, which now extended far and near, 
they broke and fled. Every effort of General Porter to check their 
dismay, was in vain. 

Brown himself had been in the wood with Porter, when the noise 
of firing in the direction of Chippewa attracted his attention, and 
immediately he knew by the clouds of dust rising in the distance, 
that the enemy was advancing. It was now four o'clock. The sun, 
declining in the western firmament, threw a yellow haze across the 
plain ; and a myriad of particles, seemingly of fine gold dust, formed a 
canopy over the British army. Occasionally, a light breeze, drifting 
aside this veil, disclosed the flashing arms, the blackened banners, 
and the confident step of Riall's veterans : for the regulars of that 
General were no common troops, but men disciplined on many a 



JACOB BROWN. 151 

hard fought field, and proud of their frequent victories. Now and 
then a puff of white smoke, looking in the distance as if from a 
solitary gun, would shoot out from this gilded curtain, and immedi- 
ately afterwards, a faint report came struggling up to the ear. 
Perhaps never did any General gaze on a more splendid spectacle. 
But not a moment was to be lost, and so, putting spurs to his horse, 
Brown galloped, with his suite, in the direction of the bridge, 
which, crossing Street's Creek, in front of the American camp, was 
the only outlet for our army into the plain beyond. Just before he 
reached that spot, he met General Scott, who, in ignorance of the 
advance of the British, was moving his brigade in that direction, in 
relief dress, merely for the purpose of a drill. Brown drew in his 
rein, and pointing with his sword across to the plain, said to his 
subordinate : " The enemy is coming up — you will have a fight — 
move on, and cross the bridge." Having pronounced these words, 
he passed hastily to the rear, to put Ripley's brigade in motion, and 
to re-assemble the light troops behind Street's Creek. 

In an instant every man in the brigade of Scott was aware of 
the order, and with an alacrity that showed they had not forgotten 
the triumph of the day before, they moved towards the bridge. It 
was not until he reached this spot that Scott could obtain a sight of 
the foe. He then saw the British veterans, however, displayed on 
the plain, their masses of infantry intermixed with dragoons and 
artillery, extending far away to right and left, without a perceptible 
gap in the whole of that long front. A battery of nine pieces, 
within point blank, opened its fire on the bridge as soon as the 
Americans appeared. Scott did not hesitate a moment, however, 
but immediately crossed, and in perfect order, though not without 
loss. As soon as the first and second battalions, led by Majors 
Leavenworth and McNeilly, had reached the plain, they promptly 
formed a line in front, which brought them opposite, respectively, to 
the left and centre of the enemy. When the third battalion, which 
was commanded by Major Jessup, had traversed the bridge, Scott 
moved it off obliquely to the left, in order to prevent the British 
from outflanking him in that direction. This left the spaces between 
the battalions of considerable size ; but no other resource remained. 
The artillery under Captain Towson, was stationed to the right, 
resting on the Chippewa road. No sooner had it got into position, 
than the guns were promptly unlimbered, and soon opened with 
terrible effect on the columns of the enemy. Meantime, the two 
armies continued to advance on each other, the troops halting to fire, 
and then pushing on, until the space between became packed with 



152 JACOB BROWN. 

smoke. The English officers had been told that Scott had nothing 
but militia with him ; but when they saw the coolness with which 
his troops came into action, one of them exclaimed : " If these are 
militia, God keep the regulars from us !" 

The right of the British had been pushed so far, in the hope of 
outflanking the Americans, that it had actually entered the forest, 
and thither Major Jessup following it, according to his orders not to 
be outflanked, it became finally separated from the main body. This 
gave the British a new right flank on the plain, threatening to effect 
the very purpose that Jessup had been sent to defeat. Scott, per- 
ceiving this, hastened to throw forward the left flank of 'Neil's 
battalion, which brought it obliquely to the enemy's front, and, in 
turn, outflanked him a little. All this time the two armies had con- 
tinued to approach each other, keeping up a constant and heavy 
fire. Scott, just before, noticing that Towson overshot the enemy, 
galloped down the line to the battery, and seeing its gallant com- 
mander so enveloped in smoke, that neither he nor his men 
could see the British any longer, had pointed them out. 
Instantly changing the direction of his pieces, Towson pre- 
pared to load them for a final discharge, while Scott returned 
back to the battalions on the right, where he executed the move- 
ment by which he outflanked the foe. At this crisis, the enemy 
was not more than eighty paces distant. It was the moment for 
decisive action. To have waited an instant, would have given 
Riall the opportunity, perhaps, to extend his flank, and recover the 
advantage he had just lost. But this instant Scott did not allow him. 
Turning to M'Neil's battalion, he pointed with his sword towards 
the enemy, and in a voice that rose, loud and distinct over all the 
uproar of the strife, shouted : " Men of the eleventh ! the enemy say 
we are good at a long shot, but cannot stand the cold iron. I call on 
you to give the lie to that slander. Charge !" At the word, the 
bayonets of that veteran battalion were levelled, and they rushed 
upon the foe, a bristling wall of steel. Instantaneously, too, Leaven- 
worth's battalion, which held an oblique position on the enemy's 
right, sprang also to the charge, and thus crushed, as it were, 
between two moving phalanxes, the British, with a wild cry of horror 
broke and fled. The final impulse to their panic, if any had been 
wanting, was given by the fire of Towson's pieces, which, at this 
critical moment, sent their tempest of grape through and through the 
enemy's ranks. Almost simultaneously too, Major Jessup, in the 
wood, had advanced his men to a new and more secure position, 
where their fire proved so hot and quick, that the foe there were 
forced to retire also. 



JACOB BROWN. 153 

While the brigade of Scott had been achieving this victory, that 
of Ripley had not been inactive. Brown had no sooner left Scott than 
he placed himself at the head of these battalions, and advanced with 
them on the left, behind the woods, hoping to gain the rear of the 
enemy's right flank. But by the almost instantaneous success of 
Scott, the foe was in full retreat before this could be effected. The 
whole of the American army, now uniting, however, advanced 
with loud cheers, the bands playing in triumph. It is said to have 
been a magnificent spectacle. The sun hung on the very verge of 
the horizon, and the dust that floated over the plain was more 
golden than ever, while here and there were particles of smoke that 
lit by a stray beam, gleamed out like frosted silver on the scene. As 
the victors pressed on across the plain, they found it everywhere 
strewed with the dead and dying, proving how destructive had been 
their fire. As soon as the British gained the sloping ground descend- 
ing towards Chippewa, they broke and ran to their trenches- 
The pursuit was not stopped until the enemy had thrown him- 
self across the Chippewa, and found a secure covert within his 
entrenchments. By this time Brown had arrived in person, and 
ordered the ordnance to be brought up, intending to force the works, 
but their strength, and the lateness of the hour, induced him to 
abandon the attempt. The sun had now gone down. One by one 
the stars appeared in the sky, but notwithstanding this, the darkness 
increased ; for the clouds of dust settling but slowly, still hung over 
the plain, and added to the gloom of the hour. All things seemed 
gradually to assume a look and voice of foreboding. The wind was 
heard wailing in the recesses of the neighboring forest ; the Niagara 
surged mournfully along ; and from the plain rose up alow, confused, 
but melancholy murmur, for there, nearly a thousand men lay, moan- 
ing in suffering, or looking up with dead, pale faces, to the stars ! 
As the night deepened, however, that ominous mingling of sounds 
grew fainter and fainter, as soul after soul went up to its Maker. 
Humane steps at last were heard on that plain, and the wounded 
were borne off and succored. Finally a death-like silence fell on ail 
the landscape. The two armies, in their respective camps, slept 
in deep slumber after the fatigues of the day, and no sound broke 
the profound stillness, except the occasional cry of a sentry, or the 
hoarse murmur of the Niagara. 

The second day after this battle, the Americans crossed the Chip- 
pewa, the British burning their barracks, abandoning their position, 
and retiring to forts Niagara and George. Brown followed in 
pursuit. The expectation of receiving some heavy guns from 

20 



154 



JACOB BROWN. 



Sackett's Harbor, delayed his movements for the next fortnight ; but, 
on the 25th of July, having received an express from General Gaines, 
advising him of the blockade of that port, by a superior force, he was 
compelled to abandon his designs against the forts at the mouth of 
the Niagara, and seek success in some other enterprise. His active 
mind was not long in fixing on its prey. He determined to dis- 
encumber the army of baggage, and march directly on Burlington 
Heights. But in order to conceal this intention from the enemy, as 
well as to obtain a supply of provisions from Schlosser, he fell back 
on Chippewa. Meantime, however, Lieutenant-General Drum- 
mond, mortified at the repulse of the British by an inferior force, 
had hurried up from York, bringing with him all the troops he could 
collect at that and other posts on the peninsula. Assuming command 
of the army in person, he advanced boldly against the Americans. 
This was just at the period when they were falling back on Chip- 
pewa. Brown, being advised of the movement of Drummond, 
halted. That same evening he received a communication from the 
American shore, apprizing him that the enemy had landed a 








r^SmmsM^^^M- 




FORT NIAGARA. 



thousand men at Lewistown, nine miles below the Chippewa, for 
some object not understood. Alarmed for the stores at Schlosser, 
Brown determined, by threatening the forts at the mouth of the 



JACOB BROWN. 155 

Niagara, to recall the British. Accordingly, he ordered Scott, with 
all the troops he could collect on the moment, to advance. In twenty 
minutes, Scott was in motion. He carried with him his own brigade, 
Towson's artillery, and the dragoons and mounted men, in all about 
thirteen hundred combatants. 

The battle that ensued, is known by the names of Queenstown, 
Lundy's Lane, and Niagara, indiscriminately. It was in fact, two 
separate conflicts. In the first, the enemy was driven from his posi- 
tion, and then, taking up a new one, the struggle began again, and 
was continued until midnight. In the earlier conflict, Scott's 
brigade fought nearly alone, and was terribly cut up. In fact, this 
General, when he went into action, supposed that he was about to 
meet the same force he had already met at Chippewa, and no more, 
whereas it had been strongly reinfor«ed by Drummond. Scott stood 
his ground, however, until Brown could bring up the brigade of 
Ripley, when his shattered troops were drawn off, though, later in 
the night, they came again into action. The enemy was finally 
beaten. Before the victory, however, was complete, Brown had 
received two wounds, and was so reduced by loss of blood, that he 
had to be supported on his horse from the field. Scott having been 
also wounded, the command devolved on General Ripley. This 
General had been ordered by Brown to begin the action again early 
in the morning, but failed to do so, in consequence of which the 
English remained masters of the field, and a retreat to Fort Erie 
became necessary. It was his conduct in this emergency which 
induced Brown to pronounce Ripley an officer, not wanting indeed in 
physical bravery, but sadly deficient in moral courage, or the nerve 
to assume responsibility in critical circumstances. 

Not possessing confidence in Ripley, one of the first acts of Brown 
was to send for General Gaines, who, as senior officer, on his arrival, 
would supersede Ripley in the command of Fort Erie. Here Gaines 
won unfading laurels by his gallant repulse of the enemy from before its 
walls. But having received a wound from a shell, the fort again 
fell in the charge of Ripley, and the anxiety of Brown became so 
great, that early in September, as soon as his wounds were suffi- 
ciently healed, he repaired in person to Fort Erie, and assumed the 
direction of its defence. He found the place in a critical emergency. 
The besieging force was more than double that of the garrison, and 
was continually increasing. Although reinforcements had been 
ordered up from Lake Champlain, they were yet far distant, and 
some time must necessarily elapse before they could appear. Mean- 
time, the fort might be stormed successfully by overwhelming 



156 JACOB BROWN. 

numbers. In this perilous condition of affairs, the bold and decided 
genius of Brown was the salvation of the garrison. After waiting 
from the 2d until the 17th of September, daily suffering more and 
more from the fire of the enemy, the American General, noticing 
that a new battery was about to be erected, resolved on a sortie. 
The works of the besiegers consisted of two lines of investment, 
supported by block-houses, in the front of which, at suitable points, 
batteries were erected. The camp of the enemy was nearly two 
miles in the rear of their works. Brown noticed that a brigade of 
twelve or fifteen hundred men usually occupied these works, and 
was relieved, in turn, by two other brigades of equal strength. Brown's 
plan was to issue forth suddenly with as powerful a force as he 
could muster, storm the batteries, spike the cannon, and, if possible, 
cut to pieces the brigade on duty, before assistance could be sum- 
moned from the camp. The scheme was hazardous perhaps, but 
with such a General to lead the troops, at least promised success. 

Accordingly, on the morning of the 17th, the garrison was ordered 
to parade at noon, in readiness for the sortie. The volunteers, led 
by General Porter, the riflemen of Colonel Gibson, and Major 
Brooks, with the first and twenty-third infantry, accompanied by a 
few dragoons, acting as infantry, were instructed to move from the 
extreme left on the right of the enemy, by a road which had been 
secretly opened through the woods for the purpose. The command 
of General Miller was ordered to station itself in the ravine between 
the enemy's batteries and Fort Erie, by passing in detachments 
through the skirls of the wood. The twenty-first infantry, under 
General Ripley, was directed to post itself, as a reserve, between 
the new bastions of Fort Erie. All these troops, by these arrangements, 
would be kept under cover, and out of view of the enemy, until the 
moment for decisive action. Then, all at once, they would burst on 
the foe. 

When the signal was given, the troops rushed forward from their 
respective stations with the greatest impetuosity. The left column, 
led by General Porter, began the action. These brave men had 
stolen forward through the wood on the enemy's right, until they 
arrived, unperceived, close to his entrenchments : then, at the word 
of their commander, they raised a shout, and advanced at quick 
step upon the foe. Hearing the report of the musketry, Brown, who 
had remained in the ravine, knew that the action was begun on the 
left, and accordingly ordered Miller to advance and pierce the 
enemy's entrenchments between the two batteries in front. This 
division also sprang to the assault with cheers. The astonished 



JACOB BROWN. 157 

enemy, at first, lost his self-possession, but soon recovering himself, 
rallied to the defence of his battery. A deadly fire accordingly 
greeted the Americans. But unintimidated, the gallant assailants 
rushed forward, cleared the ramparts, drove the enemy from his 
works, and planted their flag on the embrasure of the captured forti- 
fication. In less than thirty minutes after firing the first gun, the 
Americans were masters of the field, two of the enemy's batteries, 
his line of entrenchments, and his two block-houses being in pos- 
session of the storming parties. The victors then hastened to spike 
the cannon. The magazine of the batteries was blown up. The 
enemy still, however, maintained a desultory, though stubborn 
resistance, as he retreated ; and the reserve, which had been ordered 
up, was brought into action, while a portion of the remaining troops 
proceeded with the work of demolition. The object of the sortie 
having been accomplished, the Americans were now drawn off, and 
retired to the fort. The victory had been signal and complete. In a 
single hour the labor of fifty days on the part of the besiegers had 
been utterly destroyed. About four hundred British had been taken 
prisoners, and as many more wounded or killed. The moral effect 
of the sortie was even greater. The enemy recognized in this bold 
and brilliant stroke, the hand that had dealt him such terrible blows at 
Chippewa and Lundy's Lane, and from that hour, abandoning all 
hopes of reducing the place, lent his thoughts only to the best 
means of effecting a safe retreat. A few days after, he raised the 
siege, and retired behind the Chippewa. 

These series of successes on the part of Brown, beginning with 
Sackett's Harbor, and ending with Fort Erie, surrounded his name 
with an eclat similar to that which, about the same time, was won 
by Decatur on another element. Indeed, the career of this General 
is a forcible illustration of what genius alone can do. During the 
two preceding years of the war, our arms on land had met with an 
almost constant succession of disasters, though, at that time, they 
were not opposed by any of the veteran English troops, such as in 
1814, appeared in the field. But when the peace in Europe had disen- 
gaged the conquerors of the peninsula, our troops, instead of being 
utterly annihilated before these renowned soldiers, suddenly began to 
achieve victories, and that too, against superior numbers. The 
nation could scarcely believe the first reports of the victory of Chip- 
pewa. It had been supposed that if Brown could manage to engage 
a smaller force than his own, his ability and courage would, perhaps, 
obtain a triumph ; but this astonishing success transcended every 
hope. The result was chiefly owing to the genius of the General. 

XIV 



158 



JACOB BROWN. 



His sagacity in adapting his means to his end, was well known to the 
troops, and inspired them with a confidence that whatsoever he 
undertook he could carry through ; besides, by a thorough dis- 
cipline of his men, he rendered them the equals of Wellington's 
veterans. With such soldiers, and such a leader, victory was 
certain. 

The war terminated, at least in the north, with the campaign of 
1814. After the peace, Brown was continued in the army, and 
assigned the command of the northern military division. His life, how- 
ever, was paid a forfeit to his services, for he had contracted a disease at 
Fort Erie, which was an almost constant source of suffering to him, 
and which, in the end, produced his death. But he lived first to 
reach the elevated post of senior Major-General, and Commander- 
in-chief of the army of the United States. This happened in 1821. 
On the 24th of February, 1828, he died in Washington City, where he 
had resided since he rose to the chief command. 








ELEAZER W. RIPLEY 



cies. Arnona: 



HE real hero of Lundy's Lane was 
General Winfield Scott. But that 
officer having been wounded, was 
forced to retire from the field, and 
General Brown, the Commander-in- 
chief, being also disabled, the direc- 
tion of affairs devolved upon General 
Ripley. This gentleman was a leader 
.of spirit and discipline, but not equal 
in ability to either of his superiors. 
He wanted their resolution, though 
not their courage, and, perhaps, 
shrank from assuming responsibility 
in critical and uncommon emergen- 
ce earlier Generals of the war, he would have shone 

159 




160 ELEAZER W. RIPLEY. 

superior. But it required pre-eminent qualifications to win distinc- 
tion by the side of Brown and Scott. 

Eleazer Wheelock Ripley, was born in Hanover, New Hampshire, 
in the year 17S2. On his maternal side, he was descended from the 
celebrated Captain Miles Standish, the hero of the early Plymouth 
settlers. Young Ripley received an excellent education, graduating 
at Dartmouth College, in his eighteenth year, with the highest 
honors. He subsequently studied law, and settled at Winslow. 
in Massachusetts. In 1807, we find him a member of the legisla- 
ture of Massachusetts. He was already prominent as a man of 
influence, and gave his voice, as early as 1808, in favor of a war 
with both England and France, provided those two powers did not 
cease their aggressions on this country. In 1811, he was elected 
to succeed the late Hon. Joseph Story, as speaker of the House of 
Representatives in Massachusetts. In 1812, became out boldly for 
a war with Great Britain, and this too, in opposition to the general 
sentiment in his adopted state. His patriotism was rewarded by 
the commission of a Lieutenant-Colonel in the army of the United 
States. He was appointed to the command of a sub-district, extend- 
ing from Saco to the eastern frontier, and to his other duties was 
soon added the superintendence of the recruiting service. In a short 
time he had obtained sufficient recruits to form a regiment, which 
was called the twenty-first, and placed under his command. 

Ripley was one of the first officers to introduce that exact and 
rigid discipline into our armies, which subsequently rendered the 
American soldiers a match for the veterans of Wellington. The 
winter of 1812, Ripley spent at Burlington, Vermont, engaged in 
perfecting his regiment, which now became a model for all others. 
In March, 1813, he repaired to Sackett's Harbor, where the army 
was collecting for the attack on York. Ripley shared in that enter- 
prise, and received a wound from the explosion. He was present 
also at the capture of Fort George. In July, he returned to Sackett's 
Harbor, where he was occupied until October, in perfecting the dis- 
cipline of the large body of recruits collecting at that depot. He took 
part in the descent of the St. Lawrence, in November of that year, 
and afterwards, retiring to Sackett's Harbor, remained in winter 
quarters there until the spring of 1814. On the 15th of April of that 
year, Colonel Ripley was created a Brigadier-General, and joined 
the army of Brown, about to begin the glorious campaign of that 
season, on the Niagara. He was present with his command, at the 
battle of Chippewa, on the 5th of July. Subsequently, on the 24th 
of the same month, be played a prominent part in the battle of 



ELEAZER W. RIPLEY. 161 

Lundy's Lane, certainly the most hotly contested, if not the most 
splendid action of the war. 

On the afternoon of that day, Brown received a note from a trust- 
worthy source, informing him that the British had thrown a thou- 
sand men across from Queenstown to Lewistown, nine miles below 
Chippewa. The American General, conjecturing that the enemy's 
object was to capture our stores at Schlosser, and intercept supplies 
coming down from Buffalo, immediately determined to recall him 
from this design, by threatening his forts at the mouth of the Niagara. 
Accordingly, Scott's brigade wasdetachedwiththis purpose. Scott had 
proceeded about two miles in the direction of the forts, when, 
from a hill, he discerned some British officers near a mansion about a 
mile distant. Advancing, he learned that the enemy was in some 
force on the other side of a wood ahead. The command of this 
spirited young officer consisted of thirteen hundred men ; but, as he 
believed that half of Riall's brigade had been thrown across the 
Niagara, he did not hesitate to push on. " We whipped them at 
Chippewa," he said to his soldiers, " and we can do it again, my 
lads !" Having hurried off a messenger to Brown, announcing the 
vicinity of the foe, he prepared to pass the woods, in front of 
Forsyth's house, the mansion where the officers had been seen just 
before. What was his astonishment, however, to perceive directly 
in his front, drawn up in Lundy's Lane, a force, which his practised 
eye knew to be superior to that he had encountered at Chippewa. 
As he wheeled in their front, the clatter of musketry, and the roar 
of artillery, simultaneously crashed upon his ears, and, for a moment, 
his men recoiled before the fire with which they were thus unexpec- 
tedly greeted. 

The crisis was one to try the courage of the boldest. The enemy 
were evidently in very strong force, and admirably posted. Scott, 
in reality, was in a trap. To have retreated, under the circum- 
stances, would have been the course of an ordinary leader; but this 
gallant young commander was too spirited for this, and besides, he 
knew that to fall back, would create a panic in the reserve, then 
coming up, and which had never yet flushed itself in battle. His 
determination was instantaneous and heroic. " We will all die here," 
he said, " but never yield an inch." And, ordering the troops to 
deploy into line, at a distance of but one hundred and fifty paces 
from the foe, the sanguinary struggle began. The sun was only 
half an hour high, and already the western sky was tipped with purple 
tints. Soon the thick smoke that rolled upwards from the field, 
darkened the prospect. Near by was that eternal cataract, which, 
xiv* 21 



162 EEEAZER W. RIPLEV. 

pouring the waters of four lakes down its gigantic abyss, keeps up, 
night and day, the same unceasing roar : and continually, between 
the sharp explosions of the platoon firing, that deep bass rose like a 
grand symphony. 

Lundy's Lane is a ridge, nearly at right angles with the Niagara 
river. Here, the enemy was posted, his left being in a road parallel 
to the stream, and hence at right angles to the lane. A space of two 
hundred yards covered with brushwood, extended between the two 
positions of the British army. Scott, with prompt genius, availing 
himself of this separation, ordered Major Jessup, under cover of the 
approaching twilight, to steal along these bushes, and turn the 
enemy's left. The order was quickly executed. So unexpectedly 
did Jessup burst on that portion of the British line, that it gave way 
on the instant before him, and General Riall, with other officers, 
was taken prisoner. To have kept the position, however, would 
have been impossible. Hence, with loud cheers, Jessup 's command 
charged back, cutting off a portion of the enemy's left wing, and 
renewed its position in the line under Scott's immediate command. 

The British now made an attempt to turn our right, but this was 
promptly met by Scott, who detached Major M'Neill, with his 
battalion, to drive back the enemy. A furious conflict ensued. The 
shame of being baffled by an inferior force, seemed to transport the 
British to madness, and they fought, at this point, with even more 
than the desperate valor they had shown at Badajoz, Ciudad Rode- 
rigo, and San Sebastian. But the Americans, stimulated by the glory of 
repulsing such veterans, met them with a blaze of musketry that 
almost blinded the sight. Then was seen what men will do and 
suffer when inflamed by the rage of battle. The soldiers, on either 
side, appeared to think no more of the deadly balls flying about than 
Italians do of the missiles at a carnival. The soldier fell in his 
ranks ; the officer died at his post. The detachments were reduced 
fearfully in numbers, yet still each line was alternately a blaze of 
fire, and both seemed resolved not to give way. Finally, the British, 
completely exhausted, fell back. Our flanks were safe. 

The strife had raged for two hours. The sun had long since set ; 
even the twilight had departed; and the moon, at first shining 
calmly over the scene, was now obscured by smoke. The struggle 
was continued solely by the flashes of the guns. The left of the 
enemy had been turned and cut off; his right had been hurled back 
from its assault on our flank. But his centre still stood firm. It was 
securely posted on the right, at the head of Lundy's Lane, and was 
supported by nine pieces of artillery, admirably secured. Between 



ELEAZER W. RIPLEY. 163 

this portion of the enemy's army, and the front of our own, the con- 
test waxed more desperate at every moment. It was at this point 
of the battle, when the darkness completely hid the enemy from 
sight, that Captain Brooke, taking a lantern wrapped in cloth, stole 
onward until he had discovered the exact ground occupied by the 
foe, and then, climbing a gnarled tree, deliberately fastened the light 
in the line of fire. After this deed of chivalric courage, he returned 
safely to his company. The struggle now grew more deadly. It 
was supported, on our side, by the battalions of Brady and Leaven- 
worth, sustained by Towson's artillery. The enemy replied with 
equal obstinacy, long sheets of flame running across the height, like 
lightning shooting in the edges of a cloud. Yet the Americans were 
not to be driven from their position. Wide gaps were discerned in 
their line, but not a man of that heroic brigade flinched. All through 
that terrible night, for the battle raged until twelve o'clock, the men 
stood to their posts, determined to die there if necessary, but never 
to fly. Messenger after messenger had been sent off by Scott, to 
hasten the approach of Brown ; and, at last, the ammunition began 
to give out. Then it was that an incident occurred so characteristic of the 
indomitable spirit of the American soldier, that it alone throws more 
light on the victory that followed, than would pages of scientific 
description. As the cry for ammunition passed along the line, a 
soldier fell shot through the heart. Clapping his hand to his side, 
he cried, " cartridges in my box !" Scott, who was but a few paces 
distant, ran to the man, but he was already dead. His last breath 
had been exhausted in telling his fellow soldiers that they would 
find cartridges on his corpse. 

When Brown finally reached the scene of combat, to which he 
had hurried as soon as he could concentrate his forces, he found the 
brigade of Scott nearly cut to pieces. He resolved instantly to with- 
draw it to the rear, where it might recruit its exhausted ranks, while 
he brought up Ripley's fresh troops to maintain the contest. Being 
now in force to make a serious attempt on the foe, Brown determined 
to carry the battery at the head of the lane, that being the key of 
the British position. Accordingly, Colonel Miller was directed to 
storm this height in front ; while to Ripley was entrusted the task 
of driving the infantry that supported it. When the American 
commander, riding up to Miller, asked him if he could take the 
battery, the heroic answer was, " I will try !" Piloted by Scott 
through the darkness to the foot of the ascent, Miller rushed up the 
height, and seized the guns almost instantaneously. As Scott re- 
turned from performing his duty as guide, he saw that Ripley and 



164 ELEAZER W. RIPLEY. 

the British infantry had come into action, at only twenty paces 
distant ; and, for a moment, he paused to witness the terrible strife. 
The enemy's line far outflanked the Americans, but nevertheless, 
the latter stood stubbornly to their ground. Ripley never fired until 
just after his adversary, choosing to wait for the flash of the British 
muskets in order to take aim: thus, the vollies from either side 
followed, like alternate claps of thunder. The night was intensely 
dark. The blue smoke lay thickly packed between the hostile lines, 
and, at every discharge, was lit up by a sulphurous glare, like the 
ghastly flame burned by magicians at their incantations. 

The enemy, having been reinforced in the meantime, now made 
a desperate attempt to regain the height. But, after a fierce struggle 
he was repulsed. Again he returned to the charge, and again was 
driven back. Scott's brigade, which had now been re-formed, par- 
ticipated in this rebuff. A third trial was made, but with like ill 
success. The American army, prior to these struggles, had taken 
up a new position, being drawn up with its back to the river, and 
at right angles to the lane. During the successive combats that took 
place for the possession of this ground, Scott had twice formed 
portions of his brigade into column, advanced, charged the enemy's 
line also advancing, penetrated it, and driven it in disorder back. 
Wherever he called on his men to go, they followed, inspired by his 
heroism. Twice he had horses shot under him. He was wounded 
in the side ; but still kept the field. At last a musket ball disabled 
his left shoulder, and he sunk fainting to the ground. 

It was eleven o'clock when Scott was carried off the field, and 
shortly after, Brown being also severely wounded and compelled to 
retire, the chief command devolved on Ripley. But the action was 
nearly over. Once more the British attempted to drive the Ameri- 
cans from their position, but were gallantly repulsed ; and then, with 
the approach of midnight, the struggle ceased. Rarely had a battle 
been so fiercely contested. The Americans lost eight hundred 
and sixty ; the British rather more : each side about a third of its 
numerical force. Finding that the enemy no longer molested him, 
Ripley determined to return to camp in order to recruit his men : 
accordingly he fell back towards Chippewa, but without bringing 
off the captured artillery, in consequence of its being dismantled. 
When he reached head-quarters, Brown sent for him, and ordered 
that the troops should be put into the best possible condition; that 
adequate refreshment should be supplied them ; that the pickets and 
camp-guards should be called in to increase the force as much as 



ELEAZER W. RIPLEY. 165 

possible ; and that, with the dawn, Ripley, returning to the battle- 
field, should meet and beat the enemy, if he again appeared. 

Ripley, in consequence, advanced to Lundy's Lane in the morning, 
but finding the enemy had been reinforced in the night, deemed it 
most prudent to retreat. Brown was, at first, indignant at this con- 
duct, asserting that his orders to Ripley left no discretion in that 
officer. The latter, however, alleged that the instructions of the 
General were "to be governed entirely by circumstances." It is 
hardly probable, from the dogged resolution of Brown, that the 
Commander-in-chief, if well, would have made a retrograde move- 
ment ; but, on the contrary, it is nearly certain that he would have 
joined battle, and fought until he conquered, or was cut to pieces. 
In Brown's composition there was something of the iron will of 
Luther, who said that he would go to Worms, if every tile on the 
house-tops was a devil. Ripley had less stubborn tenacity. He 
belonged to the prudential school of Harrison, not to the fiery one 
of Scott and Brown. He was a second-rate General on such a field 
as Lundy's Lane ; but, in retarding an enemy during a retreat, had 
no superior: as the army discovered, subsequently, when compelled 
to fall back on Fort Erie. 

This retreat began on the 26th of July. Breaking down the 
bridges as he retired, and throwing other impediments in the British 
advance, Ripley conducted the troops to Fort Erie, which he began 
immediately to strengthen. The retrograde movement had, mean- 
time, received Brown's sanction, though he still preferred that to 
another officer than Ripley should be confided the defence of the 
army, and accordingly sent for General Gaines, who arriving at the 
Fort on the 4th of August, superseded Ripley. The latter, however, 
had skilfully employed the interval. Never did soldiers work more 
assiduously than the Americans on their entrenchments. The six 
days that elapsed between the arrival of our army and the appear- 
ance of the enemy sufficed to render the place impervious to assault: 
and to the energy of Ripley the salvation of this remnant of Brown's 
heroic division is altogether to be attributed. The enemy, finding 
that he could not carry the fort by storm, began a regular invest- 
ment, which continued until the latter end of September. During 
this period an unsuccessful attempt to assault the place took place, 
on the morning of the 15th of August. A triumphant sortie, made 
by Brown, who had recovered sufficiently to assume command, 
virtually closed the siege on the 17th of September. 

In the sortie under Brown, Ripley led one of the detachments, and 
received a severe wound, from which his life was despaired of for 



166 



ELEAZF.R W. RTPLEY. 



nearly three months. A year elapsed before he was fit for military 
service, and by that time peace prevented his return to the field. He 
was, however, rewarded with the brevet of a Major-General. Nor 
was this all, for by a vote of Congress, on the 3d of November, 1814, 
he was presented with a gold medal for his gallantry at Chippewa, 
Lundy's Lane, and Fort Erie. 

Ripley, in 1S15, removed to Baton Rouge, near New Orleans, 
where he had an estate. He was subsequently elected to Congress. 
He died in 1834. 





JAMES MILLER 




g7 AMES MILLER, a Brigadier-Gene- 

j| ral in the army of the Ui.ited States, was one 

igp> of the most spirited, daring, and competent 

^officers in the war of 1812. He is particular- 



ly ly celebrated for his conduct in the battle of 
f|' Lundy's Lane, where, at the head of his vete- 
ran regiment, he stormed and carried the 
height occupied by the enemy's artillery. 
Miller was born at Petersburg, in the county of Hillsborough, 
New Hampshire, on the 25th of April, 1776. As a lad, he was 
principally celebrated for his love of idleness. One of his first teach- 



168 JAMES MILLER. 

ers had been a sergeant in the War of Independence, and took 
pleasure in drilling the boys during the interval of their studies. It is 
probable that the taste of Miller for military affairs was fostered by 
this process. In character, he was bold, self-willed, and at one 
period triumphantly headed what is called a " barring out," among 
the boys, compelling the teacher to grant the required holiday, 
together with an immunity to the young rebels. As he grew older, 
however, a nobler ambition began to actuate him. At the age of 
eighteen, stimulated by a desire to prosecute his education, he left 
his paternal home to attend the Academy at Amherst, with the 
slender outfit of a bundle of clothes, and the sum of one dollar and 
twenty-five cents in his pocket. He remained at the Academy 
until his credit, as well as funds, were exhausted, when he resorted 
to teaching ; and thus alternating between pupil and instructor, he 
finally completed his education. In this conduct, we recognize the 
same energy, self-reliance, and perseverance which afterwards ren- 
dered him distinguished as a military leader. 

At the age of twenty-seven, after nine years thus spent, he was 
admitted to practice law, and settled at Greenfield, in his native state. 
When, however, in 1809, Congress resolved to increase the army, 
Miller received the commission of a Major, having first held the 
post of Captain of Artillery in the New Hampshire militia. He im- 
mediately joined his regiment at Boston, and continued employed in 
garrison duty until 1811, when he was elevated to the rank of 
Lieutenant-Colonel, and ordered to march to Pittsburgh. From this 
place he was detached to join General Harrison. In descending the 
river with his troops, he exposed his person to such a degree, that he 
caught a violent fever, which brought him to the brink of the grave. 
The want of proper attention prolonged his illness. From the 4th 
of May to the 18th of November, he slept but two nights under a 
roof. In consequence, he was not present at the battle of Tippe- 
canoe. The ensuing winter he spent at Vincennes, in the family 
of Harrison, employed in recruiting his health. 

In May, 1812, he received orders to join General Hull. He over- 
took that officer at Urbana, and accompanied him to Detroit. The 
supplies from Ohio having been cut oft' by the British and savages, 
Miller was detached, with six hundred regular troops, to open the 
communication. He started on this expedition on the evening of 
the 8th of August, 1812, and on the following day came up with 
the enemy, at Brownstown. The force of the latter consisted of three 
hundred British, and four hundred and fifty Indians, who were 
posted on strong ground, defended by artificial means. Miller prompt- 



JACOB MILLER. 



16 f » 



ly assaulted the works, and, after a short conflict, defeated the enemy. 
Tecumseh,and a few other savages, who had leaped over the breast- 
work, confident of victory, were gallantly repulsed at the point of 
the bayonet. The fugitives were pursued to their boats, about half 
a mile distant. The next day, Miller returned to Detroit. Had all 
the operations of the campaign been prosecuted with the same spirit, 
how different would have been the result ! 

In company with Colonel Cass, Miller was the first American 
officer to carry our flag into Canada. In the affair of Canard, he 
fought with intrepidity, but being unsupported by the General, lost 
the fruits of the victory. But it was in the succeeding year, on the 
Michigan frontier, that he covered himself with laurels. He was at 
Chippewa, Lundy's Lane, and Fort Erie, on all which occasions he 
displayed the utmost gallantry. At the battle of Lundy's Lane, 
when it became necessary to carry a height which commanded the 




SCOTT PILOTING MU.LEK TO H'NDY's I.A.NE. 



field, and on which the British artillery was posted, General Brown 
rode up to Colonel Miller, and said : " Sir, can you take that bat- 
tery ?" " I will try !" was the laconic reply. The night was so dark 
that Srott, who was familiarly acquainted with the ground, had to 
xv 2 l 4 



170 



JACOB MILLER. 



pilot the regiment to the required position. In a few minutes. Mil- 
ler reached the foot of the ascent. With a wild huzza, the troops 
rushed up the hill, charging to the cannon's mouth. The battery 
was carried in an instant. The victory was won. 

Miller was promoted to the rank of a Brigadier-General for his 
conduct at Chippewa. In the sortie at Fort Erie, he commanded 
one of the detachments, and carried, in thirty minutes, the two prin- 
cipal batteries of the British. For his brilliant conduct on these 
occasions, he was presented, by a vote of Congress, with a gold 
medal, the motto being the two memorable words he used at Lun- 
Hv's Lane. When the war ceased, he left the army, and retired 
to his estate at Peterborough, in his native state, where he coi. tinned 
to reside for several years. Here he devoted his time to social in- 
tercourse, and to the pursuit of agriculture. In the domestic circle, 
his cheerfulness and kindness were pre-eminent, and the more 
striking, though not the more singular, in consequence of his im- 
petuosity in the field. It is said few persons could be long in his 
society without being both happier and wiser. 

General Miller was subsequently made Collector of thePortof Salem, 
Massachusetts, where he has since continued to reside. An attack 
of paralysis has deprived him nearly altogether of the power of 
speech, but his other faculties continue unimpaired. 





NATHAN TOWSON. 



'WOT 

1 Sal; 




January, 17S4. 



HIS distinguished officer, now Pay- 

T master-General of the army with the 

rank of Brigadier, was considered, in 
the war of 1812, the ablest artillery 
officer in the country. It is doubtful 
indeed, whether he had his superior in 
the world. He distinguished himself 
on various occasions, the three most 
prominent of which were Black Rock, 
Chippewa, and Lundy's Lane. 

Towson was born at a small vil- 
lage called Towsonton, about sever 
miles from Baltimore, on the 22d of 

He received the rudiments of his education at a 

171 



172 NATHAN TOVVSON. 

country school, and is said to have shown considerable fondness for 
learning. At the age of sixteen he left the paternal mansion, and 
removed to Kentucky, for the purpose of cultivating a farm there 
belonging to his father ; but finding the property in dispute, he soon 
left that state and removed to Natches, in the then Mississippi terri- 
tory, where he resided for three years. During the time he dwelt 
at this place, Louisiana was purchased by the United States. Sus- 
picions of some difficulty in annexing it being entertained, Governor 
Clairborne, of Mississippi, raised a band of volunteers and marched 
to New Orleans. Of this force Towson was one, making his first 
essay in arms. 

In 1805 Towson returned to Maryland, and from this period until 
the war of 1812, was chiefly occupied in agricultural pursuits. He 
retained, however, a fondness for military affairs, and served as 
Adjutant in the seventh Maryland militia. A portion of his leisure 
hours he devoted to the cultivation of poetry. From these com- 
paratively quiet pursuits he was called away on the 15th of March, 
1812, and received the appointment of Captain of artillery in the 
army of the United States, a post which his reputation for military 
talents, rather than any predominating influence, had obtained for 
him. He soon recruited his company, and, in August, joined his 
superior officer, Lieutenant-Colonel Scott, at Philadelphia. Imme- 
diately after, Scott was ordered to General Dearborn's head-quarters, 
on the northern frontier, whither he repaired with Towson's and 
Barker's companies. 

Towson now signalized himself by performing his first exploit. 
•Being at Black Rock, protecting the fittingout of the vessels for the lake 
service, Lieutenanl Elliott projected the capture of two of the enemy's 
ships lying under the guns of Fort Erie, and the lot fell on Towson 
to command one of the two boats destined for the expedition. He 
accordingly boarded and carried the Caledonia in the most gallant 
manner. Indeed the whole brunt of the fight fell on him, for having 
been the first to attack, the approach of Elliott was unperceived, and 
the latter took his vessel almost by surprise. The Caledonia sub- 
sequently grounded, but was saved by the intrepidity of Towson, and 
afterwards became one of Perry's immortal fleet. For his conduct 
on this occasion he received the brevet of Major. 

At the battle of Queenstown, Towson remained with his artillery 
on the American shore ; for there were no boats in which he could 
cross. He kept up, however, a spirited cannonade on the enemy's 
position. In the spring of 1813, he was attached to General Winder's 
brigade, and participated with it in the attack on Fort George. At 



NATHAN TOWSON. 173 

the encounter at Stoney Creek he was the senior officer of artillery. 
Here he lost his guns, and was himself made prisoner ; but he suc- 
ceeded in effecting his escape, and even regained two of his pieces. 
While the army subsequently lay at Fort George, there were almost 
daily skirmishes between the Americans and British ; and in one 
of these afTairs.Towson received a wound in his hand. He was left 
at Fort George, when Boyd moved down the St. Lawrence. After- 
wards his company was marched to Sackett's Harbor, where it 
continued until April, 1814. 

In the battle of Chippewa Towson played a distinguished part : 
indeed, after Brown and Scott, he was the hero of the day. His 
company was the only artillery one on our side, engaged in the 
action. The enemy had an equal number of gnns, but while Towson's 
were only six pounders, those of the British were twenty-four poun- 
ders. At the beginning of the action the pieces of the foe were well 
served, and their fire was very destructive ; but so close and well 
aimed were the discharges of Towson, that, before the battle was 
half over, the British guns were silent, their ammunition wagon 
blown up, and most of the artillery horses killed. It was with great 
difficulty that the guns were saved in the retreat, and then only by 
the interposition of the dragoons, who harnessed their animals to the 
pieces and galloped off with them at the last extremity. Towson, 
during this battle, was laboring under an inflammation of the eyes, 
and, for a time, could not distinguish the exact position of the enemy 
throueh -the smoke. When Scott was about to make the brilliant 
movement, by which he crushed the enemy's battalions between his 
own, he perceived that Towson was firing in the wrong direction, 
and hastening to his side, he reined in his steed and pointed out 
where the British were. Towson instantly changed the direction of 
his pieces, and, loading with cannister, opened an oblique fire, which 
enfiladed the enemy from right to left. The effect was murderous. 
The masses of the foe were prostrated, as when a hail-storm beats 
down the corn. This fearful fire, seconded, as it was, by Scott's 
movement, won the day. The British fell back, and victory was 
ours. For his conduct on this glorious field, Towson received the 
brevet of a Lieutenant-Colonel. 

At Lundy's Lane, Towson again earned laurels. The charge of 
Miller, which carried the key to the enemy's position, was made at 
the suggestion of Towson. During the battle, his immediate com- 
mand suffered severely. Both his Lieutenants were wounded, and 
ol thirty-six men who served at his guns, twenty-seven were killed 
01 injured. At last, on the arrival of the reinforcements, he was 



174 NATHAN TOWSON. 

partially relieved from his perilous position. But the victory was 
owing to the invincible courage with which Towson, Jessup, and 
others of that stamp, disputed the ground for the first two hours. 
The official report of this battle says: "Towson's company attached 
to the first brigade, was the first and last engaged ; and, during the 
whole conflict, maintained that high character which they had pre- 
viously shown, by their skill and valor." 

Towson was at Fort Erie on the night of the memorable assault, 
August the 15th, 1814. He commanded at the left flank, which 
proved to be the post of danger and honor. The night had been 
rainy, and was still pitch dark, but the sentinels kept good watch, 
and detecting the steps of the approaching column, gave notice to 
Towson, who at once opened a rolling fire on the assailants. For 
some minutes, it is said, his bastion was a sheet of flame. So inces- 
sant, indeed, were the discharges that the soldiers called his battery, 
Towson's light house ; a name which stuck to it to the close of the war. 
General Ripley, in speaking of this part of the action, says: "I cannot 
refrain from adverting to the manner in which Captain Towson's 
artillery was served ; I have never seen it equalled. This officer has 
so often distinguished himself, that to say simply he is in action, is a 
volume of eulogium : the army, only to be informed he is there, by 
a spontaneous assent are at once satisfied that he has performed well 
his part." 

At the close of the war Towson was assigned the command of the 
troops at Boston. He was subsequently at Newport, R. I. In 1819, 
he left the line of the army, and was appointed Paymaster-General, 
which office he has since continued to fill. In 1S34, under the act 
recommended by President Jackson, Towson became entitled to an 
additional brevet ; and accordingly took rank as a Brigadier from 
the 15th of August, 1824, the tenth anniversary of the battle of 
Fort Erie. 

Towson, from his elevation to the Paymaster-Generalship has 
resided principally at Washington. He continued to fulfil the duties 
of his responsible station, until January, 1848, when he was ordered 
to Mexico, to preside at the court of enquiry held on the Commander- 
in-chief. 

We may close this sketch with the opinion passed on him by 
Wilkinson, certainly not a lenient judge: "At Chippewa, as at 
Minden, the fate of the day was settled by the artillery; and the 
American Towson may deservedly be ranked with the British 
Phillips, Drummond and Foy." 




THOMAS S. JESSUP 




HE name of Jessup has long been 
associated, in the popular mind, 
with all that is brilliant and daring. 
He was one of that glorious band of 
young men who distinguished them- 
selves in the campaign of 1814, and 
who may be considered the founders 
of that high military spirit which 
gisi now distinguishes the republic. It 
~ was Scott, Towson, Jessup, Worth, 
and others of like heroic mould, who first taught the now admitted 
fact, that an American soldier must never contemplate the proba- 
bility of defeat. 

Jessup was born in Virginia, about the year 17SS. While he 
was still very young, his family emigrated to Ohio. The earlier 
years of this distinguished officer were accordingly passed on the 
frontier, where the physical qualities generally expand more than 
the intellectual ones. Jessup, however, early showed considerable 
ability. He was especially distinguished by a taste for military pur- 
suits. In May, 1808, he entered the army as a Second-Lieutenant 
of infantry, Scott entering on the same day as a Captain of artillery. 
When the war of 1812 began, his rise was rapid and brilliant. 
At the battle of Chippewa, Jessup, now a Major, commanded the 

He had been ordered 
175 



battalion on the left flank of Scott's brigade 



176 THOMAS S. JESSUP. 

to prevent the enemy outflanking him, and in his effort to effect his 
purpose, found himself pressed both in front and on the flank, while 
his men were falling fast around him. The emergency was critical. 
An ordinary officer would have lost the day. But Jess up, ordering 
his battalion, with a firm voice, to " support arms, and advance," 
the men, animated by his lofty courage, obeyed, and swept the field. 
The manner in which, amid a desperate fire, his battalion executed 
this movement, has always received warm praise, and the credit of 
the success, in this part of the field, is attributed entirely to his cool- 
ness, promptitude and courage. For his conduct at Chippewa, he 
received the brevet of Lieutenant-Colonel. 

In the battle of Lundy's Lane, also, he reaped laurels. In this 
action, he commanded the twenty-fifth regiment. Perceiving that 
the British commander had thoughtlessly left a road behind him 
unguarded, Jessup rallied his brave troops around him, and precipi- 
tated himself into the enemy's rear. For a few moments the British 
stood their ground, but the slaughter among them was dreadful ; and 
at the fourth fire of our infantry, they fled down the road. General 
Riall, with many officers of rank, fell into the hands of Jessup by 
this daring movement. The British Commander-in-chief, Lieuten- 
ant-General Drummond, would also have been captured, but Jessup 
hearing that the first brigade was cut to pieces, and finding himself with 
but two hundred men, surrounded by the enemy, thought it advisa- 
ble to retreat, and save his command. At a later period of the 
combat, after the height in the lane had been carried by Miller, 
Jessup, with the twenty-fifth, assisted that officer to repel three 
several assaults on the position. For his demeanor in this battle, 
Jessup was brevetted a Colonel. 

After the peace, Jessup was retained in the army. In 1818, he 
was appointed Quartermaster-General, with the rank of a Brigadier. 
In 1828, he received the brevet of a Brigadier in due course. When 
Scott was recalled from Florida, Jessup was appointed to the vacant, 
command. He continued in charge of the Seminole war for many 
years, and it was during the period of his command that Osceola was 
captured. After the battle of Okee-Chobee, Jessup was recalled, 
and the conduct of the war confided to Taylor. 

Jessup accompanied Scott to Mexico, where, however, he did not 
remain long. The duties of his office, though important, did not 
call him into active service, and, consequently, he had no means of 
signalizing himself. 




EDMUND P. GAINES. 




ryi— ycji D M U N D Pendleton Gaines, 
III )' \J a brevet Major-General in the 
^VA army of the United States, was 
])[ J the hero of Fort Erie. He 
was born in Culpepper county, 



Virginia, on the 20th of March, 1777. 
Shortly after he had attained his thir- 
I teenth year, his father removed to Ten- 
nessee, and settled in Sullivan county, 
in the immediate vicinity of which the 
Cherokee Indians committed frequent 
depredations. The necessity of self-defence against these foes, turned 
the thoughts of young Gaines to military affairs. He studied every 



23 



177 



17S EDMUND P. GAINES. 

book relating to the art that he could obtain. He became celebrated 
as one of the best shots on the border. At the early age of eighteen, he 
was elected Lieutenant of a rifle company, raised against the 
Cherokees. 

In January, 1799, he received his first commission, which was that 
of an Ensign in the army of the United States. In the following 
year, he was advanced to the rank of Second-Lieutenant, in the fourth 
infantry. In 1801, young Gaines was selected by his Colonel to 
make a topographical survey, from Nashville to Natchez, in order 
to locate a military road, under the direction of the United States. 
In this duty, and in the survey of certain Indian boundaries near 
the Choctaw nation, he was engaged until 1804. These trusts, thus 
confided to him, show the high opinion already formed of his scien- 
tific acquirements. He was now appointed military collector of 
customs for the district of Mobile, and was stationed at Fort Stod- 
dart, thirty-six miles north of the town of Mobile. In 1806 he was 
promoted to a captaincy. He was the officer who, at this period, 
arrested Burr, under the President's proclamation. Subsequently, 
he entertained the idea of abandoning the pursuit of arms and 
embracing that of the law ; and even went so far as to ask leave of 
absence, and begin the practice of the profession in Washington and 
Baldwin counties, Mississippi. But the war with England soon 
after breaking out, he resumed his sword, and has not since aban- 
doned it. 

Gaines was attached to the army of Harrison during the campaign 
of 1813, but illness prevented his sharing in the victory of the 
Thames. He had now been raised to the rank of Colonel, and in 
the action at Chrystler's Fields, on the 11th of November of that 
year, commanded the twenty-fifth regiment. His duty, on this day, 
was to cover the embarkation of our troops, after the enemy had 
been checked ; and this service he performed in the most admirable 
manner. Cool in danger, yet sufficiently impetuous ; fertile in 
resources, though never visionary ; Gaines soon established a very 
high reputation, and was rewarded with the rank of Brigadier- 
General. When, after the battle of Lundy's Lane, the British con- 
centrated all their available forces on the Niagara, and compelled 
the Americans, so lately victorious, to retreat to Fort Erie, it was 
to Gaines that Brown turned his eyes in the illness of himself and 
Scott, to defend that place. Accordingly, Gaines being summoned 
to the fort, superseded Ripley in the command, though without 
making any change in his predecessor's arrangements. Shortly after 
his arrival, in the night between the 14th and 15th of August, 1814, 



EDMUND P. GAINES. 179 

the memorable assault on Fort Erie was made. The victory that 
crowned our arms on that occasion, has made the name of Gaines 
immortal. Had not the enemy been repulsed, the remnant of Brown's 
heroic brigade would have been annihilated, the moral effect of the 
late victories lost, and the war protracted probably for years. 

Fort Erie had been reached by the retiring army on the 27th of 
July, and, from that day, to the third of August, when the enemy 
arrived before the place, the soldiers labored incessantly to strengthen 
the works. The forces of the British were about four thousand two 
hundred, while those of the Americans, at no time during the siege, 
amounted to two thousand five hundred. Had the enemy arrived 
two days before, with such overpowering numbers, the Americans 
must have become his prey; but the latter had worked with an 
assiduity almost unparalleled in history, and the British, perceiving 
nothing was to be done by a coup de main, sat down to invest the 
place. The main camp of the foe was placed about two miles from 
the fort. In front of this camp a line of circumvallation extended 
partially around the works ; it consisted of two lines of intrench- 
ments, supported by block-houses. In front of these trenches, batte- 
ries were erected at favorable points. One battery, in particular, 
enfiladed the works. The guns of the enemy were never silent, 
from the moment they were mounted, but continued to pour a 
destructive and unceasing fire on the fort. 

It was on the 4th of August, the day after the investment, that 
Gaines took the command. The following day the cannonade and 
bombardment begun. These were vigorously maintained, varied 
by occasional sharp conflicts between the infantry and rifle corps of 
the two armies, up to the morning of the grand assault. The loss in 
these skirmishes amounted, in the aggregate, to more than the loss 
on the 15th; but the lives were not sacrificed in vain, since, in 
these preliminary contests, the garrison gained confidence for the 
final and decisive struggle. On one occasion, a shell from the British 
penetrated a magazine, which was, fortunately, nearly empty, and 
hence, though it blew up with a terrible explosion, none of the 
works were injured, nor was a single member of the garrison killed. 
Both armies, however, were appalled for a moment. The firing on 
each side ceased. All eyes, on the part of the enemy, were turned 
towards the magazine, where a dark column of smoke, brooding 
ominously over the ruins, magnified the disaster, and caused a shout 
of exultation after the first moments of silence. The hurrah had 
scarcely ceased, before the Americans returned it, and instantly 



ISO EDMUND P. GAINES. 

opened their batteries afresh. The British replied, and soon this 
interlude was forgotten in the renewed roar of battle. 

Gaines, however, after this, expected an assault, for he knew 
the explosion would lead the enemy to suppose he was short of 
ammunition. Accordingly, he held himself ready for an attack at 
any moment. At last, about two o'clock in the morning of the 
15th, the steady tramp of an enemy was heard upon the left, long 
before the darkness allowed his forces to be seen. Gaines was on 
horseback at the time, and promptly galloped to the point of attack. 
Just as he reached the angle of the fort, the musketry and artillery 
opened on the foe, and by the lurid light thus flung across the night, 
he beheld a column, fifteen hundred strong, close upon the works. 
Onward it came, reckless of the tremendous fire, until within ten 
feet of the American infantry. Fortunately an abattis, formed of loose 
brush, intervened, and checked the British regulars, but rapidly 
turning aside, they plunged into the lake, waist deep, in order to 
turn the abattis, and with mutual shouts of encouragement, struggled 
thus towards the works. Gaines, fearing this point would be carried, 
ordered up a detachment of riflemen and infantry, but Major Wood, 
who commanded here, assured him that the position could be held 
without assistance. His words were soon made good. Before the 
deadly fire of Towson's artillery and Wood's musketry, the English 
recoiled, and though they rallied and advanced again immediately, 
they were once more repulsed. After this, no further assault on the 
left was attempted. 

Simultaneously, however, a much heavier body of the enemy was 
precipitated against the right of the fort, and here, in consequence of 
the immensely preponderating numbers, the contest was more severe. 
The British advanced in two columns. The one on the extreme 
right, was speedily repulsed. But that in the centre, led by Colonel 
Drummond, one of the bravest, yet most brutal men of the royal 
army, was not to be checked, either by the sight of the walls 
crowded with soldiers, the vollies of musketry pouring from them, 
or the torrents of grape that swept by. His soldiers charged over 
the open ground, down into the ditch, and up its sides, where plant- 
ing their ladders against the parapet, they ascended in despite of 
the Americans. But now the defenders, rallying themselves with 
desperate resolution, for if they failed here, the day was lost, grap- 
pled with the foe, and after a fierce struggle, hurled him back with 
dreadful carnage. The assault was repeated with indomitable 
spirit, but again repulsed. A third time the enemy planted his 



F.DMUND P. GAINES. 181 

ladders, and a third time was nearly precipitated into the ditclu 
But now covered by the darkness, which was rendered more dense 
in consequence of the thick masses of smoke that lay packed at the 
foot of the works, the column turned a little to the right, and with 
a sudden rush, re-ascended the ladders, and falling, with pike and 
bayonet on the astounded artillerists, carried the bastion, after a 
brief, but deadly resistance. Colonel Drummond was at the head 
of the storming party, cheering on his men. Captain Williams, in 
command at this point, fell, mortally wounded. Lieutenant McDo- 
nough continued to fight until severely hurt, and then demanded 
quarter. It was refused by Colonel Drummond, who rushed at 

him, shouting : " Give the d d Yankees no quarter !" Seizing a 

gun-rammer, McDonough desperately defended himself, scattering 
the enemy right and left, until Drummond, with a pistol, shot him 
dead. The British now streamed over the bastion, and attempted 
to rush on the fort, Colonel Drummond, waving his sword in the 

van, and repeating his brutal shout, " No quarter to the d d 

Yankees!" The words, however, this time had scarcely left his 
mouth, before he leaped into the air, and tumbled headlong, shot 
through the heart by a private of one of the regiments of regulars. 

Meantime the enemy having been repulsed on the left, Gaines 
had ordered up reinforcements from that quarter. In the interval, 
however, the British were held in check, and kept from advancing 
beyond the bastion, by the rapid and well-aimed discharges of Captain 
Fanning's field-pieces, which mowed down the foe wherever he left 
covert. Once or twice the Americans attempted to regain the bastion ; 
but the effort was fruitless : they rolled back from its impervious 
sides like a baffled tide receding from the rocks. The night still con- 
tinued intensely dark. But suddenly the whole firmament was lit up 
as at noon-day. The earth quaked. All thought the fort blowing up. 
When the smoke cleared off, the English in the bastion, from which 
the explosion appeared, were seen rushing wildly towards the ditch. 
At the same instant the cause of the disaster was made apparent. 
A quantity of cartridges had been deposited in the end of a stone 
building adjoining the bastion, and these igniting, had blown up. 
The vivid blaze of light was over in an instant, and comparative 
gloom fell around. But, through the darkness, the cries of the 
British, who, in their panic, believed the Americans were going to 
destroy themselves and the fort, rose wild and high over the rece- 
ding echoes of the explosion. 

Captain Biddle hastened to improve this moment of consternation, 
by enfilading the exterior plain and salient glacis with his field-piece. 

XVI 



182 EDMUND P. GAINES. 

Captain Fanning also followed the enemy with rapid and deadly 
discharges from his artillery. The effect of these united fires, con- 
joined with their late affright, was such that the British could not 
recover themselves, but breaking in every direction, fled swiftly 
from the ramparts. When the ensuing morning dawned upon the 
sanguinary scene, two hundred and twenty-one of the enemy were 
found lifeless on the field, besides one hundred and seventy-four 
who had been too severely wounded to be carried off. In addition 
to this, there were one hundred and sixty-eight prisoners. The 
American loss was seventeen killed, fifty-six wounded, and eleven 
missing. Thus ended the assault on Fort Erie. When it is recol- 
lected that on the preservation of that work hung the whole morale 
of the army, and that a distinguished officer of brigade under General 
Brown had declared it impossible to resist successfully, we can form 
some idea, though but a faint one, of the immense importance of 
the triumph. 

On the 28th of August, Gaines received a wound from the bursting 
of a shell, which incapacitated him for a while from service; and 
accordingly the command devolved again on Ripley. For his gal- 
lantry in the assault Gaines was soon after brevetted a Major-General. 
Congress voted him also a gold medal. The states of Virginia, 
Tennessee and Alabama each presented him with a sword. On the 
reduction of the army, after the peace, he was retained in his old 
rank. 

He served for some time in the south, on the Florida frontier. 
Subsequently he was detached to the western department, and was 
in command of it when Black Hawk's war broke out. His move- 
ments were spirited and energetic, but he was soon superseded. He 
was next appointed to his old station in the south, and was there 
when Dade's massacre occurred. He immediately proceeded to 
chastise the Seminoles. In this campaign he was twice attacked by 
the enemy, whom, on both occasions, he repulsed. On the 11th of 
March, 1836, he was superseded by Scott. 

For several succeeding years he was kept in comparative inactivity. 
In 1846, however, he was at New Orleans when intelligence arrived 
of Taylor's peril on the Rio Grande, before the battle of Palo Alto. 
Gaines immediately issued a requisition for a large force of volun- 
teers. For this act, deemed unnecessary at the time, he was recalled 
and censured by a court-martial. 

He still survives, the third officer in rank, in the line of the army. 




PETER B. PORTER. 



•'J'-'C 





1 



1 



ETER B. PORTER, a Major- 
General in the war of 1812, con- 
tributed largely to the success of 
the campaign on the Niagara. — 
Rallying the volunteers in the summer of 
,1813, he continued at the head of that corps 
of the army throughout the ensuing year ; 
jand at Chippewa, Lundy's Lane and Fort 
lErie fought with the personal intrepidity of 
a hero. For his services at this eventful 
period of our history, Congress, by a resolution of November the 3d, 
1814, presented him with a gold medal. 

Porter was born at Salisbury, Connecticut, on the 14th of August, 
1773. After completing his preliminary studies, he entered Yale 
College, where he subsequently graduated with high honor. Having 

afterwards studied the law, he settled to practise in his native place. 

183 



184 PETER B. PORTER. 

Here he rose rapidly to influence. He was elected to Congress, and 
in that body chosen chairman of the Committee of Foreign Relations. 
In 1811, he was appointed a commissioner in relation to inland 
navigation ; and he had thus the honor of being one of the first 
to lay the corner stone in the prosperity of New York. The war 
of 1812, however, called him to sterner duties. Having removed 
to Black Rock, he was there when the descent was made on that 
place in 1813, and, placing himself at the head of the hastily col- 
lected volunteers, succeeded in repelling the attack. From that hour 
he was an active participater in the war on the northern frontier. 

Porter having been made a Brigadier-General, was present with 
his command at the battle of Chippewa. His task was to march 
through the woods, and endeavor to turn the right of the enemy; 
but though foiled in executing this duty, he gallantly met and re- 
pulsed the British. General Brown, in his official despatch, says : 
" The conduct of General Porter has been conspicuously gallant : 
every assistance in his power to afford, with the description of force 
under his command, has been rendered." In the battle of Lundy's 
Lane, also, Porter signalized himself; and by his personal heroism, 
excited that of his corps. General Brown officially speaks of him 
as follows : " It is with great pleasure I saw the good order and 
intrepidity of General Porter's volunteers from the moment of their 
arrival ; but, during the last charge of the enemy, those qualities 
were conspicuous. Stimulated by their gallant leader, they precipi- 
tated themselves upon the enemy's line, and made all the prisoners 
which were taken at this point of the action." 

In the series of skirmishes at Fort Erie, ending with the repulse 
of the British assault on the 15th of August, 1814, Porter played a 
very prominent part. During the terrible morning of the 15th, he 
commanded the centre, and, with his riflemen and volunteers, con- 
tributed materially to the victory on that occasion. For his conduct 
during this campaign, he was promoted to the rank of Major-General. 

At the close of the war, Porter returned to political life, and in 
1815, was elected to Congress. During the ensuing year, the office 
of Secretary of State was tendered to him, but he declined it. He 
was one of the commissioners appointed, in 1817, to run the boun- 
dary line between the United States and Canada. He was Secretary 
of War for awhile under the Presidency of John Quincy Adams. 
In 1829 he retired to private life. 

Porter died at Niagara, on the 20th of March, 1844. 




ALEXANDER MACOMB 




N the struggle for Independence 
the west was a wilderness, and 
consequently could furnish no 
heroes for the war. But since 
that period, it has supplied, per- 
haps, more soldiers and Generals than any- 
other section. Alexander Macomb was the 
| first military commander born in the west 
who rose to distinction. His birth occurred 
at Detroit, in the present state of Michigan, 
on the 3d of April, 1732. While still a child, however, the family 
removed to New York, and young Macomb was placed at a cel- 
brated school in Newark, N. J., to be educated. Here he remained 

several years. 

185 24 vix* 




186 ALEXANDER MACOMB. 

In 1798, the difficulties with France became so serious as to 
threaten hostilities, and preparations were made actively throughout 
the Union for a war with that republic. Among others, young 
Macomb tendered his sword to his country, and was enrolled in a 
company called the " New York Rangers/' whose services had been 
offered and accepted by the President. The ambition of the young 
volunteer soon aspired to a commission in the regular army, and, in 
1709, he succeeded in obtaining the appointment of a Cornet. The 
difficulties between the United States and France being amicably 
adjusted, most of those who had enlisted for the war, retired to more 
peaceful avocations. Macomb, however, had a strong military 
bent, and was eager to continue in the service. Accordingly, on the 
subsequent formation of a corps of engineers, he was appointed to 
a lieutenancy in it, and stationed, for a time, at West Point. In 
1805, he rose to the rank of Captain, and in 1808, to that of Major. 
During all this time he remained in the engineers. When, however, 
the war of 1812 broke out, he asked to be transferred to the artil- 
lery, because there would be little opportunity of distinguishing him- 
self in his old corps. He had, during his comparatively long 
service earned a reputation for substantial merit, and, in consequence 
his request was granted. He was appointed a Colonel, and given 
the command of the third regiment. This regiment had yet to be 
raised, but the ranks were not long in filling up ; for in November, 
1812, Macomb was able to join the army on the northern frontier, 
with his new command. Here he distinguished himself at Niagara 
and Fort George. In January, 1S14, he was raised to the rank of 
Brigadier. The charge of the country bordering on Lake Champlain, 
was now entrusted to him, and it was here that he won the battle of 
Plattsburgh, one of the most gallant victories of the war. 

The summer of 1814 was a gloomy one for the United States. 
The war in Europe had just been brought to a close by the abdica- 
tion of Napoleon, and the British veterans, thus disengaged, were 
sent, at once, across the Atlantic. During the month of July, tran- 
sports continually arrived in the St. Lawrence, crowded with the 
troops of Wellington. By the first of August, fifteen thousand men 
had been added to the British disposable force in the Canadas. Nor 
were these reinforcements composed of ordinary soldiers. On the 
contrary, they were culled from the flower of the English army — 
from the conquerors of Badajoz, San Sebastian, and Bayonne. The 
battles of Chippewa and Lundy's Lane assisted, in a measure, to 
remove the public despondency, by proving that, against equal 
numbers, our regular troops, when ably commanded, had little to 



ALEXANDER MACOMB. 187 

fear. But the peril consisted in the overwhelming forces of the 
enemy. Not a week passed in the month of August, which did not 
bring more transports from Europe, with fresh additions of veteran 
soldiers to increase the already overflowing army in the Canadas. 
After numerous additions had been made to the force on the Niagara, 
there remained fourteen thousand men on the lower St. Lawrence; 
and these, organized under Sir George Prescott, were destined, it 
was secretly whispered, to move down Lake Champlain, seize the 
line of the Hudson, and cutting off New England from the rest of 
the confederation, finish by capturing the city of New York. 

When this bold design became first known to the Americans, they 
had no army on Champlain competent for resistance, for General 
Izard had just marched towards Niagara with all his disposable 
strength, in order to relieve Fort Erie. Macomb, who now found 
himself the senior officer, had no organized battalions, if we except 
four companies of the sixth regiment. The remainder of his force, 
which amounted only to about fifteen hundred effective men, was 
composed of convalescents and recruits of the new regiments. His 
works were weak ; the stores were in confusion ; the ordnance out of 
order ; and, in short, everything in the worst possible condition to 
face an active, enterprising and veteran foe. Every day intelligence 
was brought in that the enemy had approached nearer. His procla- 
mations soon revealed that his design was to attack Plattsburgh. 
At this the inhabitants fled in alarm. Macomb was quickly left 
with no assistance beyond his regulars, except what was de- 
rived from a few men and boys, who, ashamed to desert their 
homes like others, formed themselves into a company, received 
rifles, and went zealously to work. 

But the emergency found the American General with a mind 
equal to its demands. A different spirit pervaded him from that 
which had led to disgrace under Hull and Wilkinson. In 1813, 
perhaps, the Americans would have abandoned Plattsburgh without 
a blow; but a new race of men had risen to be leaders, and the 
people, who always catch more or less of the feelings of their Gene- 
rals, were now as confident as they would then have been despond- 
ing. Macomb did all he could to increase that confidence. He 
reminded his men of what their fellow-soldiers had achieved at 
Chippewa and Lundy's Lane; and assured them, that if possessed 
of a like resolution, they could as nobly sustain the honor of their 
flag. He divided his little force into detachments, and assigned them 
stations near the several forts, declaring, in his general orders, that 
each detachment was the garrison of its own work, and must rely 



188 ALEXANDER MACOMB. 

entirely on itself. He lost no time in rallying the country people to 
his assistance. He urged General Mooers, of the militia, to make 
a levy en masse. When the troops began to come in, he sent them 
forward to break up the roads and destroy the bridges. In a word, 
the same system which had been tried with such success to defeat Bur- 
goyne, was now vigorously applied to check the advance of 
Prevost. Yet, for awhile, every effort to arrest the progress of the 
British proved abortive. The detachments sent out to meet the van 
of the enemy, fell back in confusion. With the proud step of assured 
conquerors, the English advanced against Plattsburgh, and on the 
6th of September, made their appearance before that place, driving 
in impetuously, the parties of militia that attempted to skirmish on 
their front. Even a body of riflemen that met the enemy debouch- 
ing from a wood, failed to arrest him. A battery of field pieces, 
that next opened on him, had no better success. Undaunted, those 
scarred and sun-burnt veterans, the heroes of a hundred conflicts on 
the hills of Spain, pressed shouting on, never deploying in their 
whole march, but advancing vauntingly in columns. 

The village of Plattsburgh is situated on the north-west side of a 
stream called the Saranac, which, at no great distance, empties into 
Lake Champlain. The American works were placed on the other side 
of the river, opposite the town. Consequently, when the enemy had 
driveninthe skirmishingpartiesof our little army,no resource remained 
but to abandon the village and retreat to the shelter of the works. In 
order to cover this movement, the field-pieces were hurried across 
the bridge, and hastily thrown into battery, when a furious and 
incessant fire was opened on the advancing masses of the British. 
The troops, as they retired, moreover, kept up a running discharge of 
volleys on the foe. By this means every corps succeeded in effecting 
its escape. The enemy maintained the pursuit, however, with the 
utmost gallantry, and, on reaching the bridge, threw parties of sharp- 
shooters into the neighboring houses, from the windows and balco- 
nies of which a continual fire was kept up on the Americans. 
Several desperate but unavailing attempts were made by the enemy 
to drive the guards from the bridge. The Americans, annoyed by the 
sharp-shooters, now opened with hot shot on the houses where these 
men had stationed themselves. Soon the fiery missives took effect. 
Speedily several dwellings were in a blaze. Driven from their 
foothold here, the British fell back. Thus the afternoon wore 
away. As the dusk began to fall, the Americans retiring 
wholly across the bridge, tore up its planks, and formed breast- 
works with them. Night settled down, but the battle raged. 



ALEXANDER MACOMB. 189 

The roar of the artillery, the rattle of musketry, the whistling of the 
balls, and the occasional cheers of the combatants, rose up in awful 
discord, while the lurid appearance of the hot shot, and the conflag- 
ration that lit up the sky when some fresh house took fire, added to 
the horrors of the scene. At last, the British drew off, and aban- 
doned all attempts to force a passage. Not only at the main bridge, 
but at one higher up, defended by militia, the foe had been repulsed, 
with heavy loss. 

When morning dawned, it was discovered that the enemy were 
throwing up intrenchments, and the spies soon brought in intelli- 
gence of the approach of his battering train. There was no fear, 
consequently, of an assault that day. Macomb employed the respite 
in sending off new couriers to raise the neighboring country-people. 
To his troops he spoke in grateful terms for the bravery they had 
shown, with the exception of some of the militia, on the preceding 
day, and on these latter, he said he was assured he should, 
on the next occasion, have nothing but praises to bestow. The 
volunteers from New York and Vermont, as well as the regular 
drafts of militia, came pouring into the camp. Macomb immedi- 
ately disposed them along the shores of the Saranac. Continual 
skirmishes occurred for the next four days, and more than once the 
British resumed their attempts to cross the bridges. As he had 
expected, Macomb now found the militia behaving with the utmost 
spirit. Every day increased their confidence in themselves, while 
it diminished their dread of the enemy. The American General, as 
soon as his reinforcements would permit, despatched a strong body 
in the rear of the British army, with orders to harass it day and 
night. Meantime, the regulars were kept assiduously at work on 
the intrenchments. The final trial of strength Macomb knew 
could not be very distant, for the enemy's fleet was hourly advanc- 
ing, and every moment a naval engagement might be expected, 
which would, necessarily, lead to an attack on land. 

The expected battle occurred on the 11th. Early on the morning 
of that day, the British squadron appeared in sight, and about nine 
o'clock, anchored within three hundred yards of the American 
fleet under McDonough, and commenced a brisk cannonade. Sim- 
ultaneously, the batteries of the enemy opened against Macomb's 
defences. The anxious eyes of his army were now called away 
from the naval contest, to watch the demonstrations of their more 
immediate enemy on land. Three several times the British 
attempted to carry the American works. On the first occasion the 
assault was made at the village bridge, where it was promptly 



190 ALEXANDER MACOMB. 

repulsed by the regulars. Amid a tempest of balls and bombs, the 
soldiers of the enemy were seen rushing to the attack, bearing innu- 
merable scaling ladders, and cheering as they came on. But, 
unappalled by the spectacle, the regulars stood firm, and delivered 
such well-aimed volleys, that the storming party fell back. A 
second attempt, made at the upper bridge, was also repulsed. 
The enemy now turned his attention towards a ford, about three 
miles from the works, hoping to find it unguarded, but here the militia 
lined the wooded shore of the stream, and under cover of the trees, 
poured in a destructive fire. Nevertheless, one company of the 
English army, stung with shame at being thus held in check by 
this irregular force, after the most desperate efforts, succeeded in 
crossing the stream. But the rest of their companions failing to 
follow, they were killed or taken prisoners, to a man. 

Throughout the whole day, the British maintained their cannon- 
ade on the American works. From nine o'clock until sunset, a 
continual roar of artillery, intermingled with the sharper reports of 
musketry, stunned the ears, and shook the solid ramparts. Round 
shot bounded around the works, rockets hissed through the sky, 
and bombs tore up the ground where the Americans stood ; while, 
for a part of the day, the sounds of the naval conflict boomed louder 
and louder across the water. At one point of the battle, it was 
thought that McDonough had surrendered. But when the smoke 
blew away, the American stars and stripes were still seen floating. 
At last the British struck. At this sight, a wild huzza rose up 
spontaneously, from the troops on shore. At dusk the enemy ceased 
his cannonade, destroyed his batteries, and secretly made prepara- 
tions for removing his baggage, a course rendered absolutely neces- 
sary by the unexpected destruction of his fleet. In the dead of the 
night, abandoning his sick and wounded, he began a precipitate 
retreat. The spoils of the Americans were immense. The English 
had retired eight miles before their flight was discovered. The pur- 
suit was then immediately begun, but a heavy storm prevented any 
fruits, except a few prisoners, who were cut off from the rear guard. 

For his conduct in this defence, Macomb was brevetted a Major- 
General. On the conclusion of peace, he remained in the army,and was 
appointed to the command of the north-western frontier. In 1821, 
he removed to Washington, as chief of the corps of engineers. On the 
death of General Brown, Macomb became commander-in-chief of 
the army. His decease occurred at the capitol, June 25th, 1841. 




SAMUEL SMITH. 




at 



AMUEL SMITH, a Major-General 
in the Maryland militia, claims a 
place in this gallery of portraits. It 
was his destiny to serve his country 
through two wars, and in each emi- 
nently to distinguish himself. In the 
Revolution, he held the rank of Lieu- 
tenant-Colonel on the continental estab- 
lishment, and made the gallant defence 
of Fort MifHin,one of the most brilliant 
affairs of the war. In the contest of 
1 S 1 2, he commanded the American army 

the battle of Baltimore, and proved that, though advanced in 

191 



192 SAMUEL SMITH. 

years, he had lost none of the vigor and fire of his youth. He ran 
a civil career also of great splendor. There are few men who have 
shone with more equal lustre, in all capacities, than General Samuel 
Smith, or who survived so long to behold the increasing greatness 
of the little republic fof which they bled in youth. 

Smith was born in Lancaster county, Pennsylvania, on the 27th 
of July, 1752. His father, shortly after the birth of the son, removed 
to Carlisle, in the same state, and finally, in 1 760, settled in Baltimore. 
Here the elder Smith became a successful merchant. The son, having 
finished his education, at the age of fourteen was placed in his father's 
counting-room. He continued serving an apprenticeship here until 
his nineteenth year, when he was sent to Europe as supercargo in 
one of his father's vessels. He spent some time in travelling abroad, 
and on his return home, at the age of manhood, was taken into part- 
nership by his parent. But his bold and energetic, mind was better 
adapted for the camp than the counting-house, and accordingly, when 
the War of Independence broke out, he solicitedand obtained a cap- 
taincy in the regiment of Colonel Smallwood. In that gallant band 
he was one of the most courageous. He rose rapidly to the rank 
of Major, and subsequently to that of Lieutenant-Colonel. In the 
latter capacity he won unfading laurels by his defence of Fort Mifflin, 
in 1777, holding the post for a space of seven weeks, against the 
combined land and naval forces of the enemy. His behavior on this 
occasion was so spirited, that Congress, by a resolution of the 4th 
of November, 1777, voted him a sword as some token of their 
approbation. Smith took part in the battle of Brandy wine; endured 
the privations of Valley Forge ; and was subsequently present at 
Monmouth, the most fiercely contested combat in the north. On 
the conclusion of peace he retired to his adopted state. 

But he was not destined to remain in the private sphere to which 
he had so unpretendingly retired. An insurrection had broken out 
in the western part of Pennsylvania, in consequence of the excise 
laws passed by the federal government ; and Washington, convinced 
that mercy consisted in sharp and speedy remedies, called out an 
imposing force in order to quell the rebellion. Among other states 
Maryland was called on for her quota of troops. At the head of 
these, Smith was placed, with the rank of Brigadier-General in the 
militia. The insurrection having been peaceably quelled, he once 
more retired to private life. His fellow citizens, however, did not 
suffer him to remain unemployed. He had distinguished himself as 
an ardent advocate of the federal constitution, and indeed had no 
small share in procuring its adoption by Maryland : consequently he 



SAMUEL SMITH. 19 j 

was now honored, by the city of Baltimore, with the post of repre- 
sentative in Congress, an office he continued to hold for many years. 
He was subsequently chosen United States Senator, and continued 
to be re-elected, for successive terms, during twenty-three years. In 
his legislative capacity he distinguished himself as eminently as 
formerly in military affairs. He was a close and logical debater ; 
indefatigable in his duties ; and a resolute, persevering and energetic 
advocate of whatever he undertook. His name is found connected 
with most of the great political measures of his day. 

When the threatened descent of the British on Baltimore took 
place, in September, 1814, he assumed command of the defence, by 
right of his rank as Major-General of the militia. His dispositions 
were admirable, both in his preparatory measures, and on the two 
days of the conflict. In anticipation of the landing of the enemy, 
Smith detached General Strieker, on the 11th of September, towards 
North Point. The troops halted near the head of Bear Creek, seven 
miles from Baltimore, where they awaited during the night of the 
11th, further intelligence from the foe. On the following morning, 
the videttes brought in news that the British were landing, under 
cover of their gun-boats, near North Point. The Americans im- 
mediately took up a position at the union of two roads leading from 
the city to the Point; while an advance party, under Major Heath, 
was pushed forward to check the progress of the enemy's van. A 
skirmish in which General Ross, the British commander fell, was 
the result of this movement. Towards three o'clock in the afternoon, 
the enemy's advancing columns came in sight of the main body of 
our army, and, after a preliminary discharge of rockets, the action 
grew general and fierce along the whole line. For nearly an hour 
and a half General Strieker successfully maintained his ground ; but 
finally was forced to give way, and fell back to a new position. 
Half a mile in the rear of the spot where he now disposed his forces, 
was the line of intrenchments which had been drawn around the 
city : and the enemy, seeing this, considered it advisable to draw 
off his soldiers for the night. General Strieker was here reinforced 
by General Winder. Meantime other troops manned the intrench- 
ments, all resolute for the final struggle, which was expected on the 
morrow. 

Throughout the night, accordingly, there was but little sleep in 
the American camp, for many of those brave defenders had families 
in the city, and anxiety for their fate kept all watchful with suspense. 
The dawn at last came, and was ushered in by the sound of guns in 
the direction of Fort McHenry, where the British fleet had opened a 
XVII 14 



194 SAMUEL SMITH. 

bombardment. The land forces of the enemy were now in full view 
on the Philadelphia road, about a mile and a half in front of General 
Strieker's position ; and directly his masses were seen moving off to 
the right, as if with the design of making a circuit and assaulting the 
city on the York or Hartford roads. Smith promptly manoeuvred 
his forces to counteract this movement of the foe. Finding himself 
foiled, the British General concentrated his regiments in front, and 
advanced to within a mile of the intrenchments, as if with the 
intention of assaulting the works before night. This new disposition 
of the enemy led to a corresponding change in Smith's arrangements. 
He recalled Strieker and Winder, and placing them on the right of 
the British, held them ready to precipitate them on the flank or rear 
of the foe, should an assault be made. Night fell, however, without 
any further demonstrations on the part of the enemy; and compara- 
tive silence gathered around the space between the two armies ; 
though still, in the direction of Fort McHenry, the battle raged 
without intermission, bombs crossing and re-crossing, like wild 
portents, through the night. 

The attack on this fort had begun, as we have stated, at sunrise, 
on the 13th. The bomb-vessels of the British having advanced to 
within two miles of the place, anchored, on finding that their shells 
reached, and, for more than twenty-four hours, maintained an inces- 
sant fire. The garrison of Fort McHenry numbered about a thou- 
sand men, who were in the highest spirits, and prepared promptly 
to repel the attack of the enemy. Unfortunately, however, it was 
found that the range of their guns was too short to injure the foe, 
and of course the firing on their part was soon abandoned. All 
through that morning the Americans, compelled to inactivity, bore, 
without shrinking, one of the most tremendous bombardments that 
ever took place on this continent. An incessant shower of shells 
rained down on the fort, exploding often in the midst of the enclo- 
sures; yet the men, though unprovided with bomb-proofs, remained 
courageously at their posts. Sometimes, as the hissing missile 
came whirling to the earth, it would be discovered that the fuse was 
not yet burned down ; and then, one of the boldest of the garrison 
would hastily extinguish it. At other times, as the shell buried 
itself in the ground, roaring ominously, the by-standers had no 
means of escape except to fling themselves flat on their faces, and 
suffer the explosion to expend itself around them. At still other 
times, the bomb would burst in the air, just before reaching its des- 
tination, scattering its iron fragments among the soldiers of the fort, 
maiming and killing in every direction. 



SAMUEL SMITH. 195 

One of these missiles, about two o'clock, P. M., on the 13th, 
struck the carriage of a twenty-four pounder in the fort, dismount- 
ing the gun, killing a lieutenant, and wounding several men. The 
apparent confusion that reigned for awhile, induced the enemy to 
suppose that he had caused some fatal damage, when, in fact, the 
bustle was created by the endeavor to remount the gun. Deceived 
by this idea, the British grew more bold, advancing three of their 
bomb-vessels closer to the works. No sight could have been more 
welcome to the Americans. Waiting until the ships had come 
within range, the garrison opened a well-aimed and rapid fire, which 
was the more severe in consequence of the inaction to which it 
had been compelled throughout the day. It was not long before the 
enemy was glad to retire to his old anchorage-ground. When the 
three vessels were thus seen in retreat, a cheer rose simultaneously 
from the main fort and from the two batteries beside it, which rose 
over all the noise of the bombardment, and dying off across the 
waters of the bay, was repeated again and again, until the heavens 
themselves seemed to tremble at the shout. 

Evening drew on. The silence from the shore showed that the 
land forces were quietly lying on their arms ; yet the fury of the 
assault on Fort McHenry was not intermitted, but rather increased. 
As quiet gathered around nature, the hissing of the shells became 
louder, and the pathways, through which the eye had followed them 
with difficulty all day, now grew luminous, like the track of shoot- 
ing stars. Soon the black arch of heaven was seamed, to and fro, 
by the trail of innumerable shells ; for, as the night advanced, the 
firing on the part of the enemy was redoubled. By the ghastly 
light flung across the landscape, two or three rocket-vessels and 
barges were discerned starting for the city, apparently loaded with 
scaling-ladders and men ; but the cannonade opened on them by the 
forts in the Patapsco, soon drove back the adventurous boats. Mid- 
night came, yet brought no cessation to the strife. As the night 
wore, many a heart beat with terrible anxiety, lest, on the dawn of 
day, the flag of America should be seen supplanted on the ramparts 
by that of Great Britain. Among others, there was one, a prisoner 
in the enemy's hands, who watched, through ten long hours of that 
terrible darkness, and who, when his eyes were greeted, at sunrise, 
by the sight of his country's ensign still waving over the fort, burst 
forth into exulting lyric, which will continue to be sung with enthu- 
siasm to the latest posterity. 

At seven o'clock, on the morning of the 14th, the bombardment 
ceased. During the night, Admiral Cochrane had communicated 



19ti 



SAMUEL SMITH. 



with Colonel Brook, on whom the command of the land forces had 
devolved ; and the result was, that the further prosecution of the 
enterprise was adjudged impracticable. Accordingly, the enemy 
immediately began a retreat. The bombardment, however, was 
still continued, in order to distract the attention of the Americans. 

The rain, which fell throughout most of the night, and rendered the 
darkness intense, assisted further to cover the retrogade movement ; 
and when it was discerned in the morning by our forces, the 
enemy had gained too great a distance to be pursued with any hopes 
of success, especially by troops exhausted by three days' marching 
and fighting. That evening the embarkation of the British began, 
from North Point, and was completed the next day, shortly after 
the hour of noon. The news of the final retirement of the enemy, 
was received with rapture in Baltimore, and heard throughout the 
country with the liveliest expressions of sympathetic joy. All now 
united to compliment the prudence, skill and energy of General 
Smith, while they did not forget also to remember the courage dis- 
played by his numerous subordinates. 

General Smith survived this battle for nearly twenty-five years. 
On one other occasion, it was reserved for him to play a prominent 
part. It was during the bank riots in Baltimore, in 1836. When 
the spirit of license and outrage had attained to such a height that 
neither life nor property were any longer safe ; when the public 
authorities were set at defiance, and the houses of the civic func- 
tionaries wantonly sacked, General Smith, as a last resort, though in 
his eighty-fourth year, placed himself at the head of such weli- 
disposed citizens as were courageous enough to sustain him, ana 
issuing into the streets, carrying the flag of the United States, called 
on all friends of the laws to rally around him. The example of his 
grey hairs, the recollection of his many services, and the sight of 
the banner for which he had fought so frequently, thrilled the crowd 
with enthusiasm, aroused the dormant citizens to a sense of their 
duty, and struck dismay into the rioters. The law triumphed. 
There is no spectacle more grand than that of this aged veteran 
thus fearlessly risking his life against a lawless mob, to preserve 
those liberties, to gain which he had faced the armies of Great Bri- 
tain, sixty years before ! 

In October, 1S36, in consequence of this act, General Smith was 
elected mayor of Baltimore, almost unanimously. He held the 
office until near the period of his decease. On the 22d of April, 
1S39, this aged soldier died ; one of the last, as well as best, of the 
men of the Revolution ! 





s^a 






't^L^cJ 





JACKSON AT THE BATTLE OF EMUCKFAO 



ANDREW JACKSON. 

HERE never, perhaps, was a warrior of 
greater resolution than Jackson. He was a 
man, as Emmett said, to burn every blade 
of grass before an enemy; or, as the 
Prince of Orange even more heroically ex- 
pressed it, to die in the last ditch sooner than 
submit. He never trifled in great emergen- 
cies, never shrank from assuming the respon- 
sibility required by circumstances, but while 
others wasted precious moments in hesita- 
tation, acted, and with a terrible energy and 
promptitude, which appalled opposition. Hi. , determined will has 
passed into a proverb. Whatever he conceived to b r^ ttot 
earlessly did, and would have attempted ^ even ^. S ^™ 
powers opposed him. He had the nerve of Cromwell, w thou 
craft ; the headlong impetuosity of Murat, without his weakness , the 

XVII* 




198 ANDREW JACKSON. 

desperate resolution and confidence in himself, which carried Na 
poleon from victory to victory. Frequently, his wilfulness degene- 
rated into obstinacy, while his impulsive character sometimes 
hurried him into excess. But, nevertheless, if honesty, patriotism, 
and unflinching adherence to conviction, constitute the hero, then 
was Jackson one in the highest and fullest sense of that term. 

It was his terrible firmness of purpose, more than his skill in 
tactics, which made him so uniformly successful in war. He pos- 
sessed a tenacity that nothing could overcome. He would have 
stood up in single combat, and suffered himself to be hacked, piece- 
meal, but never surrendered. In an unsuccessful campaign, he 
would have struggled long after hope had left every other bosom, 
and then ravaged the line of his retreat with fire and sword, to 
harass his pursuers. It is now known that, if he had been defeated 
at New Orleans, he would have burned the city. His conduct in the 
Seminole campaign of 1818, when he crossed the Spanish frontier, 
and hung two Englishmen who had fomented the disturbances, is 
another illustration of this point in his character. One less familiar, 
but equally striking, is his refusal to disband the volunteers under 
his command in 1812, when they were at a distance from home, and 
many of them sick, marching them back at the expense of the United 
States, and in direct opposition to orders from Washington. His 
political career furnishes numerous instances of this indomitable 
will. In short, he was inflexible in his own opinion, whether in 
military or civil life. Those who thought with him in politics, con- 
sidered him on this account, a hero ; those who differed with him, 
and party violence never raged greater than in his day, regarded 
him as preversely obstinate. To posterity must be left the task of 
deciding between the two. But all men agree that this firmness was 
invaluable in war, and that America has seen few Generals who 
can compete with the hero of New Orleans. 

Andrew Jackson was born at the Waxhaw settlement, South 
Carolina, on the 15th of March, 1767. His parents had emigrated 
from Ireland only two years before. The father died soon after the 
birth of the son. His mother, though in narrow pecuniary circum- 
stances, aspired to educate her orphan boy to be a minister of the 
gospel ; and, with this purpose in view, placed him at an academy, 
where he continued until the approach of the British army into the 
vicinity, induced him to assume arms. This was in 1781, when Jackson 
was only fourteen. He was soon taken prisoner, as well as an older 
brother, and both were cruelly maltreated by their captors, the 
brother especially so, for he died of his injuries shortly after being 






ANDREW JACKSON. 199 

exchanged. The life of Andrew was only saved by receiving on 
his hand the blow intended for his head. The mother soon followed 
her son to the grave, and Andrew became sole heir of the small 
family estate. He now abandoned all thoughts of the ministry, and 
began to study law at Salisbury, North Carolina. In 17S6, he was 
admitted to the bar. Two years after, actuated by that ambition 
which even then carried so many ardent spirits westward, he removed 
to Nashville, at that time a new settlement on the frontier of North 
Carolina. 

In 1790, what is now the state of Tennessee was organized into 
a territory, and Jackson received the appointment of United States 
Attorney. From this period he played a prominent part in the 
politics of the district. When the territory was erected into a state, 
in 1796, he was a leading member in the convention to frame a con- 
stitution. His professional career was attended with much success. 
He was even more distinguished, however, in the continual skir- 
mishes with the savages, that took place on that exposed frontier ; 
and the Indians, in compliment to his courage and skill, called him 
" the Sharp Knife," and the « Pointed Arrow." On the adoption of 
the state constitution, he was chosen a representative to Congress, 
and in the succeeding year, a United States Senator. He disliked 
the intrigues of politics, however, and, after one session, resigned his 
seat. He was now appointed a judge of the Supreme Court of Ten- 
nessee, but this honorable office also, he soon threw up. Retiring 
to a farm which he had purchased on the Cumberland river, in the 
vicinity of Nashville, he continued to reside there, declining all civil 
employments until the war of 1S12 broke out. 

This contest found Jackson a Major-General of the militia. His 
ambition was decidedly military, and though he had refused all 
ordinary offices, he now sought the commission of a Brigadier- 
General in the army of the United States. His competitor, Win- 
chester, triumphed over him; but Jackson was not left without 
employment, being sent with nearly three thousand volunteers to 
Natchez, to guard that frontier against an apprehended visit of the 
Indians. The threatened tempest, however, blew over, and Jackson 
was ordered by the Secretary of War to disband his troops on the 
spot. This he refused to do, alleging, that as they were far from 
home, without funds, and many of them sick, such a proceeding 
would be unjust. He consequently kept them together, and led 
them back to Tennessee, where he disbanded them. The govern- 
ment accepted the explanation. In the autumn of 1813, he again 
took the field, at the head of one of the two divisions of Tennessee 



200 ANDREW JACKSON. 

militia, called out to chastise the Creeks, in Georgia, and avenge 
the massacre at Fort Minims. 

Accordingly, on the 2d of November, Jackson detached Brigadier- 
General Coffee on an expedition against Tallushatchee, which was 
completely successful, and a few days after, followed it up in person, 
by the great battle of Talledega, in which over three hundred of the 
Creeks fell. From this period, until the middle of January, 1814, 
he remained comparatively idle, in consequence of the term of most 
of his troops having expired, though, meantime, the campaign was 
prosecuted with considerable success, by Generals Cocke, Clairborne, 
Floyd, and others, at the head of different detachments. At last, on 
the 14th of January, Jackson was joined at Fort Strother by 
eight hundred fresh volunteers from Tennessee. His force 
was, by this, raised to nine hundred and thirty, exclusive of Indians. 
He immediately began offensive operations. On the 20th, while 
advancing into the heart of the enemy's country, he was joined by 
two hundred friendly Indians. On the 22d, he was attacked in his 
temporary camp at Tallapoosa, by a superior force of savages, who 
were, however, beaten off after a desperate struggle. The scarcity 
of supplies, and the number of his wounded, induced Jackson, on the 
following morning, to commence a retrograde movement towards 
Fort Strother. On the second day of his retreat he was attacked 
by the savages at Enotachopco creek, and, at first, owing to the 
flight of a portion of his troops, the Indians gained some advantage, 
but the regulars manfully standing their ground, the enemy was 
finally repulsed, with a loss of over two hundred of his warriors. 
The Americans were now permitted to prosecute their way without 
further molestation. 

On the 24th of March, Jackson having been reinforced, once more 
marched into the heart of the Creek country. On the 27th, he had 
reached Horse-Shoe Bend, on the Tallapoosa, three miles beyond the 
spot where the fight of the 22d of January had occurred. Here, as 
the name implies, the river makes a curvature, and in the bend thus 
formed, the Indians had collected for a last desperate stand, fortifying 
the neck of land which led into their retreat, by a breastwork nearly 
eight feet in height, pierced with double rows of port-holes, and so 
constructed that no enemy could approach without being subjected 
to a double and cross fire. Jackson's first care was to line the oppo- 
site side of the river, so as to prevent the escape of the savages. He 
then advanced boldly to the attack of the intrenchments in front. 
The friendly Indians stationed on the banks, becoming warned of 
the battle, crossed over to the peninsula, and drove the Creeks 



ANDREW JACKSON. 201 

into their fortifications. But failing to dislodge them from their 
works, Jackson, after ordering General Coffee's detachment to guard 
the hanks, in place of the Indians, advanced to' the storm. The 
troops, who had waited impatiently for this movement, received the 
command with loud shouts of joy. The struggle, for a few minutes, 
was awful. The hostile savages fought with the rage of wounded 
tigers, firing rapidly, and with deadly aim, through the port-holes ; 
while the Americans, advancing to the breastwork, struggled, 
muzzle to muzzle, in many cases the balls of the Indians being 
welded on the bayonets of the assailants. At last the intrenchments 
were carried. And now the rout and slaughter became fearful. 
Scarcely twenty of the foe escaped unhurt. Three hundred were 
taken prisoners. Five hundred and fifty-seven dead bodies were 
found, among them that of Manahoee, the great prophet of the 
Creeks. The loss on Jackson's side, was forty-nine killed, and one 
hundred and fifty-four wounded. From that hour, the proud heart 
of the Creeks was broken. They never again lifted the hatchet 
against the United States, but on the 1st of August, sent their prin- 
cipal chiefs to Fort Jackson to sue for peace. 

This treaty had scarcely been completed, however, before the 
attention of Jackson was required to avert a greater danger. He 
had, after adjusting the Creek difficulties, fixed his head quarters 
at Mobile, and here, on the 27th of August, he received intelligence 
that three British vessels had arrived at Pensacola two days before, 
and after disembarking a large quantity of provisions and munitions 
of war, had placed a garrison of between two and three hundred 
troops in the fort. The express which brought this startling infor- 
mation, also announced that thirteen sail of the line, with ten thou- 
sand troops, and the requisite number of transports, were daily 
expected. On the receipt of this news, Jackson despatched a courier 
to the Governor of Tennessee, requesting that the whole quota of 
the militia of that state should be at once brought into the field. On 
the 15th of September, the British squadron from Pensacola, 
augmented by another ship, made an attack on Fort Bowyer, at the 
foot of Mobile bay, thirty miles below the town of the same name, 
where Jackson was established ; but they were repulsed with a 
slaughter almost unprecedented in the annals of war, one of the 
ships losing one hundred and forty-nine men, out of a crew of one 
hundred and seventy. Having received an accession of force from 
Tennessee, amounting to nearly two thousand, Jackson marched to 
chastise the Spanish Governor of Pensacola, forallowing the British to 
fit out hostile expeditions in that port. He stormed one of the batteries of 
the town on the 7th of November, on which the Governor surren- 

26 



202 ANDREW JACKSON. 

dered the city and fort unconditionally. On this, the British squadron, 
consisting of seven armed vessels, sailed from the harbor. Having 
completed his object, Jackson now hurried to New Orleans, that 
place being threatened by a formidable expedition which had jus! 
sailed from Jamaica, with the motto of "beauty and booty," to 
stimulate the soldiers : an expedition, forming one of a series begun 
with the express intent, as Admiral Cochrane had officially declared, 
" to lay waste all towns and districts of the United States found 
accessible to the attack of British armaments." 

Jackson reached New Orleans on the 2d of December, and imme- 
diately began to place it in a condition of defence. It is well knowu 
that innumerable channels intersect the delta of the Mississippi, 
below the town. Few of these were properly fortified ; and, in con- 
sequence, the alarm was general. Discontent, too, was abroad. 
The city corps had refused to turn out. Spies daily left the city to 
bear information to the enemy, yet the legislature hesitated to sus- 
pend the habeas corpus act. In this crisis, General Jackson acted 
with an energy, which, however despotic it seemed to its victims, 
probably saved the town. He proclaimed martial law, and laid an 
embargo on all vessels in the harbor, thus cutting off treasonable 
communication with the enemy. He called out the militia, en masse. 
He impressed the negroes to assist in the defence. A characteristic 
anecdote will show the vigor and promptitude with which he acted. 
He had taken the cotton of a merchant to use upon the lines, when 
the owner, indignant at this appropriation of his property, called at 
head-quarters to remonstrate. Jackson heard the complaint in 
silence. " All wrong, very wrong, as you say," he remarked in 
his impetuous manner, when the man had closed : " tell that sentry 
to walk in." The merchant, fancying he was about to have resti- 
tution, hurried to obey, and the sentry appeared. " Give that man 
your musket," said Jackson, addressing the soldier, and pointing to 
the merchant : then, turning to the astonished trader, he said sternly, 
" now sir, I will make affairs right — march down to the lines and 
defend your property." Arbitrary as such conduct appeared to the 
listener, it was, perhaps, necessary to the salvation of the city. It 
was a crisis when not only men's property, but their lives belonged 
no longer to themselves, but to the state. 

The British appeared off the mouth of the Mississippi on the 5th 
of December, only three days after the arrival of Jackson at New 
Orleans. One of those circumstances, which appear fortuitous, but 
which are, perhaps, ordained by a protecting Providence, had delayed 
the sailing of the expedition from Jamaica for ten days, and thus, by 
affording time for Jackson's arrival, saved the city. Tiie occurrence, 



ANDREW JACKSON. 203 

not generally known, was this. The fleet of Cochrane, with the 
troops of Packenham were at Jamaica, ready for the expedition, 
except that they were ordered to wait the arrival of a squadron 
from England under Captain Floyd. This squadron had reached 
the port of Fayal, as early as the 26th of September, but finding an 
American privateer, the General Armstrong, in the harbor, had 
determined to capture her. Two several attacks, however, were 
made on the Armstrong without success : the first by three boats, 
the last by sixteen. In these struggles the British lost two hundred 
of their best men. Finding that a third attack, still more imposing, 
was to be made, Captain Reid of the Armstrong scuttled and aban- 
doned her, taking refuge on shore under the Portuguese authorities. 
This assault was made in defiance of the sanctity of a neutral port; 
and when the commandant at Fayal remonstrated against the attack, 
he was told that if he attempted to protect the Armstrong, the British 
would fire on the town. No more spirited defence, than that of this 
little privateer, is recorded in the whole annals of naval history. 
But its greatest merit, though one little suspected at the time, was 
that, by causing a delay of ten days on the part of Captain Floyd, 
it protracted for just that period, his arrival at Jamaica, and the 
sailing of the fleet. If the squadron had not been detained at Fayal 
by the Armstrong, it is almost certain that the British would have 
arrived off the Mississippi on the 25th of November. At that period 
Jackson had not reached New Orleans, and, as no adequate measures 
were being taken for its defence, the place must have fallen before 
he made his appearance on the 2d of December. 

The British had taken the precaution to make themselves tho- 
roughly acquainted with the topography of the coast, and discovering 
that the routes through Lakes Ponchartrain and Borgue were the 
most assailable means of access to the city, they resolved to lose no 
time in needless delays, but push on at once to the object of their 
desires. An unexpected difficulty, however, soon presented itself in 
a flotilla of American gun-boats, which had been sent to defend 
these passes. A sharp action ensued, in which the enemy, after a 
heavy loss, came off victorious. No obstacle now existing to their 
landing, the troops were disembarked on Pea Island, where some Spa- 
nish fishermen speedily betrayed that the pass of Bienvenu was as yet 
unguarded, and that a vigorous movement of five or six hours made 
from this point, would carry the assailants to the heart of New 
Orleans. Availing themselves of this information, a strong force 
was immediately transported across the river, and before noon on 
the 22d took up a position on Vivery's canal. 



204 ANDREW JACKSON. 

It was at this spot, scarcely nine miles distant from the city, that 
a part of Jackson's staff accidentally discovered the enemy. The 
news spread consternation through the town. But, meantime, the 
American commander had been reinforced by four thousand Ten- 
nessee militia, and by the Baratarians, a body of half piratical men, 
inhabiting some islands on the coast, to whom an amnesty had been 
granted on the condition that they joined in the defence of New 
Orleans. Accordingly, leaving a force to guard the avenues to the 
city in his rear, Jackson marched out to assail the British with all his 
available troops, amounting to fifteen hundred men. His intention 
was to make a night attack on the front and flanks of the enemy ; 
but the plan failing in several important particulars, he ordered a 
retreat, and fell back, after a doubtful engagement, to a narrow 
plain on the road to New Orleans, flanked on the right by the Mis- 
sissippi, and on the left by an impregnable cypress swamp. The 
alacrity, however, with which he offered in this early stage to meet 
the foe, inspired his army with resolution and checked the ardor of 
the enemy ! 

It had been the intention of General Jackson to march out into 
the open field, and renew the engagement in the morning, but sub- 
sequent reflection on the inferiority of his force induced him to 
resolve on a strictly defensive system. Accordingly, he began for- 
tifying his position with incredible alacrity. A ditch dug for agri- 
cultural purposes, ran along his front from the river to the swamp ; 
it was only left for him, therefore, to throw up an intrenchment and 
erect flanking batteries. Bales of cotton were successfully employed 
for this purpose. Bastions were hastily constructed and mounted 
with heavy cannon, to enfilade the whole front. To render the 
position still more secure a battery of twenty guns, flanking the length 
of the parapet, was erected on the opposite bank of the Mississippi, 
and committed to the charge of Commodore Patterson of the navy, 
and a body of militia. 

The English force was under the command of Sir Edward Pack- 
enham, a brave and veteran soldier. This General at first deter- 
mined to make regular approaches to the works ; but having failed 
in the attempt, in consequence of the superior weight of the Amen- 
can artillery, he resolved, with the impetuous hardihood he had 
acquired in the Peninsular war, to carry the intrenchments by 
assault, and thus put an end at once to the affair. With troops fresh 
from the Spanish campaigns, he did not doubt of complete suc- 
cess against the raw levies of which his spies informed him the force 
of General Jackson was entirely composed. He neglected, however, 



ANDREW JACKSON. 205 

no advantage which strategy could give him ; for he employed his 
men in secretly widening the canal behind his army, by which boats 
might be brought up to the Mississippi, and troops ferried across to 
carry the battery we have spoken of, on the right bank of the river, 
so as to prevent the assailing columns from being raked by its fire, 
as they moved to attack the parapet. 

These preparations having all been completed by the night of the 
7th of January, Packenham determined on an assault before day- 
break of the ensuing day. Colonel Thornton, with about fourteen 
hundred men, was to cross over by night to the western bank of the 
Mississippi, and, storming the battery there, proceed up the river 
until he came opposite to New Orleans. Meantime, the main attack 
on the intrenchments on the eastern bank was confided to two co- 
lumns ; the first led by General Gibbs, the second by General Keane. 
The reserve was commanded by General Lambert. Having made 
these dispositions, the soldiers were allowed some rest ; but many an 
eye refused to sleep ; and the sentry, as he walked his rounds, dreamed 
of past victories, or anticipated the morrow's glory. In the American 
camp all was still. The night was unusually cold, and sounds were 
distinguishable for a long distance ; but nothing was heard from the 
British position, except an occasional murmur rising and falling on 
the night wind. 

Various delays occurred on the part of the enemy, to prevent 
Colonel Thornton from reaching his destination in time ; and the 
night passed without Packenham receiving the expected news of his 
success. At length, that General became impatient, and, towards 
five o'clock, ordered the assault. Gibbs's column advanced first to 
the attack. But the wintry dawn had now begun to break, and the 
Americans, amid a storm of bombs and Congreve rockets, suddenly 
beheld the dark masses of the enemy, at the distance of nine hun- 
dred yards, moving rapidly across the plain. Instantly a tremen- 
dous fire was opened on them from the batteries. But the veterans 
of the 4th and 21st regiments, undaunted by the danger, pressed 
steadily forward. When they came within reach of the musketry 
of the militia, the crash of fire-arms joined its sharp explosions to 
the deep roar of the artillery, and burst after burst rolled off across 
the plain, resembling incessant and tremendous peals of thunder. 
Yet that splendid British infantry never flinched. The fire from the 
ramparts, like a stream of burning lava, now filled the intervening 
space ; but still undaunted, these veterans pushed on, closing up 
their front as one after another fell, and only pausing when they 
reached the slippery edge of the glacis. 

XVIII 



206 ANDREW JACKSON. 

Here it was found that the scaling-ladders and fascines had been 
forgotten, and a halt occurred, until they could be sent for and 
brought up. All this time, the deadly rifles of the Americans were 
aimed at the British ranks, which soon, riddled through and through, 
fell back in disorder from the foot of the parapet. Seeing the con- 
fusion, Packenham himself galloped up. Dashing immediately to 
the head of the 44th regiment, he rallied the men, and led them to 
the foot of the glacis, his head uncovered, himself cheering them 
on. While in this very act, a ball struck him, and he fell mortally 
wounded. Appalled by this sight, his troops once more recoiled ; 
but their officers, reminding them of past glories, again brought 
them up to the attack ; and, with desperate but unavailing courage, 
they strove to force their way over the ditch and up the fatal 
intrenchments. Quick and close, however, the rifles of the Ameri- 
cans met them at every turn. Again they recoiled. General Gibbs, 
who had succeeded Packenham, was struck down. But the reserve 
was now in full advance ; and, notwithstanding the tempest of grape 
and shell which swept the plain, it continued to press on, led by the 
gallant Keane. Soon he, too, fell. But the regiment he led was a 
thousand strong, and composed wholly of Sutherland Highlanders. 
It had faced death in many a battle-field before. Burning to avenge 
the fall of three commanders in succession, it rushed on with inex- 
tinguishable fury, forcing the leading files before it, until the slope 
of the glacis was gained ; and here, though destitute of fascines or 
ladders, the men still pressed on, mounting on each others shoulders 
to gain a foothold in the works, where they fought with the ferocity 
of frantic lions, mad with rage and despair. Few of them, how- 
ever, reached this point ; for the rifles of the defenders cut them off 
almost to a man, before they crossed the ditch, and those who clam- 
bered up the intrenchments, were bayoneted as they appeared. In 
the midst of this terrific carnage, an officer on a white horse was 
seen dashing to the glacis. He fell, pierced by a ball, just as he 
reached the edge ; but the noble animal, plunging headlong for- 
ward, over the wounded and the dead, crossed the ditch, leaped the 
intrenchments with one wild bound, and stood trembling in every 
limb, in the very heart of the American forces. The gallant animal 
was taken care of, and subsequently became a favorite with the 
soldiers. 

Thrice the enemy advanced to the assault; thrice he was hurled 
back in wild disorder. Nothing could withstand the terrific fire of 
the Americans. The plain was already encumbered with nearly 
two thousand dead and wounded, and, as fast as the heads of 



ANDREW JACKSON. 207 

columns appeared, they melted away before the grape-shot. On 
the left, some companies, which at first had penetrated to an unfi- 
nished intrenchment, were fast disappearing beneath the murderous 
cannonade. At places where the fiercest struggles had been made, 
the dead were piled in heaps. The fearful carnage of that day 
brought to many a mind the slaughter of the forlorn hope at Bada- 
joz ; and the British officer, who had succeeded to the command, 
almost gave way to audible lamentations, when he saw the full ex- 
tent of the carnage. 

The utter ruin of the enemy's army would have followed, but for 
the success of Colonel Thornton, on the right bank of the river. 
Jackson was forced, in consequence of this, to turn his attention in 
that direction ; and preparations were accordingly made to dislodge 
the foe from his captured position. Before, however, any move- 
ment was made, Thornton was withdrawn from the works, the 
British General not considering himself able to spare sufficient troops, 
after his severe losses, to hold it. Jackson hastened to regain the 
lost battery. The enemy now fell back to his old station, where he 
remained until the 18th, although continually annoyed by the artillery 
of the Americans, on both sides of the river. But, at midnight of 
that day, he precipitately retreated, and, regaining his boats, em- 
barked finally on board the shipping. The difficulties of a pursuit 
were so great, from the nature of the ground and other causes, that 
Jackson did not attempt seriously to harass the retreat. A few pri- 
soners were taken, and several transports captured. Thus was 
repelled an expedition, consisting of eleven thousand land troops, 
and four thousand seamen and marines; and which had been so 
confident of success, that it was accompanied by custom-house and 
other civil functionaries. 

For this brilliant victory, Jackson received the thanks of Congress 
and a gold medal. In 1818, he was entrusted with the command 
of the troops destined to operate against the Seminoles. His usual 
energy characterised him in this war. He penetrated into Florida, 
to the villages of the savages and fugitive slaves who had joined 
them, devastating their settlements, and carrying fire and sword 
through all their region. Discovering that the Indians had been 
supplied with arms and ammunition from the Spanish posts in the 
vicinity, he seized these places, and executed two British subjects 
whom he found there, engaged in this lawless traffic. The contest 
was closed by the conquest of Florida. The posts taken by Jackson 
were, however, subsequently restored to Spain ; but an attempt, in 
Congress, to pass a vote of censure on the General, was defeated by 



208 



ANDREW JACKSON. 



a large majority. There can be no doubt, nevertheless, that the 
seizure of those posts was a violation of a neutral soil, though, per- 
haps, justified by the emergency of the case, if not by the secret 
assistance rendered to the Indians by Spain. In 1821, by the pur- 
chase of Florida, the United States rendered any such arbitrary 
measures, for the future, unnecessary. Jackson was now appointed 
Governor of the new territory. But he did not long retain this office, 
resigning it in the following year, and retiring to his farm. 

In 1823, he was elected to the Senate of the United States; but, 
soon after, becoming a prominent candidate for the presidency, va- 
cated his seat. In the electoral college, for 1S24, he received ninety- 
nine votes; Mr. Adams, eighty-four ; Mr. Crawford, forty-one ; and 
Mr. Clay, thirty-seven. The election of a President consequently 
devolved on the House, when Mr. Adams was chosen. In 1828 
however, being again a candidate, he received one hundred and 
seventy-eight electoral votes, while Mr. Adams obtained but eighty- 
three. The history of his administration does not come within the 
scope of this work. In 1832, he was again elected President by a 
majority of one hundred and seventy electoral votes over his antago- 
nist, Mr. Clay. In 1836, he retired to private life. 

From this period to that of his death, he resided on his farm, 
which he called " The Hermitage," near Nashville, Tennessee. He 
gradually became enfeebled in body, but retained his mental facul- 
ties in full force. A few years before his decease, he connected him- 
self with the Presbyterian church ; in the communion of which he 
continued, from that hour, a sincere and exemplary member. He 
died on the 8th of June, 1S45. 





i red bj J bsi 



^ 



<&&£~<£>w^ 







THK 



MILITARY HEROES 



OF 



THE WAR WITH MEXICO: 



WITH .V 



NARRATIVE OF THE WAR. 



BY CHARLES J. PETERSON. 



PHILADELPHIA: 

WILLIAM A. LEARY, 

No 153 N. SECOND STREET. 

1848. 



Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 1S4S, by 
JAMES L . GIHON, 
in the Cleik's Office of the District Court of the Eastern District of Pennsylvania. 



JOHN H. GIHON, PMNTER, 

Corner of Sillh and Cbesnut Street*. 

DAVID W OHON, BINDER, 

No. 96 Cbeumi Street 



TO 



MAJOR-GENERAL ZACHARY TAYLOR 



THIS WORK IS 



RESPECTFULLY DEDICATED 



BY THE A U T H H 




mS^^m^ 



THE MEXICANS WATCHING A TRAIN OF ARMY WAGONS. 



PREFACE. 



-»«•* » 



o- 



In the following pages, tlie autlior has deviated in a mea 
sure from the plan heretofore pursued. The descriptions of 
the battles, instead of beius; reserved for the appropriate bi 
graphies, are inserted in the history ; while the history itself 
is confined almost entirely to the military transactions of the 
war. It must be reserved for another age to write an impar- 
tial storv of this contest, and to assign to each hero his due 
place ! 

History is of necessity imitative; and hence the author 
has drawn largely from the journals, &c, which have been 
written on the spot. In no instance, however, that he is aware 
of, has the language of his authorities been used, or any 
improper liberty been taken with them. 



M- 



VI 



PREFACE. 



The author has generally confined himself to a plain bio- 
graphy of the Heroes of the Mexican War, leaving their rela- 
tive merits to be assigned by the official correspondence of 
the Commander-in-chief. The reasons for this are obvious. 
A cotemporary is peculiarly liable to be charged with preju- 
dice : to posterity only is it reserved to speak of public cha- 
racters without the imputation of unfairness. The author 
has not, on all occasions, forborne the expression of his own 
opinion : this would be alike impossible and ridiculous. But 
as these opinions may be changed by testimony not yet 
brought to light, they are given with diffidence. 

It has been thought advisable to insert, in the biographies 
of Scott, Taylor, and Doniphan, a specimen of their de- 
spatches, and those have been selected which, in the author's 
opinion, relate to the most brilliant event in the life of each. 

For the unusual kindness with which his first volume was 
received by the public, the author takes this occasion to ex- 
press his gratification. 





CONTENTS. 



Preface, ------ 

THE WAR WITH MEXICO. 

Preliminary Chapter, - 

Book I. — The Origin of the War, 

Book II. — Campaign on the Rio Grande, 

Book III. — Conquest of New Mexico and California, 

Book IV. — Advance on the Capital, 

Book V.— The Fall of the Capital, 



Page 5. 

15 

19 
35 
63 

79 
107 



THE HEROES OF THE WAR WITH MEXICO. 
Zachary Taylor, - 

Samuel Ringgold, .... 

Charles May, - - - - 

William O. Butler, - - - 

William J. Worth, - 



137 
161 
165 
169 

177 



vn 



Till 



CONTENTS. 



John E. Wool, 
Stephen W. Kearney, 
John C. Fremont, 
A. VV. Doniphan, 
Samuel H. Walker, 
Winfield Scott, 
David E. Twiggs, 
Joseph G. Totten, 
Robert Patterson, - 
Persifer F. Smith, 
James Shields, 
James Duncan, - 
Hen.net Rilkv, 
John A. Quitman, 
Joseph Lane, - 
Gideon J. Pillow, 
George Cadwalader, 
William S. Harney, 
Franklin Pierce, 
Roger Jones, 



Page 189 
195 
199 
203 
209 
211 
231 
237 
239 
241 
245 
249 
253 
257 
263 
267 
269 
275 
279 
281 




M 



i£^>i» « 




MONTEREY IN CALIFORNIA. 



ILLUSTRATIONS. 



ENGRAVINGS ON STEEL. 



Portrait of Major-General Zachary Taylor, - 

Battle of Resaca <le la Palma, 

Storming of the Bishop's Palace, Monterey, - 

Battle of Bnena Visla, - 

Capitulation of Vera Cruz, 

Battle of Cerro Gordo, - - 

Battle of Churubnsco, « 

General Scott's Entry into the City of Mexico, 

Portrait of Major-General William 0. Butlev, 
Portrait of Major-General William J. Worth, - 
Portrait of Captain Samuel H. Walker, - 
Portrait of Bi i-a lier-General James Shields. 
Portrait of Major-General John A. Quitman, 
Portrait of Major-General Gt-orge Cadwalader, 

2 



Frontispiece. 

Pago 42 

50 

59 

85 

89 

101 

127 

169 

177 

209 

245 

2f>7 

871 

IX 



X ILLUSTRATIONS. 

ENGRAVINGS ON WOOD. 

Mexican Soldiers watching a train of Army Wagons, Page 5 

Tail Piece, -----..._.__. 6 

Coat of Arms of Mexico, -..-......-7 

Tail Piece — General Taylor, ......... 8 

Monterey in California, -.-..-.....9 

The Market Place and Public Square at Matamoras, ----- 12 

Ornamental Title Page — The War in Mexico, - - - - - . -13 

The City of Mexico, ..... ...... 15 

Ornamental Letter — Flight of a Mexican Officer, - - - - - - 15 

Tail Piece, -- - - ...... . . 18 

Corpus Christi, .... ....... 19 

Ornamental Letter — Wounded Soldier,. ..... . - 19 

Portrait of Santa Anna, ... ....... 25 

Portrait of Parades, ..... .. ---28 

Matamoras, --. ... . . . . . -31 

Portrait of Colonel Cross, .... ......33 

Tail Piece — Mexican Dragoon, -- ..... ..34 

Point Isabel, .... ... .. ...35 

Ornamental Letter, -.- .... ...35 

Colonel May at Resaca de la Paltna, -- - - . -- .41 

Fort Brown, ... ... . . . ...43 

Monterey and the Saddle Mountains, ..... ...47 

The City of Monterey, - - - - ..... 49 

Saltillo, -. -53 

Bragg Asking Succor, -----. _ . ... 60 

The Capture of Tuspan, -- ........ 62 

San Francisco, ---_- .. .....63 

Ornamental Letter, ...... .-..-63 

Bent's Fort, - ...-G6 

Santa Fe, - 68 

Battle of Pueblo de Taos, 73 

Triumphal Entry into Pueblo Los Angelos, - ..... 75 

Landing of the American Troops at Vera Cruz, - - .... 79 

Ornamental Letter, -- .... . . ...79 

Bombardment of Vera Cruz, - . .... 83 

Storming of Cerro Gordo, ..... . ....88 

Puebla, ... 90 

Storming of Churubusco, ...... .... io3 

A Mexican Throwing the Lasso, .... . .... 106 

A Mexican Rancho, or Roadside Inn, at Acajete, between Puebla and Jalapa, - 107 
Ornamental Letter — A Volcano, ..... ... _ 1Q7 

Chapultepec, ... ... . _ _ -113 

Battle of Molino Del Rey, - 117 

Storming of Chapultepec, ...... _ . . 122 



ILLUSTRATIONS, XI 

Tail Piece — Lancers, - Page 133 

Ornamental Title Page — The Heroes of the War with Mexico, - 135 

Repulse of Mexican Cavalry at the Battle of Buena Vistn, - 137 
Ornamental Letter — General Taylor, ... . .. . -137 

The Defence of Fort Harrison, ------- -. 140 

Taylor at the Battle of Okee Chobee, - - - 147 

Portrait of Major McCullough, 153 

Portrait of Major Samuel Ringgold, - - - - - - • -161 

Ornamental Letter, -- - ----- --1G1 

The Fall of Major Ringgold, 164 

Portrait of Lieutenant-Colonel Charles May, ..... . irj5 

Ornamental Letter — Camp Wagon, - - - 165 

General Butler wounded at Monterey, - ----- 109 

Ornamental Letter, ..-..- ..... 1C9 

Battle of Buena Vista, ----- ... . . 176 

Battle of Palaklaklaha, and Ornamental Letter, .---__ 177 

Bishop's Palace, Monterey, - - - - -- -- - 183 

Tail Piece — Dragoon, - - - - 1S8 

Portrait of Brigadier General John E. Wool, ... _ . . 189 

Ornamental Letter, -- ---. ..... ISO 

Cavalry Charge at the Battle of Buena Vista, - ... - . 194 

Portrait of Brigadier-General Stephen W. Kearney, ..... 195 

Ornamental Letter, ---- - - - -- -- 195 

Tail Piece— Dead Soldier, 198 

Portrait of Lieutenant-Colonel John C. Fremont, ... ... 199 

Ornamental Letter — Officer taking Observations, - .... 199 

Doniphan and his Army crossing the Desert of Death, ----- 203 

Ornamental Letter, .... ....... 2U3 

Cavalry Charge at the Battle of Sacramento, - - ... - 206 

Tail Piece, 208 

The Repulse of the Mexican Lancers at Palo Alto, 208 

Ornamental Letter, ------------ 209 

Chapultcpec and Molino del Rey, - - - - - - - - - 211 

Ornamental Letter, - - - - - - - - - - -211 

Copy of a Gold Medal presented by Congress to General Scott, - - - 217 

The Grand Plaza, (or Great Square) in the City of Mexico, .... 227 

Portrait of Brigadier-General David E. Twiggs, - - - - - - 231 

Ornamental Letter — A Lancer, - - _..---- 231 

Fighting in the Streets of Monterey, - .--..- 234 

Vera Cruz, ... - 237 

Ornamental Letter — A Sentry, --.---..- 237 

Portrait of Major-General Robert Patterson, - - - .... 239 

Ornamental Letter, -- -----..-- 239 

Tail Piece, 240 

The Battle of Contreras, and Ornamental Letter, - - - - - 241 



•ill 



ILLUSTRATIONS. 



General Shields' Charge at Chapultepec, and Ornamental Letter, - - Page 245 

The Storming of Chapultepec, ---------- 247 

Tail Piece — Mexican Soldiers, --------- 248 

Duncan at Molino Del Rey, and Ornamental Letter, - - - - - 249 

Tail Piece — Mexican Lancers, --------- 252 

Riley at Contreras, and Ornamental Letter, -------- 253 

Tail Piece — A Mexican Officer, 256 

General Quitman's Assault on the Garita de Belen, and Ornamental Letter, - - 257 

Tail Piece, - - - 262 

General Lane's Encounter with the Mexicans near Atlixco, ----- 263 

Ornamental Letter, ------------ 263 

Tail Piece — A Party of Mexican Guerillas, - - 266 

Portrait of MnjorGeneral Gideon J. Pillow, and Ornamental Letter, - 267 

Tail Piece — Wounded Soldier, ------ .-- 268 

The National Bridge, and Ornamental Letter, ------ 269 

General Cadwalader's Defeat of the Mexicans at the National Bridge, - - - 271 

Tail Piece, 274 

Harney at Cerro Gordo, and Ornamental Letter, ------- 275 

Harney's Pursuit of the Mexicans at Churubusco, ------ 277 

Tail Piece — A Texas Ranger, --------- 278 

General Pierce Entering Pueblo with Reinforcements, and Ornamental Letter, - 279 

Tail Piece 280 

Portrait of Adjutant-General Roger Jones, and Ornamental Letter. ... 281 

Tail Piece— Mexican Soldiers, 282 





M B 







Ti:E CUV OF MEXICO. 



PRELIMINARY CHAPTER. 




HE war of Independence gave the 
United States a political existence. 
The war of 1812 enfranchised the 
popular mind from a state of colonial 
subserviency. The war with Mexico 
has developed the military genius of 
our people, inspired confidence in our 
capacity to resist invasion, and elevated 
JV the republic to a position in European 
eyes which a century of prosperity in 
the aits of peace would not have obtained for it. Indeed, there are 
few parallels in modern history to the campaigns of Taylor and 
Scott ! That a comparatively small body of men should penetrate 
into the heart of a mighty empire, and defeat, in a dozen pitched 
battles, an enemy always fourfold its own numbers, is one of those 
events which at first appear to border on the miraculous, and which 
recall the memory of the davs when the Emirs conquered Spain, 

15 



16 THE WAR WITH MEXICO. 

when Gaul fell beneath the inroad of the Turks, when the Persian 
empire was shattered by the spear of Alexander. 

Hitherto the enterprise of Cortez, by which the Aztec monarchy 
was overthrown, has been considered the most wonderful event 
recorded in authentic history. But Cortez marched on Mexico with 
an army clad in mail, and possessed of fire-arms; while the Indians 
had no weapons but arrows and obsidian hatchets. Hence the 
Spanish soldier, especially the mounted one, could fight with com- 
paratively little peril, until he actually fell from exhaustion. The 
number of killed and wounded in the battles of Cortez was generally 
not over a dozen, while the slaughter on the side of the Aztecs was 
enormous. The victories of the conqueror were not so miraculous 
as at first appears. A compact body of mailed soldiers may be 
assailed by fifty times their number, but not by all at once ! If the 
assailed present a front of five hundred men, only five hundred men 
can attack at the same time. Defeat these five hundred, and five 
hundred more may rush to the assault. But these, too, must soon 
fall; for if the one party is defended by armor, rendering them im- 
pervious to the shafts of the foe, the contest, it is apparent, is all on 
one side ; and the chances are, that the assailants will be wearied 
out first. The battles of Cortez were of this description. When 
attacked by overwhelming odds, he always seized some defile 
where the Aztecs could only advance in front. Hence, though ten 
times his own number were in the field against him, he rarely was 
engaged at any one moment with more than an equal force. More- 
over, he generally had from five to ten thousand Tlascalan allies to 
harass the wings of the foe. 

But our battles in Mexico were different. The enemy was in a 
comparatively high state of civilization, possessed fire-arms like our- 
selves, had able and experienced Generals, was in a country full of 
impregnable positions, and availed himself of all the aids of military 
discipline and strategetic science in the formation and management 
of his army. The war was not a contest between European veterans 
and savages ; it was a war between raw volunteers and a well drilled 
army. It was a war against the very troops which drove the Spanish 
infantry out of Mexico. Yet everywhere we were triumphant. Our 
little army assaulted the foe on the open field, stormed him in his 
streets, and carried intrenchments defended by artillery. In a word, 
search where we will in military history since the invention of fire- 
arms, and we find nothing to surpass the achievements of Taylor, 
Scott, and Doniphan. 

These wonderful victories are to be attributed in part to the infe- 



PRELIMINARY CHAPTER. 17 

rior material of the enemy's army. The Mexican Creole is but a 
degenerate Spaniard, inheriting few of the virtues and magnifying 
the vices of his ancestry. When Napoleon first invaded Spain, the 
rout of her armies was almost as complete as that of the Mexicans 
in this war; nor was it until the British arrived under Wellington, 
and formed a nucleus for valor and discipline, that any successful 
resistance was made to the imperial eagles. The history of the 
pitched battles in this war has not differed materially from the his- 
tory of the pitched battles of every war in which the Spanish blood 
has been engaged from the time of the Carthaginians down. 
Whether the Iberians, the aboriginal inhabitants of the Peninsula, 
were of mixed Arab lineage, as some writers suppose, or were de- 
scended from the Gothic nations of the north, as is conjectured with 
slighter probability, certain it is that their characteristics have suffer- 
ed less change in the last two thousand years than those of any other 
surviving people, and that, to this day, they possess the same powers 
of dissimulation, the same love for desultory warfare, and the same 
obstinacy of purpose which baffled Hannibal and Scipio alike. Suc- 
cessive invasions of Romans, Goths, and Moors have failed to per- 
manently alter this original stock. Indeed, partial infusions of new 
races, like partial infusions o[ blood in the veins, though they may 
renovate for awhile, cannot change the constitutional tendencies of 
a people. A hundred thousand Franks subdued ten millions of Gauls, 
and held them in vassalage for ten centuries; but the French popu- 
lace is the same now as in the time of Caesar. A conquered people 
must be exterminated, or their peculiarities, in time, will infect even 
their conquerors : of the truth of this remark Saxon England, Celtic 
Ireland, and modern Italy are forcible illustrations. Like flakes of 
snow falling into the ocean, the victors are soon lost in the surround- 
ing mass. 

There is more in race than is generally supposed. Of the five 
great divisions into which the human family is separated, the infe- 
rior species have never permanently, rarely even temporarily tri- 
umphed over the superior ones. The Mongolian has never been 
subdued by the Malay, nor the Malay by the African ; but both 
have been, at various periods, the slaves of the Caucasian. As there 
are different races of mankind, so there are different varieties of the 
same race. The Caucasian stock has proved itself superior to all 
others; but of the Caucasian the northern branches are better than 
the southern. In every collision between the Romaic and Teutonic 
stocks, the latter has proved too strong for the former. The one, 

supple and wily, is well represented by Saladin in the novel of Scott : 
M — B* 3 



18 



THE WAR WITH MEXICO. 



the other, triumphing by sheer strength, has its type in his antago- 
nist, Richard ! 

These characteristics of race are transmissible from generation to 
generation, exactly as physical qualities are transmissible in ani- 
mals of a lesser grade than man. The Tartar of to-day is the same 
individual described by Oriental writers thousands of years ago, and 
displays similar attributes whether roaming in the desert or seated 
on a conquered throne. The Greek of the nineteenth century differs 
less from the Greek of the time of Socrates, than does the language 
he now speaks from the pure Attic of Pericles. The German as 
described by Tacitus in the second century of the Christian era, is 
the exact counterpart of the German now, allowing for slight differ- 
ences produced by an advanced stage of civilization. The Sclave, 
or Russian, has remained unaltered since the dawn of the historic 
period. Even in their mode of waging warfare, the peculiarities of 
nations rarely change. The Persian wheels his horse and flings his 
javelin, exactly as his Parthian ancestor when making head against 
the legions of Rome. The Highlanders who followed Charles Edward 
to Preston Pans, charged in the very manner their ancestors did 
eighteen hundred years before. Mountains may change, continents 
alter, but races of men are always the same ! As far back as we 
can go in history we find the Celt, the Saxon, or the Arab, just as 
he remains to this day, and as far forward as we can conjecture we 
are justified in supposing that he will still continue the same. 

The Mexican Creole is true to his parentage in the main. In 
whatever he has changed, it has been for the worse. Though the 
Creoles are the dominant race, their numbers, when compared with 
the remaining population, are inconsiderable ; and in consequence, 
the character of the original Spaniard has suffered depreciation. It 
is important to bear this fact in mind, if we would arrive at a cor- 
rect estimate of the Mexican war. 





COKPLS CHRlSTf. 



BOOK I 



THE ORIGIN OF THE WAR. 








^\\ HE war with Mexico natu- 
rally divides itself into two 
great periods, the first of these 
comprising the campaign of 
Taylor, and the second that 
In order, however, that the 
story may be related with more perspi- 
cuity, we shall separate it into five parts. 
The first of these will be devoted to the 
I origin of the war ; the second to the 
campaign of Taylor ; the third to the 
expeditions against Santa Fe and California ; the fourth to the cam- 
paign of Scott up to the armistice ; and the fifth to the declaration 
of peace. 

19 



20 THE WAR WITH MEXICO. 

Mexico lies between the fifteenth and thirty-third parallels of north 
latitude ; and consequently, for the most part within the torrid zone. 
Her surface, however, is extremely irregular, so that she comprises 
every variety of climate and soil known to the habitable globe. On 
the sea-coast the land is low, marshy, and infested with fevers, of 
which the most dreadful is the terrible vomito, that no foreigner can 
hope to escape. As the traveller advances inward, the aspect of the 
country changes. The ground rises ; the plains of sand disappear ; 
tropical fruits begin to vanish ; and fresh, inspiring breezes succeed 
the depressing atmosphere of the tierra caliente, or hot region. After 
reaching an elevation of about twenty-five hundred feet, the vegeta- 
tion assumes a more genial character. In this tierra templada, or 
temperate region, flourish the oak, the fruit trees, and the grains of 
Europe. It is in this region that Xalapa is situated, at the distance of 
fifty-five miles from Vera Cruz, on the direct road to the capital. Here 
the vomito is unknown. Hither the terrific northers which harass 
the coasts of the gulf never come. The extremes of cold and heat 
are strangers to this delightful climate ; a humid, but salubrious at- 
mosphere invigorates the frame and conduces to longevity; the 
choicest products of the earth spring up spontaneously ; and life 
passes in an Arcadian dream. 

Ascending still higher as he journeys inward, the traveller finally 
reaches an extensive table-land, lying in the lap of the Cordilleras, 
and comprising about three-fifths of the whole surface of Mexico, as 
well as more than four-fifths of the entire population. This great 
central elevation varies in height from six thousand to eight thousand 
feet above the sea, and is formed by two branches of the Cordilleras, 
which, diverging from Yucatan, skirt respectively the shores of the 
Pacific and gulf, the one joining the Rocky Mountain chain on the 
borders of Oregon, and the other losing itself, about the twenty- 
seventh parallel of latitude, in the vast plains of Texas. Lateral 
valleys shoot out from this table-land, between spurs of hills, form- 
ing a series of natural defences to the great central elevation. That 
portion of Mexico which is most densely populated stands, therefore, 
like a fortress, lifted above the surrounding country, and rendered 
almost impregnable by its mountain fastnesses. To add to its invin- 
cibility, it is approached from the sea with difficulty, having few 
ports either on the Pacific or gulf coasts, and those of unsafe anchor- 
age, where tremendous hurricanes rise at an hour's notice. 

The table-land, or tierras frias of Mexico, is comparatively nar- 
row from east to west, but stretches north and south a distance of 
fifteen hundred miles. Its usual temperature varies from 55° to 75° 



MEXICO ITS POPULATION AND PEOPLE. 21 

Fahrenheit. Owing to its great height above the sea, the atmosphere 
on this plateau is extremely rarified. This, while it leads frequently 
to asthmatic complaints, gives a fairy appearance to the landscape 
which bewitches visiters from northern climes. Hills which are 
twenty miles off, seem less than two leagues away : and distant 
mountains lift their snow-capped summits apparently within a 
morning's ride. At night, the stars shine with a brilliancy beyond 
description, the great southern cross blazing like a meteor, the 
grandest of all! 

The vegetation of this vast central plain is less luxuriant than that 
of the temperate, or torrid regions : but frequently, in the immense 
chasms that penetrate its surface, the cactus, and other tropical 
plants grow rankly. The European grains do not succeed as well 
on the plateau as in their native soil. This immense table-land is 
occasionally cut up into vallies, and occasionally diversified with 
lofty mountains; but its general character is so fiat that a traveller 
may journey in a carriage from the capital to Santa Fe, a distance 
of fourteen hundred miles, without apparently deviating from a 
level. The principal cities of Mexico are situated on this plain. 
The most remarkable tract in the whole is the valley of Tenochtitlan, 
in which the capital is built. It is oval in form; is about fifty-five 
miles long and thirty-seven wide ; and is surrounded by ridges of 
porphyritic and basaltic rocks, Popocatepetl, with its eternal fires, 
towering above its south-eastern barrier, like some gigantic Pharos, 
to the height of nearly eighteen thousand feet. The view of the 
valley of Mexico, as it bursts for the first time on the spectator, is 
said to produce an effect beyond that of any other landscape in the 
world. In the days of Cortez, travellers approaching from the coast 
could see a score of cities embowered in vegetation glistening along 
the vast basin below ; but now comparative desolation broods over 
the scene. Yet the beholder still reins in his steed with admiration, 
and, as the expanse of water, fields and cities stretch before him, 
until the view is shut in by the wall of mountains to the west, he 
almost fancies he has come suddenly upon some vision of enchant- 
ment, which the next breath of air will dispel! 

The population of Mexico is computed, in round numbers, at 
seven millions. Of these, rather more than a million is supposed 
to be composed of the Creoles, or native-bom whites; four millions 
of the Indians, and the remainder of the mixed bloods. These last 
principally reside on the low grounds; while the whites occupy the 
table-laud. The Indians, though constituting more than half the 
population, and though theoretically on the same political footing as 



22 THE WAR WITH MEXICO. 

the Creoles, have little or no influence in the government, which is 
practically directed by the rich men, the clergy, and the higher 
officers of the army. These Indians are separated into numerous 
tribes speaking different languages, of which no less than fourteen 
dictionaries and grammars have been constructed. They are divided 
into two great classes, those who cultivate the land and who gene- 
rally reside on the plateau, and those who lead a roving life and 
who are found in the northern states and especially on the upper 
waters of the Rio Grande. As a race they are ignorant, superstitious, 
weak, cowardly and vindictive. Though nominally Christians, they 
still secretly mingle Pagan rites with those of the church. Few of 
them own land ; most of them are little better than slaves. It is the 
opinion of enlightened travellers that they are not susceptible of a 
high state of civilization, though if the soil of Mexico was more 
equally distributed, and some inducement to labor offered, they 
might probably improve. But the race is an inferior one. Like 
the Mongolian, to which it approaches nearest in resemblance, it 
can imitate but never originate ; and if elevated in the scale of civi- 
lization, would remain for thousands of years without advancing. 

The other principal class, the Creoles, (for the mixed races do not 
call for a separate description) constitute what may properly be called 
the people of Mexico. The most correct estimate places their num- 
bers at about one million three hundred thousand. They possess 
most of the wealth and all the power in Mexico. They are in fact 
a nation of conquerors living among a subjugated people; for the 
prejudices of caste have survived the revolution, and maintain the 
Creoles in the position of a dominant class. Yet, with all their 
advantages, the curse of heaven seems to have descended on them ; 
and it requires no fanaticism to believe that they are now expiating 
the crimes of Corlez and his followers. Under their sway Mexico 
has retrograded and continues to retrograde. The vallies that once 
bloomed with verdure are now desolate wastes : towns that formerly 
dotted the plateau have disappeared: and, for whole days, the 
traveller may journey as if passing through some vast city of the 
dead. When we peruse the accounts of that luxuriant region as it 
existed in the days of the conqueror, and contrast them with the 
description of the country as it now is, the awful malediction pro- 
nounced on Babylon rises forcibly before us. 

The unequal distribution of the soil, and the indolent character of 
the Creole race are the chief causes of this decline. The Indians 
have no motive for exertion: the whites shun labor as degrading. 
The Creole spends his time chiefly in lounging, gambling and 



MEXICAN REVOLUTIONS. 2. i 

sleeping. Even among this race the distribution of property is very 
unequal ; and this, increasing their natural unthrift, deteriorates 
them still more. Perhaps there is no branch of the Caucasian race 
so degraded, physically and morally, as the Creoles of Mexico. 
They are weak in body, small in stature, indolent in their habits, 
and wanting in energy as well as enterprise. They are cruel, 
treacherous and boastful. Though affecting the nice honor of an 
ancient Castilian, they pay little regard to their word: and dissimu- 
lation, which with us is a vice, is with them a virtue. Subtlety and 
deceit, though not the peculiarity of all, are national characteristics, 
and mark alike the captive General who takes an oath he resolves 
to break, and the lurking ranchero who throws his lasso from 
behind a bush. In Europe, a Mexican and a Russian are rated 
equally adepts in dissimulation and intrigue! In a word, the Creole 
of Mexico, partly in consequence of his enervating climate, partly 
in consequence of other deteriorating causes, has declined from the 
original Spanish stock, and is now to the old Castilian, what the 
Castilian was to the Saxon, or the Saxon to the Norman ! 

From the period of the conquest, up to the year 1810, Mexico 
continued a Spanish colony ; but in that year a rebellion began, 
which, after raging until 1S24, terminated in her independence. 
The struggle was sanguinary as well as protracted. Five hundred 
thousand lives, it is estimated, were lost in the contest. Massacre, 
conflagration, and all the worst atrocities of war, rioted in the 
struggle. The Mexican people have scarcely yet recovered from 
that anarchical period. The storm has ceased, but the waters have 
not subsided. The large standing army which grew up during the 
protracted contest has never since been wholly disbanded ; and the 
Generals who rose to notice in the strife, continue to convulse the 
republic with their struggles for power. The turbulent character of 
the Creoles, who inherit the half Ishmaelitish blood of their Iberian 
ancestors, has assisted these commotions, which again have been 
fostered by the unequal distribution of property, rendering such 
large numbers susceptible to the will of extensive landed proprietors. 
In 1824, on the close of the revolution, a constitution was adopted 
similar to that of the United States, except that allother religionsexcept 
the Catholic Roman Apostolic religion were prohibited, and that the 
Congress was authorized, in periods of national peril, to create a 
Dictator for a limited time. This constitution, however, was prac- 
tically violated, even from the first, though it preserved a nominal 
existence until 1S35. In that year the general Congress suppressed 
the state Legislatures; and changed the government from a federative 



24 THE WAR WITH MEXICO. 

to a centralized one. The republic was now divided into depart- 
ments. The President was to be chosen by an indirect vote ; the two 
houses of Congress by a direct popular vote ; and the heads or 
governors of each department by the supreme national authority. 
Revolution now followed revolution, in the midst of which Texas 
achieved her independence. At last, on the 22nd of August, 1846, 
the federal constitution of 1824 was re-established; the departments 
were dissolved; and the original states re-organized into separate 
and independent commonwealths. The turbulent and unstable cha- 
racter of the Creoles is exhibited by these successive revolutions, 
more numerous within twenty years than those of England for 
twenty generations ! 

Texas was originally a part of Louisiana, and as such belonged to 
the United States under the purchase from France. But in 1S19, at 
the time of the Florida treaty, it was surrendered to Spain, and on 
the establishment of the independence of Mexico, became one of the 
states of the new republic. To a great extent Texas was settled by 
emigrants from the United States, being in this respect different from 
her sister commonwealths, whose inhabitants were of Spanish de- 
scent. It was one of the prominent articles in the constitution of 
Texas, which had been approved by the Mexican confederacy, that 
she was independent of the other states. When the federal consti- 
tution was overthrown in 1S35, the new government decreed the 
abolition of the state sovereignty of Texas. But this outrage was 
resisted by the people of that commonwealth. Accustomed to the 
sacred regard with which the rights of the states are observed in 
their native confederacy, the majority of the Texan population de- 
termined to resist the decree, and maintain the inviolability of their 
constitution by force of arms. Large numbers of the inhabitants 
being connected by ties of relationship with the people of the United 
States, the utmost sympathy for their cause was felt in this republic, 
especially by the residents of the south-western states. Recruits 
even joined the Texans from this country, and arms were freely 
supplied, scarcely any pretence of secrecy being observed. After 
numerous skirmishes between the Texans and the armies of Mexico, 
a decisive battle was fought at San Jacinto, on the 21st of April, 
1836, in which the former were completely victorious, and Santa 
Anna, the Dictator, taken prisoner. So great was the exasperation 
against this General, in the Texan camp, arising from his ruthless- 
ness, that it was with difficulty General Houston, their commander, 
could preserve his captive's life. Policy, however, triumphed over 
revenge in the breast of the Texan leader. In return for his lenity, 



ANNEXATION OF TEXAS. 



25 



he obtained a treaty from Santa Anna, in which the latter, as Dicta- 
tor, acknowledged the independence of Texas. 




GENERAL SANTA ANNA. 



The people of Texas now made overtures to be received into the 
United States ; but the proposal was declined by Mr. Van Buren, 
then President. Meantime the validity of Santa Anna's treaty was 
denied by the government which, since his capture, had supplanted 
him. The disturbed condition of affairs in the capital, however, 
prevented any active measures being taken to subdue the revolted 
state ; and in the course of years the independence of Texas was 
acknowledged by most Christian nations. Under the administration 
of President Tyler, a new effort was made by the Texans to obtain 
admission into the Union ; and finally, by feigning an intention to 
place themselves under the protection of England, they induced the 
American executive to sign a treaty of annexation in April, 1S44. 
This treaty, however, was rejected by the Senate. But in the course 
of the succeeding year the sentiments toward Texas grew more 
favorable in the United States, and on the 1st of March, 1S45, Con- 
gress passed a joint resolution for annexation, stipulating certain 
m — c 4 



26 THE WAR WITH MEXICO. 

preliminary conditions, however, to which the assent of Texas was 
demanded. The Texans appointed a convention to consider these 
propositions, when, as expected, they were adopted. Thus the re- 
union of the territory of Texas to the United States was effected. 

Never having acknowledged the independence of Texas, Mexico 
considered that state still an integral part of her dominions, and con- 
sequently its absorption into the United States as a robbery by the 
latter power. On the 6th of March, 1845, five days after the pas- 
sage of the joint resolutions, the Mexican Ambassador at Washing- 
ton protested against the contemplated annexation and demanded 
his passports. This act, generally decisive of an intention to declare 
war, was not immediately followed by hostilities. In fact, the Mexi- 
can rulers were divided as to what course to pursue, some being for 
instant war, and some wishing to avoid it from the exhausted con- 
dition of the country. The sentiment of the Mexican people, how- 
ever, was nearly universal in favor of war. It is probable, never- 
theless, that hostilities would have been averted, but for the existence 
of other circumstances which still further embarrassed the diplomatic 
relations of the two governments, and heightened the growing dislike 
which the Americans and Mexicans began mutually to entertain for 
each other. 

The Mexican republic, from its beginning, had paid little respect 
to the law of nations. Whenever the government wanted money, 
it was accustomed to obtain it by the seizure of the goods and per- 
sons of foreigners ; and as the successive revolutions which convulsed 
the capital kept the treasury continually dry. these outrages were of 
frequent occurrence. The citizens of the United States suffered most 
from such aggressions, principally in consequence of their large share 
in the commerce of Mexico. To the remonstrances of our govern- 
ment, Mexico at first replied with evasive answers. The outrages 
continuing, our tone became more decided. The Mexican rulers 
finally promised redress, but in the distracted state of their country 
were never able to keep their word, even if they desired it. A treaty 
of amnesty, commerce and navigation, concluded between Mexico 
and the United States, in 1831, led to the hope that these outrages 
would cease. But, after a slight interval, the aggressions on the 
property and persons of our citizens were resumed. Remonstrance 
proving ineffectual, President Jackson, in February, 1837, recom- 
mended to Congress that an act authorizing reprisals should be 
passed. This spirited conduct produced a fresh promise of justice 
from Mexico. But having again evaded her stipulations, President 
Van Buren, in December, 1837, called the attention of Congress to 



PREPARATIONS FOR WAR. 27 

her conduct, advising that body, in a significant passage, "to decide 
upon the time, the mode, and the measure of redress." 

War, however, was not declared ; for in the turbulent condition 
of Mexico, excuses were found, by Congress, for her shuffling and 
procrastination. Negotiations were resumed, and in April, 1839, a 
convention of delegates met to adjust the claims of our citizens upon 
the government of Mexico. This convention appointed commis- 
sioners to examine the claims and report thereon : their duties were 
to terminate in eighteen months. The proceedings of the board, 
however, were so dilatory that the specified time had elapsed before 
all the claims were adjudicated. The whole sum finally declared to 
be due to citizens of the United States, was $2,026,139 68. Further 
claims to the amount of $928,627 88, had been examined and con- 
sidered good by the American commissioner, but were slighted by 
the Mexican commissioner, for alleged want of time. There were 
still other claims to the comparatively enormous sum of $3,336,837 05, 
which had been presented to the board, but which neither of the 
commissioners had scrutinized. The two millions were promptly 
acknowledged as a debt by Mexico, but time was asked for pay- 
ment, which was granted by a second convention held in January, 
1843. When, however, the first instalments fell due, Mexico found 
herself unable to meet them. Disappointed again, after ten years 
of delay, the claimants naturally grew exasperated, and filling the 
halls of Congress with their clamors, increased the popular indigna- 
tion against Mexico. Proposals for a third convention, however, 
were discussed ; and had there been no other causes for hostilities, 
the storm would have blown over. But the annexation of Texas 
had now brougnt to a crisis the mutual dislike of Mexico and our 
south-western states ; and all that was wanting for an explosion, 
was that a spark should light on the inflammable material. This 
soon occurred. 

The angry manner in which the Mexican minister had left the 
United States, induced the President to send a fleet into the gulf, 
as a measure of precaution to our commerce, in case of war. He 
also resolved to concentrate an army on the frontier of Texas. 
These warlike movements, however, were accompanied by others 
of a more peaceable character ; the sword and the olive-branch 
being offered together. Through the American Consul at the 
city of Mexico, inquiry was made of the authorities there, whether 
a minister would be received from the United States, entrusted with 
powers to negotiate a settlement of all difficulties. A favorable reply 
was returned. It was the understanding of the Mexican government, 



28 



THE WAR WITH MEXICO. 



however, that the new minister would confine himself to the adjust- 
ment of the controversy respecting Texas, and be prepared to pay 
a large sum for the surrender of that territory. When, therefore, 
Mr. Slidell reached Vera Cruz, as Ambassador Plenipotentiary from 
the United States, the Mexican government was thrown into the 
greatest alarm and confusion. In fact the existing administration 
was at a crisis. Herrera, the President, was sincerely desirous of 
peace ; but he knew the prejudices of the people ; and he was op- 
pose 1 by Paredes, who filled the nation with clamors against Her- 
rera, who, he said, was about to betray the country, by parting with 
Texas. In this emergency, Herrera begged our Ambassador to delay 
offering his credentials. But Mr. Slidell considered he had no choice 




GENERAL PAREDES 



except to obey his instructions. Affairs, in consequence, hastened to 
a crisis. Herrera, finding he could not maintain himself against the 
torrent of popular rage, which deepened every hour, resigned, and 
Paredes succeeded him. The American envoy waited for two 
months, until the turmoil of this revolution had partially subsided, 



THE COUNTRY BETWEEN THE NEUCES AND RIO GRANDE. 29 

and then offered his credentials to the new government. His request 
to be accredited was somewhat insolently denied. He now demanded 
his passports, and in April returned to the United States. The hori- 
zon was now ominous of war ! 

The army which, as we have said, President Polk had resolved 
to concentrate on the frontier of Texas, first assembled at Fort Jes- 
sup, Louisiana, under the command of Brigadier-General Zachary 
Taylor, an officer then comparatively unknown to the country, 
though appreciated in the army, where he held a high reputation for 
good sense, patriotism, and indomitable courage. From this post it 
had moved, under instructions from the Secretary of War, in July, 
1845. The orders of General Taylor were to select some suitable 
place near the Rio Grande, where he was peaceably to remain, un- 
less the Mexicans should cross that river in force, which act was to 
be deemed an invasion of the territory of the United States, and, 
therefore, a virtual declaration of war. General Taylor, after mature 
consideration, selected Corpus Christi, a little town on the Mexican 
gulf, near the river Neuces. The troops accordingly were embarked 
from New Orleans, and reached their destination about the first of 
August. Here they remained until March, 1846, subjected to many 
privations, for the country around furnished few stores, and the low 
sandy plain on which they were encamped, was swept by terrific 
hurricanes which frequently prostrated the tents. Conflicting rumors 
continually reached head-quarters. The Mexicans, with great 
address, kept their hostile intentions secret. At last intelligence was 
received that Paredes had overthrown Herrera ; that troops were 
rapidly concentrating on the Rio Grande ; and that General Arista, 
who was believed to favor peace, had been superseded by Ampudia, 
known to be an advocate for war. On the 11th of March, General 
Taylor, pursuant to orders dated in January, left Corpus Christi for 
the Rio Grande, with an army numbering about three thousand, 
effective rank and file. Prior to his departure he issued a proclama- 
tion in Spanish, addressed to the inhabitants on the Rio Grande, 
assuring them of the most amicable treatment, promising to respect 
their civil and religious rights, and informing them that whatever 
provisions they would bring into camp should be paid for at the 
highest price. This was deemed a necessary measure of precaution, 
since the army was now leaving that portion of Texas which was 
settled chiefly by Americans, and entering a district occupied entirely 
by a Spanish stock. 

It would be foreign to our purpose to examine the vexed question, 
whether the Neuces or the Rio Grande was the rightful boundary 
m — c* 



30 THE WAR WITH MEXICO. 

of Texas. Mexico asserted that her frontier extended to the Neuces; 
but the United States denied this, and claimed the Rio Grande as the 
boundary, with a right to the free navigation of that river. The 
country between the Neuces and the Rio Grande is generally fertile ; 
but at about half the distance a desert intervenes, thirty miles wide. 
At first accordingly the troops were enchanted with their march. 
The fourth day a mirage arose in the west. Blue mountains in the 
distance, lakes fringed with trees, and pleasant farm-houses sleeping 
amid luxuriant fields recalled the memories of home, and cheated 
the beholder, for awhile, with the belief in their reality. Herds of 
antelopes sprang up from the prairie as the army passed, galloped 
to the edge of the horizon, and stood looking at the long columns, 
their large dark eyes distended with surprise. The streams crossed 
were edged with thick woodlands. Flowers of the most beautiful 
dye covered the prairies, conspicuous among them the Mexican 
poppy, the indigo, and the scarlet Texan plume. The sun rose and 
set with gorgeous splendor. Occasionally the camp was pitched on 
elevated knolls, surrounded with ponds, from which the water-fowl 
rustled upwards in thousands. After a week's journey, the army 
reached the desert. The soil here is a deep sand, covered with thin 
grass, and full of salt ponds, which tantalized the thirsty troops with 
their liquid beauty. A forced march of twenty miles brought the 
men to a camp. The next day the route was resumed. A high 
wind raised the dust in blinding and choking clouds. The sand was 
like hot ashes to the feet ; the vertical sun beat down with tropical 
fierceness ; and frequently the men, no longer able to keep their 
ranks, sat down parched and desponding by the road-side. At last, 
the joyful cry was passed from the van that a fresh-water pond was 
in sight. New hope inspired all : they rushed forward ; and in the 
cooling draught tasted untold pleasure. The country now began to 
change its aspect. The sand disappeared and was succeeded by 
clay ; level plains, nodding with thick woods, rose before the eye ; 
and occasionally horsemen were seen sweeping the distant horizon, 
a sure proof that the army was approaching an inhabited district. 

Arrived at the banks of the Rio Colorado, a body of Mexican 
soldiers was seen drawn up on the opposite shore, while bugles 
were heard sounding up and down the stream, as if a large force 
was concealed behind the trees. A messenger from General Mejia, 
the Governor of Metamoras, appeared, who gave notice that if the 
Americans attempted to cross, they would be fired upon. General 
Taylor replied that as soon as a road could be cut down the bank, 
which was here twenty feet high, he intended to ford the river, and 



PASSAGE OF THE RIO COLORADO. 



31 



that the first person who ventured to dispute the passage should be 
shot down. A road was soon dug, and the artillery being unlim- 
bered to defend the pass, the soldiers plunged boldly into the stream, 
General Worth, with his staff, galloping in the advance. The enemy, 
notwithstanding his threats, retired without firing a gun, and the 
passage was achieved. Every step now carried the army into a 
region better inhabited. The soil became richer, the landscape more 
picturesque, and wildernesses of acacia thickets filled the air with 
fragrance. The army was divided, four days after the passage of the 
Colorado : the empty wagons, escorted by the dragoons, turning 
aside to Point Isabel ; while the remainder of the force continued 
its march towards Matamoras. General Taylor accompanied the 
train. At Point Isabel he found the steamboats and supplies he had 
expected at that post. Here also he was met by a deputation from 
Matamoras, protesting against his occupying the country. Leav- 
ing a small force at the Point, where they were ordered to intrench 
themselves, General Taylor rejoined the main army, which had 
awaited him at a beautiful spot, called Palo Alto, eight miles from 




MATAMORAS. 



Matamoras. As the eye of the Commander-in-chief wandered over 
this lovely plain, where clumps of acacia, ebony and mosquite re- 



32 THE WAR WITH MEXICO. 

lieved the monotony of the rich prairie, he said. "We may yet have 
10 fight a battle here ; it is the very spot to make a stand." Memo- 
rable words, and too soon verified ! 

It was the twenty-eighth of March, 1846, when the steeples of 
Matamoras rose in sight of the little army of Taylor. The approach 
to the town was heralded by increasing signs of cultivation. At 
last, the rapid waters of the Rio Grande were seen whirling directly 
before, while, on the opposite shore of the narrow stream, here less 
than two hundred yards wide, a crowd of persons was visible, actu- 
ated by curiosity to see those strange men from another clime, the 
" barbarians of the north," of whom they had heard so much. A 
suitable place was immediately selected for the camp : after which 
General Worth was deputed to cross to Matamoras, and reply to the 
protest which General Taylor had received at Point Isabel. General 
Worth was not permitted to enter the town, but held a conference 
with General La Vega on the bank. The interview was unsatisfac- 
tory to both sides. The succeeding days were spent in mutual dis- 
trust. The Mexicans worked assiduously in strengthening the 
defences of the town; while the Americans were as zealously 
en°-a°-ed in throwing up a fort. Rumors occasionally disturbed the 
camp respecting a contemplated attack on Point Isabel. Proclama- 
tions having been secretly distributed among the American soldiers, 
offering inducements to desert, several men swam the river, of 
whom two were shot by the sentries. Nevertheless, General Mejia, 
who commanded at Matamoras, did not openly assume a hostile 
character ; but released two dragoons who had been captured a few 
days previously. On the 1st of April Ampudia arrived at Mata- 
moras and took command, when the scene began to change. He 
immediately notified General Taylor, that unless the American army 
retired to the Neuces within twenty -four hours, the Mexican govern- 
ment would consider war declared. The reply of General Taylor 
was mild, but firm. He said that he had come to the Rio Grande, 
in a peaceable attitude, by order of the American government ; that 
he should remain ; and that the responsibility of a war, if one arose, 
would be on that side which fired the first gun. The calm and dig- 
nified tone of General Taylor, in this and all future communications 
with the enemy, was in strong contrast with the boastful and arro- 
gant style of Ampudia. 

Affairs now hastened to a crisis. Colonel Cross, who had been 
missed from camp on the 11th, was found on the 21st, murdered in 
a chapparal. A party having been sent out, on the 16th, to search 
for the body of the missing otficer, was attacked by some roving 



COMMENCEMENT OF HOSTILITIES. 



33 



Mexicans, and Lieutenant Porter, as well as one of his men, killed. 
On the 22nd, Ampudia complained to General Taylor of the block- 
ade of the Rio Grande. The American General replied, that, if 
Ampudia would sign an armistice until the boundary question was 




COLONEL CROSS. 



settled, or war declared, he would raise the blockade, but on no 
other terms. Ampudia declined the armistice. A spy having brought 
in intelligence that a large body of Mexican cavalry had crossed the 
Rio Grande above the camp, Captain Thornton, on the evening of 
the 25th, was sent out to reconnoitre : when his troop was attacked 
by a superior force under General Torrejon, several of his men cut 
off, himself wounded, and the whole party ultimately captured. The 
prisoners were taken to Matamoras, where, however, they were 
treated with courtesy. This act may be considered as the commence- 



34 



THE WAR WITH MEXICO. 



ment of hostilities ; for the aggressions on the Americans, up to this 
point, had been conducted by unauthorised bands of Mexican ma- 
rauders. 

As if aware of the events which were transacting on the Rio 
Grande, the President of Mexico issued a proclamation, at the capi- 
tal, on the 22nd of April, 1846, declaring the existence of war 
between the two republics. It is apparent that the Mexican govern- 
ment had resolved on hostilities from the first, and had only dissimu- 
lated in order to gain time. 





point Isabel. 



BOOK II. 



CAMPAIGN ON THF RIO GRANDE. 



him for his 



N the evening of the 26th of 
April, as soon as the attack on 
Captain Thornton's party became 
known, Taylor despatched an ex- 
press, with a requisition on the 
governors of Texas and Louisia- 
na for five thousand volunteers. 
Two davs after, he received in- 
telligence of an attack on Captain 
Walker's camp, which lay be- 
tween the fort and .Point Isabel. 
Rumors that the Mexicans were 
crossing the Rio Grande in force, 
^:^>»t£*Pb; both above and below, alarmed 
communications 5 and he resolved to leave a garrison at 

35 







36 THE WAR WITH MEXICO. 

Fort Brown, and march with the remainder of his army to the relief 
of the Point. This plan he executed on the 1st of May. 

The men marched prepared for battle, and slept on their arms on 
the open prairie. In the morning the route was resumed, and no 
Mexicans appearing, the troops reached Point Isabel without moles- 
tation. The sight of the American flag still waving over Fort Polk, 
was greeted with loud huzzas. Fatigued by the extreme heat of 
the march, the men were glad to avail themselves of repose, and 
soon sank to slumber. But day had scarcely dawned on the 3rd, 
when the heavy booming of artillery from the direction of Mata- 
moras, aroused the camp ; for the Mexicans, availing themselves of 
the departure of Taylor, had attacked Fort Brown. The reveille 
beat amid the wildest anxiety and alarm. The cry to march was 
on all lips. The conduct of the General, in this crisis, proved the 
great soldier. At first he was inclined to yield to the generous im- 
pulse of his army ; but reflecting that he would, in that case, have to 
leave his stores behind and thus frustrate the object of his expedition, 
he determined first to try and open a communication with the fort. 
For this difficult and perilous undertaking, Captain Walker, of the 
Texan rangers, offered himself. He left the camp immediately, and 
was escorted part of the distance by Captain May, who then returned 
to the Point. Walker was absent two nights and a day, returning 
on the morning of the 5th. He brought intelligence that the garrison 
considered itself able to hold out, and was determined at least to 
make the attempt. Nor did success seem improbable ; for on the 
first day of the bombardment, the superior fire of the fort had silenced 
the heavy guns of the Mexicans in thirty minutes ; and the enemy 
had since contented himself with throwing shells. The garrison 
feared nothing but an assault by overwhelming numbers ; and in 
that case every man had resolved to die at his gun. 

On receipt of this intelligence the concern of the General was 
partially dissipated ; but nevertheless no time was lost in preparing 
to march. The report of artillery from the direction of the fort con- 
tinued, and stimulated the exertions of the men. Scouts gave infor- 
mation of immense columns of the enemy, which had crossed the 
Rio Grande, and now occupied the prairie between the Point and 
fort. By the morning of the 7th, nearly every thing was in readi- 
ness for an advance. The General now issued the order to march. 
It was couched in concise and forcible language, and breathed a 
confidence which animated all. " It is known the enemy has recently 
occupied the route in force :" said this memorable document : " If 
still in possession, the General will give him battle. The command- 



BATTLE OF PALO ALTO. 37 

ing General has every confidence in his officers and men. If his 
orders and instructions are carried out he has no doubt of the result, 
let the enemy meet him in what numbers they may. He wishes to 
enjoin upon the battalions of infantry that their main dependence 
must be in the bayonet." The army escorted a large train, rich not 
only in provisions, but in munitions of war. Advancing five miles, 
Taylor encamped for the night. No enemy had yet been seen. But 
on the next day, after a march of twelve miles, the Mexicans were 
discovered, less than a mile distant, their dense and apparently in- 
terminable masses darkening the prairie. 

General Taylor immediately prepared for action. The day had 
been sultry, and the men were suffering for water. Accordingly a 
halt was ordered, the army was formed into columns of attack, and 
then the soldiers, half at a time, were allowed to fill their canteens. 
While this was in progress the enemy continued nearly immovable, 
ranged along the further end of the prairie, in advance of a stunted 
wood, exposing a front of nearly a mile and a half. The Mexican 
lancers were known by the flash of their weapons; the infantry by 
the darker mass presented to the eye. As near as could be estimated, 
the force of the enemy was over six thousand. The Americans, to 
oppose this, had but eighteen hundred infantry, and two hundred 
cavalry ; but they were strong in confidence, discipline, and indomi- 
table valor. Their artillery, moreover, though not numerous, was 
admirable. It consisted of two eighteen pound guns drawn by oxen, 
and eight light pieces, belonging to Ringgold's and Duncan's flying 
artillery. The field of battle was covered by long, dense grass. 
The army having refreshed itself, the order to advance was given, 
when the men moved to the attack as coolly and with as much regu- 
larity as on a drill. An incident occurred, at this point, which 
inspired all. Suddenly Lieutenant Blake, of the topographical engi- 
neers, dashed forward until he was within a hundred and fifty yards 
of the Mexicans, when he took out his spy-glass and began to recon- 
noitre their lines, riding leisurely along their whole front. Having 
performed this duty to his satisfaction, he returned as coolly to the 
General and reported. This gallant officer, unfortunately, was killed 
by the accidental discharge of one of his own pistols on the ensuing 
day. 

The line of battle had been formed in two wings; the right, com- 
manded by Colonel Twiggs, consisted of the third, fourth and fifth 
infantry, with the eighteen-pound battery and Ringgold's artillery; 
the left, commanded by Lieutenant-Colonel Belknap, was formed of 
the eighth infantry and Duncan's artillery. The action begun at 

M D 



38 THE WAR WITH MEXICO. 

three o'clock, P. M., at a distance of seven hundred yards, by the 
enemy opening with his artillery. The batteries of Duncan and 
Ringgold were immediately advanced to the front, and a furious 
cannonade ensued. The Mexicans fired at the American guns, 
while the Americans aimed at the masses of the foe. The slaughter, 
consequently, was very unequal. Moreover, to avoid the fire as far 
as possible, the Americans had been ordered to deploy into line, all 
except the eighth infantry, which continued in column ; and, when 
the battle began, the men were further directed to lie down. The 
wagons had been formed into a park in the rear, near which the 
dragoons remained. The contest was confined, for a long time, to 
the American batteries and those of the enemy. Between these the 
battle soon became terrific. Explosion followed explosion with 
almost incredible velocity, the plain shaking under the tremendous 
concussions. The masses of the enemy were visibly trembling be- 
neath the discharges, which incessantly ploughed their ranks. The 
Mexican shot, in return, generally whistled over the Americans. 
At last the prairie took fire, and the thick columns of smoke from 
the burning grass, obscured for awhile the opposing forces from each 
other. 

At this crisis, a dense body of cavalry, apparently about a thou- 
sand strong, dashed out from the enemy's left, as if to assail the 
American flank and reach the train in the rear. Their splendid 
appearance, with their long lances gleaming and flashing in the sun, 
awoke the admiration even of their enemies. They were promptly 
met and repulsed by a part of Ringgold's artillery, aided by the third 
and fourth infantry, the latter of whom received them in square, 
emptying twenty saddles with a single fire from one angle. Mean- 
while Ringgold, with the remainder of his battery, was tearing the 
Mexican left to pieces with his rapid and well aimed discharges. 
While thus engaged, a cannon-shot mortally wounded him. The 
battle raged wilder than ever. Ringgold's battery, now led by Ridge- 
ley, was pushed forward on the right, under cover of the smoke; 
and, by this movement, the enemy was compelled to change his line 
of battle. Duncan's battery, in like manner, made a brilliant flank 
movement on the Mexican right. The foe fell back in confusion 
before these new assaults : and the sun, as he went down, looked on 
the retreating masses of the enemy, repulsed by a force less than 
one-half their own in numbers. 

Thus ended the memorable battle of Palo Alto, which gave a 
prestige to all the future operations of General Taylor. The loss 
on the part of the Americans had been slight, but had fallen dispro- 



BATTLE OF RESACA DE LA PALMA. 39 

portionately on the officers. In all nine were killed and fifty-four 
wounded. Major Ringgold and Captain Page were both mortally 
injured. The wounds of the men were mostly from cannon-shot and 
therefore severe, requiring amputation of some limb. The enemy, 
as was subsequently discovered, lost in killed, wounded and missing 
six hundred. The American officers exposed themselves with the 
utmost intrepidity, and thus animated the troops, few of whom had 
ever been in battle: General Taylor himself often being where the 
fire was the hottest. In the official despatch, the General says : — 
" Our artillery, consisting of two eighteen-pounders, and two light 
batteries, was the arm chiefly engaged, and to the excellent manner 
in which it was manoeuvred and served is our success mainly due." 
The rapidity of the fire from Duncan's battery especially astonished 
and confounded the enemy. The victors bivouacked on the field of 
battle. Notwithstanding the defeat of the enemy, the impression 
was general that another action would be fought on the morrow ; 
rumors prevailed in the camp that the en^my had only fallen back 
to a stronger position, where he had been reinforced ; and doubt and 
uncertainty mingled with the dreams of the exhausted soldiers. 
While the men slept, the General called a council of officers, to con- 
sider whether it was best to advance or retire. The decision was 
unanimous in favor of an advance. 

Accordingly, soon after sunrise, the army was put in motion. In 
order that the march might not be encumbered, the wounded were 
sent back to the Point, while the train was parked, a temporary 
breastwork being thrown up, on which some twelve-pounders, which 
had been in the wagons, were mounted. The scouts thrown out in 
front reported the enemy in full retreat. As the Americans marched 
along the road, they passed the spot where the foe had been drawn 
up the preceding day, when a pitiable spectacle met the sight. The 
Mexican slain lay in huge heaps about the field, where the artillery 
had literally mowed them down, disclosing the most ghastly wounds. 
Occasionally a maimed soldier would be seen, who, by signs rather 
than words, begged for water ; when, with the characteristic huma- 
nity of the American, a dozen canteens were instantly ready for his 
parched lips. In one part of the plain a dog was found lying by the 
corpse of his master ; nor could any entreaties induce him to leave 
the dead body. The General humanely sent parties to search for the 
wounded, whom he ordered to be treated with the same care as his 
own men. 

The army, in consequence of the guard left with the train, was 
now reduced to seventeen hundred men. When about three miles 



40 THE WAR WITH MEXICO. 

from Fort Brown, the Mexicans were perceived drawn up directly 
across the road. They had placed themselves in a very strong posi- 
tion behind a semi-circular ravine, in front of which the chapparal 
bristled, like a continuous chevaux de frieze. The few openings 
through this dense undergrowth were guarded by artillery ; while 
masses of Mexican infantry lined the ravine, and concentrated their 
fire on these passes. The enemy had received large reinforcements 
since the preceding evening, among them the celebrated Tampico 
regiment ; and Arista, trusting to these and to his position, had pub- 
licly declared that ten thousand veterans could not drive him from 
his ground. But General Taylor, notwithstanding this, did not hesi- 
tate a moment in commencing the attack. He ordered the infantry 
to file past the train and deploy as skirmishers to the right and left 
of the road : on this the foe opened his fire, which raked the route 
of the advancing Americans with terrible effect. Ridgeley's battery 
was now ordered to the front. He made his first discharge at a con- 
siderable distance from the Mexicans, but at successive intervals 
between the fire of the latter, galloped forward and took up new 
positions, until at last he had approached within one hundred yards. 
At this murderous proximity he continued firing grape and cannister, 
which the enemy returned with almost equal rapidity, so that soon 
the plain was swept incessantly by a hurricane of death. 

The infantry, meantime, were advancing towards the chapparal, 
and directly the sharp rattle of musketry mingled with the crashing 
of grape-shot. The third and fourth regiments finally reached the 
ravine, down which they plunged with fierce shouts, and soon their 
fire was seen sparkling along the chapparal. The Mexicans fought 
nobly. Eagerly rushing to the encounter, the struggle became hand 
to hand. Bayonets were crossed repeatedly. The regiments even- 
tually became mixed in the dense chapparal ; but the native valor 
of the men triumphed over every obstacle, and the struggle continued, 
each soldier fighting as if the day depended solely on himself. One 
of the Mexican guns on the right had been captured, but no impres- 
sion had yet been made on the enemy's centre. The General know- 
ing that victory depended on carrying the battery there, which 
formed the key to the Mexican position, ordered up Captain May, 
with his dragoons, and directed him to charge. This officer had been 
without any opportunity to signalize himself in the action of the day 
before, and had, on the present occasion, remained chafing in the 
rear, fearful that his services would not be required. He therefore 
hailed this command with glee, and went thundering down the road 
with his troop, eager for the shock. When the dragoons reached 



BATTLE OP RESACA DE LA PALMA. 41 

Ridgeley's battery he requested them to halt, while he drew the 
enemy's fire. The blaze of the guns had scarcely passed, when May 
dashed forward, on his powerful charger, followed closely by Lieu- 
tenant Inge and his troopers. Arrived nearly at the breastwork, he 
turned to wave on his followers. At that moment a discharge from 
the upper battery hurtled through his little band, emptying twenty- 
five saddles. But a thunderbolt might as easily have been stopped 




COLONEL MAY AT KKSACA DE LA PALMA. 



as that impetuous column. Down the ravine, through the chapparal, 
over the very guns of the enemy went May and his troopers, sabring 
the foe wherever they came : then, wheeling, they rushed back, and 
drove the gunners from their pieces, May himself capturing General 
La Vega, who commanded at this point. The eighth infantry, and 
a part of the fifth, now came running up, and secured what the dra- 
goons had taken. But even after the loss of their artillery, the enemy 
maintained the fight, the contest continuing to rage along the ravine, 
until the Americans cleared it with the push of the bayonet. 

At last the Mexicans were driven at nearly all points. The pur- 
suit lay along a road, comparatively narrow, and fenced in, as it 
m — d* 6 



42 THE WAR WITH MEXICO. 

were, between high walls of chapparal. But the Tampico regiment, 
victors in twenty pitched battles, still fought valiantly, the men clus- 
tering around its flag, until all were cut down. When the Mexicans 
saw the fall of this veteran regiment, panic seized them. Horse and 
foot, breaking their ranks,and crowding on each other, rushed towards 
the Rio Grande, in swimming which lay their only hope of escape. 
At the head of the pursuit rattled the flying artillery, pouring in its 
bloody fire. The infantry followed at a run, cheering as it advanced. 
About two hundred yards from the ravine the Americans reached 
the deserted camp of the Mexicans. Here beeves were killed, camp- 
fires were lighted, and meals were cooking, so little had the enemy 
expected such a result to the day's struggle. In the midst of the 
tents stood the gorgeous pavilion of Arista. It contained treasures 
of plate, hangings, and other luxuries, equal to a satrap's. The 
spoil of the camp was prodigious. Three standards, eight pieces of 
artillery, an immense quantity of ammunition, with the arms and 
equipments of seven thousand men and two thousand horses fell 
into the hands of the victors. The enemy were pursued towards the 
river, and many of them drowned in attempting to cross. As the 
victors passed the lines of the fort opposite Matamoras, three shots 
from eighteen-pounders went over them, and, for a moment, the cry 
passed through the troops that their friends had mistaken them for 
the foe and were firing on them ; but the discharges were not 
repeated, and it was afterwards ascertained they came from the city. 
Thus ended the battle of Resaca de la Palma. The loss of the 
Americans was thirty-nine killed and seventy-one wounded. Lieu- 
tenant Inge of the dragoons, and Lieutenants Cochrane and Chad- 
bourne of the infantry, were among the slain. The enemy, it is 
computed, suffered in killed, wounded and missing, not less than 
two thousand. 

When the victorious army reached Fort Brown, the garrison 
looked as if it had been buried in the earth ; for bomb-proof shelters 
and holes dug for covers, appeared on every side. The bombard- 
ment, which had begun on the morning of the 3rd, had continued 
without intermission since. On the first day one of the garrison was 
killed. On the 6th, Major Brown was wounded in the leg by a 
shell, and being placed for safety in a burrow, his wound mortified, 
and he died on the 9th, just before the cry of victory reached the 
fort. Only twelve others were wounded during the bombardment, 
though the Mexicans flattered themselves they had killed nearly the 
whole garrison. The men were nearly worn down by watching, for 
as an assault might be expected every night, they dared not allow 



BOMBARDMENT OF FORT BROWN. 



43 



themselves repose. On the 6th large parties of the enemy were seen 
in the rear of the fort, which were scattered with cannister ; but 
immediately a tremendous fire was opened from Matamoras, and 




FORT BROWN. 



shortly after, a parley being beaten, the Mexicans sent a summons 
to surrender, with a threat that if not complied with in an hour's 
time, the garrison should be put to the sword. A refusal was the 
prompt and determined answer of Captain Hawkins, who had suc- 
ceeded Major Brown in the command. A shower of shot and shells 
now fell around the fort, in the midst of which the brave Hawkins 
hoisted the regimental colors on different angles of the work. The 
night passed in quiet, the garrison under arms. On the 7th the 
bombardment was resumed more furiously than ever ; but still with- 
out the expected demonstration for an assault. In the night, Haw- 
kins made a sortie with a hundred men, and levelled a traverse on 
the river bank, to prevent its being occupied by the enemy. Early on 
the succeeding morning the Mexican batteries opened afresh, with 
even greater vehemence than on the day before, firing from north, 



44 THE WAR WITH MEXICO. 

south and west at once. At last, in the pauses of the reverberations, 
the guns at Palo Alto were heard : the battle drew nearer : and then 
the garrison knew that Taylor was approaching. Night, however, 
fell without any tidings from him. The utmost anxiety prevailed. 
The overwhelming forces of the Mexicans, coupled with Taylor's 
non-appearance, would have dispelled all hope, but that no bells, or 
other sounds of triumph, were heard in Matamoras. On the 9th the 
garrison awoke, refreshed by partial slumbers, the first they had 
dared to indulge in for a week. At dawn the bombardment began 
again. But soon the guns of Resaca de la Palma were heard, and 
to the joy of all, the sounds of battle approached. At last the Mexi- 
can cavalry were seen flying towards the Rio Grande, and soon after 
a confused mass of fugitives appeared, driven before the victorious 
Americans. At this welcome sight one of the officers sprang on the 
parapet at the foot of the great flag-staff, and beckoning for silence, 
called for three cheers for the stars and stripes. The shouts that 
followed were repeated until the welkin shook, and were heard far 
over the river in the great square of Matamoras. 

Had General Taylor been provided with a pontoon train he could 
have followed up these victories by driving the enemy immediately 
from Matamoras ; but a delay of a week occurred in consequence 
of the want of adequate means for crossing the Rio Grande. At 
last, sufficient boats were accumulated. On the 16th, however, he 
received a commissioner from the foe, desiring a suspension of hos- 
tilities until the question of boundary between the two countries 
should be decided. The General replied that the time for an armis- 
tice had passed; and on the 17th crossed, and took possession of 
Matamoras, which the Mexican army had evacuated the day before, 
carrying with them most of the public stores and munitions. The 
retreat of Arista was owing to the dispirited condition of his troops. 
Falling back in the direction of the more elevated country, the 
Mexican General finally took post at Monterey, a fortified town, 
situated in the lap of rugged hills, on the sides of that vast table- 
land, which rises, as we have said, like some huge castellated struc- 
ture, in the centre of Mexico. 

In recompense for these brilliant victories, General Taylor, in July, 
was made a full Major-General. He remained at Matamoras until 
the 5th of August, waiting for supplies, when lie advanced to 
Camargo, resolving to make that the base of his contemplated ope- 
rations against Monterey. Meantime active measures had been 
taken in the United States to carry on the war. On the 11th of May, 
as soon as intelligence of the attack on Captain Thornton's party 



MOVEMENTS OF THE AMERICAN ARMY. 45 

arrived, the President had communicated to Congress a message, 
stating that war existed by the act of Mexico, and asking for 
supplies. The whigs, who formed a minority, however, objected to 
affirming, as the preamble to the resolutions of supply declared, that 
the hostilities were begun by Mexico, yet offered to vote any amount 
of money or men to extricate General Taylor from his perilous posi- 
tion. The democratic party, however, who were in the ascendant, 
refused to expunge the obnoxious preamble, and the act finally 
passed as reported, the whigs generally voting with a protest. Ten 
millions of money were ordered to be raised. Fifty thousand twelve 
months volunteers were called out. With such alacrity did recruits, 
under this requisition, flood to camp, that General Taylor soon found 
himself embarrassed with their numbers, his plan of operations not 
requiring more than five or six thousand men, while the Secretary 
of War promised him speedily twenty thousand. Adequate supplies 
also were wanting. But in the midst of these perplexities, the 
General evinced such calmness of mind and practical good sense, 
that the army was rejoiced to hear that General Scott was not 
coming to supersede him, as had been originally intended. 

During the summer Commodore Connor occupied his fleet in 
blockading the Mexican ports in the gulf. Meantime, the govern- 
ment of Paredes, which had begun in January with such popularity, 
was tottering to its fall in consequence of the late defeats. Arista 
had been summoned to the capital, with the intention of sacrificing 
him to the public vengeance ; but even this movement did not 
appease the clamor, which was adroitly fomented by the partizans 
of Santa Anna, now an exile in Cuba. At last, the city of Vera 
Cruz declared in favor of Santa Anna, on the 31st of July ; and this 
resolution was soon imitated in the capital, and other places. On 
the 16th of August, the exile returned to his native country, with 
the connivance of President Polk, who believed that by his aid, a 
speedy and permanent peace could be procured. The federal 
constitution of 1S24 was now restored, and the election of a Con- 
gress ordered for December. At high noon, on the 15th of Septem- 
ber, Santa Anna made his triumphal entry into the capital, where 
he was received with the peal of bells, the clang of martial music, 
the roar of artillery, and the acclamations of thousands. Indeed all 
parties appeared, for the time, to look upon him in the light of a 
deliverer. 

Towards the close of August the line of March was taken up for 
Ceralvo. Preparatory to this, however, the army had been separa- 
ted into two divisions ; the first being placed under command of 



46 THE WAR WITH MEXICO. 

General Twiggs, the second under General Worth. A proclamation 
to conciliate the Mexican people was also issued. The route pur- 
sued by the Americans lay, for some time yet, along the Rio Grande. 
Lofty ranges of mountains began, however, to loom in the distance. 
Turning to the south-west, near Mier, the army now experienced a 
more rugged route ; but the soil was generally rich, and the toil 
was sweetened by the scent of millions of fragrant flowers. The 
air grew more cool and bracing. In the evening, the loiterers around 
the camp-fires beheld piles of dark, fantastic clouds, fringed with 
moonlight ; patches of clear, blue sky ; and, frequently, at the 
same time, lightning in the south. Amid scenes like these they half 
persuaded themselves they were in a land of enchantment. When 
they reached Ceralvo they realized their dreams of an earthly Para- 
dise. The air here was as balmy as in spring. Every house had its 
garden, fragrant with flowers ; a limpid river, murmuring in cascades, 
and spanned by innumerable stone bridges, ran through the town ; 
while, in the midst, rose a cathedral, whose half Saracenic architec- 
ture carried the imagination back to the romantic days of Old Spain. 
The country beyond Ceralvo increased in ruggedness. The priva- 
tions of the march were now redoubled, for no means existed for 
transporting the sick, who staggered on with their companions, or 
lay down despairingly to die. The inhabitants were civil, but not 
social ; and when the officers wished to see a fandango, they were 
told they would have dancing enough at Monterey, ominous words 
which they better understood at a later day. The picturesque cha- 
racter of the region increased at every step. Now the army moved 
through an amphitheatre of mountains, enclosing beautiful valleys, 
surrounded by smaller hills, and these backed by towering sierras : 
now it passed a succession of bold, rugged cliffs, or conical peaks, 
the white, verdureless sides glistening in the sun, while magnificent 
clouds curled around their tops, or nestled in the ravines half way 
down. At last the blue mountains, at whose base Monterey slept, 
rose in the west. Pressing on, the army reached Merine, whence, 
at the distance of twenty-five miles, the city itself became visible, a 
white mass of buildings reposing in the delicious valley of San Juan ; 
while beyond, in silent grandeur, rose the huge masses of the Sierra 
Madre, towering far above the lesser chain of mountains, and piercing 
the clouds with their lofty summits. The excitement now became 
intense. The troops pressed forward, in order of battle, and on the 
19th of September, 1846, the city of Monterey broke suddenly upon 
the view at the distance of two miles. Through the blue morn- 
ing haze, palace and hill, steeple and fort seemed floating in the air. 



THE MARCH TO MONTEREY. 



47 



The silence and repose that hung around the landscape were so deep 
that it seemed a vision rather than a reality. Suddenly, as the col- 
umns emerged beyond the grove of St. Domingo, a sheet of flame 
shot from the dark sides of the citadel, a dull report followed, and a 
cannon-ball hissed by, richochetting over the head of General Taylor, 
and burying itself in the earth just beyond. It was the first gun of 
Monterey ! 

The American army was computed at nine thousand men ; but 
the actual numbers at Monterey were six thousand six hundred, the 
remainder being distributed in garrisons at Camargo and other places. 
To oppose these the Mexicans had seven thousand regular troops, be- 
sides nearly three thousand irregulars. Monterey, moreover possessed 
natural and artificial defences, which still further increased the disparity 
between the contending forces. The city stands in the valley of San 




MONTEREY, AND THtt SADDLE MOUNTAINS. 



Juan, its rear washed by the river of that name. Two main approaches 
lead into it. The first is the road from Ceralvo, by which the Ameri- 
cans approached; and the second, the main Saltillo road, which, fol- 
lowing the course of the St. Juan, enters the town on the west, as 



48 THE WAR WITH MEXICO. 

the other does on the east. The Saltillo road is overhung, just out- 
side the city, by two formidable heights strongly fortified, completely 
commanding this approach. The Ceralvo road, on the contrary, 
crosses a comparative plain. Though nature had here done less to 
protect the town, art had done more ; for the guns of the citadel, an 
almost impregnable fortress, raked this route, while, further on, nume- 
rous small batteries remained to pass, before the city could be reached. 
Even here, however, the peril was not over ; for the streets had 
been trenched, the house-tops loaded with missiles, and artillery 
placed in every possible position to annoy a foe. In short, Monterey 
was regarded as unconquerable. General Taylor, indeed, was not 
aware either of the great strength of the place, or of the numbers of 
its garrison until he arrived before it; a reconnoisance on the 19th, 
however, revealed a portion of the truth ; but, nothing intimidated, 
he resolved to attack. Worth, with his division of regulars was 
ordered to move around to the right, and carry the heights com- 
manding the Saltillo road : while Taylor reserved to himself the 
assault in front, at the head of the divisions of Twiggs and Butler. 

On the morning of the 21st the main attack began. A strong 
column, with Bragg's artillery, passing the citadel hastily, advanced 
against the town on the extreme left. They were at first opposed 
by a redoubt, but throwing themselves impetuously into its rear, 
the men rushed into the town, and notwithstanding a tremendous 
cross-fire opened upon them, from batteries, from the roofs of houses, 
and from every street corner, succeeded in obtaining a temporary 
footing in the place. At last, however, the fire became so murderous 
that they were compelled to retire. Taylor now ordered up the 
fourth infantry, and the volunteer regiments from Mississippi, Ten- 
nessee, and Ohio. A portion of this force dashed forward against 
the redoubt, but was received with such a withering fire as to be 
compelled to withdraw. The remainder, making a circuit, succeeded 
in capturing the fort. This gallant action was performed by General 
Quitman, assisted by Captain Backus. Simultaneously an assault, 
led by General Butler, was being made against the town somewhat 
to the right, where a second battery had been erected. The guns 
of the captured fort were turned on this battery ; and the volunteers 
advanced with heroic intrepidity. But in vain. General Butler 
was wounded and forced to leave the field. Colonel Garland, after 
leading his men almost into the heart of the city, and passing trium- 
phantly several streets trenched and barricaded, reached a tete du 
point, where a struggle indescribably terrific, arose. The enemy 
frequently faltered, but were continually reinforced, until they num 



BATTLE OF MONTEREY. 



49 



bered a thousand ; while the assailants were but one hundred and 
fifty. The slaughter, at this point, was so great that Captain Henry 
of the third, who went into action with five seniors, at the end of 
half an hour found himself in command of his regiment. At last, 
Taylor withdrew his troops, and night fell on the combatants. 




MO.NTLKK'V AS SEliR FROM TI1E CAMP OF TAYLOR. 



Meantime, Worth on the Saltillo road had not been idle. Early 
on the morning of the 21st, he had been charged by a body of lan- 
cers, who were repulsed chiefly by Duncan's battery, with a loss to 
the assailants of their commanding olhcer and a hundred men. He 
now prepared to storm the heights commanding the approaches in 
front. One of these, Federation Hill, was on the right of the river : 
and was defended by two batteries, both of which were gallantly 
carried by Captain P. F. Smith, at the head of a mixed force of 
regulars and volunteers. The other height was on the left of the 
river, where Worth lay, and was defended by a strong fortress called 
the Bishop's Palace, half way up the ascent, and by a battery on 
the extreme summit. These were assaulted and won, early on the 
morning of the 22nd, by Colonel Childs, at the head of six compa- 
nies of regulars and two hundred Texan riflemen. Never was a 
m — e 7 



50 THE WAR WITH MEXICO. 

more splendid sight, than the storming of this height, as seen from 
Taylor's camp at the other side of the town. The morning was 
still and hazy. " The first intimation we had of the attack," says 
an eye-witness, "was the discharge of musketry near the top of the 
hill. Each flash looked like an electric spark. The flashes and the 
white smoke ascended the hill-side steadily, as if worked by ma- 
chinery. The dark space between the apex of the heights and the 
curling smoke of the musketry became less and less, until the whole 
became enveloped in smoke, and we knew it was gallantly carried." 

The guns of the Bishop's Palace were now turned upon the town, 
and Worth's victorious troops poured down to attack the city. The 
wisdom of the diversion on the Saltillo road was now vindicated, for 
Ampudia, considering the heights in that direction as the key to his 
position, abandoned his outer batteries in front of Taylor, and con- 
centrated his troops in the heart of the town. The 22d passed in 
comparative inactivity on the part of the Commander-in-chief. But, 
on the 23d, Taylor resumed the attack. Quitman, with his brigade, 
entered the town, and finding the houses fortified, actually hewed 
his way through. Bragg's battery, and the third infantry joined in 
the strife ; and the victorious Americans were soon within two 
squares of the Grand Plaza. On his part, Worth was not idle ; but 
advanced, throwing shot and shells. Duncan, at the head of his re- 
nowned battery, swept the streets with incessant discharges ; and 
the Texans, armed with pick-axes, cut their way under cover of the 
houses. The hissing of the shot, the crash of fallen timbers, the 
cries of the affrighted Mexicans, the crack of the American rifles, 
and the huzzas with which the victorious troops welcomed every 
new foothold gained, conspired to render the scene one of the most 
stirring in history. Consternation now began to seize the enemy. 
Crowds of the inhabitants, flying to the cathedral in the great 
square, huddled together with shrieks ; while the troops, sternly 
collecting around the approaches to this sacred spot, prepared to 
make a last stand. Suddenly a bomb came whirling and hissing 
through the air : it hovered for an instant, over the agitated con- 
course ; and then plunged into one of the towers of the cathedral, 
scattering ruin and death around. A universal cry of horror rent 
the air; for the other tower was full of powder, and none knew but 
that the next shell might fall into it, and blow up the city. 

Ampudia, despairing of holding out longer, now proposed a 
capitulation. Accordingly a treaty was signed the next day. The 
terms of surrender were, that the town and citadel of Monterey 
should be given up to the Americans : that the Mexican forces 



CAPTURE OF MONTEREY. 51 

should, within seven days, retire beyond a line formed by the pass 
of Rinconado, the city of Linares, and San Fernando de Pregas ; 
that the officers should be allowed to retain their side-arms, the 
soldiers their arms and accoutrements, and the artillery a field 
battery not to exceed six pieces. The Mexican flag, on being 
struck, was to be saluted by its own guns. An armistice to last 
eight weeks was also agreed on, determinable at the will of either 
party. The public property in Monterey, with the exceptions 
mentioned above, was to be transferred to the victors. These terms, 
so favorable to the Mexicans, were granted because Taylor wished 
to spare the effusion of unnecessary blood. The rest of the city 
could have been carried, perhaps, at a comparative small sacrifice 
of life ; but not so the citadel, which was almost impregnable. 
Neither would it have been possible to prevent the escape of the 
enemy's troops, since a route lay open to them in the rear of the 
town. In a word, considering the inferior numbers of the Ame- 
rican army, which forbade a complete investment of the city, 
the terms allowed Ampudia were not too liberal. The armis- 
tice, though disapproved by the government, was not unwise. 
"It paralyzed the enemy," says Taylor, in his despatches, "during 
a period when, from want of necessary means, we could not possibly 
move." Indeed, after a lapse of six weeks, the American army was 
not prepared to advance in force. This delay was principally the 
fault of the government at home, which did not furnish adequate 
supplies, and means of transportation : an error common to republi- 
can communities, especially at the beginning of a contest. "The 
task of fighting and beating the enemy," says Taylor, in the de- 
spatch already quoted, " is among the least difficult we encounter — 
the great question of supplies necessarily controls all the operations 
in a country like this." Another consideration influenced the Ame- 
rican General, in the capitulation and armistice : it was the belief, then 
general, that the return of Santa Anna heralded a speedy peace. 

The loss of the Americans in the siege of Monterey was one 
hundred and twenty killed, and three hundred and sixty-eight 
wounded. Among the former were Captain Morris, and Major 
Barton, of the regulars, and Colonel Watson, of the volunteers. 
The loss of the Mexicans was never known, but was probably not 
greater. Forty-eight pieces of cannon were captured, besides im- 
mense stores of warlike munitions. When the victors entered the 
city, and became acquainted with the full character of the defences, 
they were lost in astonishment at their success : and the opinion 
was universal that two thousand American or British soldiers could 



52 THE WAR WITH MEXICO. 

have held the place against thirty thousand of any other nation. 
Especially were the conquerors amazed that they had been able to 
penetrate, even for an instant, into the eastern half of the city, which 
was a perfect net- work of defences. Worth, on the west, had but 
to carry the two heights in that quarter, to find the route compara- 
tively open before him ; but Taylor, at the corner of every street, 
was met by a fort, or masked battery. Nothing stimulated the 
troops during the siege so much as the calm aspect of the Com- 
mander-in-chief, who stood apparently without the least excitement, 
even when bullets were pattering around like hail. The capitulation 
was signed on the 24th, and on the succeeding day, the victorious 
troops marched into the town, the bands playing " Yankee Doodle." 
As the flag of the United States was run up, the guns from the 
Bishop's Palace saluting it, roared across the plain ; while the 
huzzas of the soldiers rolled down the line, and were echoed by the 
distant mountains. 

The result of this victory was to force the Mexican army back to 
San Luis Potosi, a distance of three hundred miles, and to place the 
intermediate country at the mercy of the invaders. The want of 
supplies, however, continued to embarrass Taylor's operations. At 
last, on the 2d of November, the first wagons he had received since 
he left Corpus Christi, arrived. Six days afterwards, the General 
announced that Saltillo, the capital of the state of Coahulia, would 
be occupied by his army. The provinces of New Mexico, New 
Leon, Tamaulipas and Coahuila were now in possession of the 
Americans. By December, eighteen thousand men were under the 
command of Taylor, scattered along between the Rio Grande and 
Saltillo. It wasat this period that the government at home, despair- 
ing of making an impression on the enemy by a further prosecution 
of the war in this direction, determined to strike at the heart of 
Mexico by a march on the capital, by the way of Vera Cruz. The 
leader selected to command this new expedition was Major-General 
Winfield Scott, whose appointment was signified to him on the ISth 
of November, 1S46. This officer at once repaired to the scene of 
action, reaching the Rio Grande about the 1st of January, 1847. 
His arrival had been preceded by an order of the war department, 
directing Taylor to place most of his regulars at Scott's commaid: 
and accordingly, when he reached the theatre of war, he found the 
choicest troops of the army at his disposal. By this movement, tne 
force of Taylor was reduced to less than ten thousand men, of whom 
it was not possible to concentrate more than five thousand at any 
one point. The character of this force was also supposed to be 



MOVEMENTS OF GENERAL WOOL. 



53 



inferior, for the volunteers were generally fresh levies, nor were 
the regulars the veterans of Palo Alto, Resaca de la Palma, and 
Monterey. 

Even this comparatively small force would not have been left to 
Taylor, but that, at this crisis, he received an accession of numbers, 
by the return of General Wool from his expedition against Chihua- 
hua. Acting on the principle of attacking the Mexican states in 
detail, the government of the United States had, in September, 
despatched General Wool, at the head of three thousand men, of 
whom five hundred were regulars, against Chihuahua, by way 
of Presidio Rio Grande. This force, after enduring incredible hard- 
ships, assembled at Antonio de Bexar, on the 1st of September, 
whence they promptly set forth, and, crossing the Rio Grande at 
Presidio, pushed on, with long and wearisome marches, to the village 
of Santa Rosa. Discovering here that there was no direct route to 




their destination which was available, they turned south towards 
Saltillo, and finally rested at Monclova, one of the chief towns of 



M- 



54 THE WAR WITH MEXICO. 

Coahuila. Here the Americans, received in the most friendly man- 
ner, continued for a month, when Taylor, thinking no good could result 
from prosecuting the original expedition, ordered Wool to abandon 
it and move down to Parras, in the neighborhood of Saltillo. Subse- 
quently in December, Wool was directed to advance to the latter 
town. There he arrived just in time to participate in the glorious 
field of Buena Vista. 

In obedience to orders from the war department, Taylor, as early 
as November, had despatched the divisions of Twiggs, Quitman and 
Pillow from Monterey to Victoria, for the purpose of joining at Tam- 
pico the expedition against Vera Cruz. A month later the division 
of Patterson moved from Matamoras in the same direction. Simul- 
taneously Worth's division broke up from Saltillo and formed a 
junction with Scott at the Brazos. It was with melancholy feelings 
that Taylor saw himself deprived of his old companions in arms, 
of whom he took leave in a strain of dignified, but touching elo- 
quence. Nor was it without forebodings that he beheld them depart. 
Santa Anna had been engaged at San Luis Potosi in collecting an 
army, which was now said to amount to twenty-two thousand men ; 
and, on Taylor's marching to occupy Victoria, had threatened an 
advance, a design which was frustrated by a rapid countermarch of 
the American General to Monterey ; but now, when he found Taylor 
deprived of his regulars, he resolved to issue from his fastness, and 
crossing the desert between San Louis Potosi and Saltillo, to fall upon 
Taylor somewhere near the latter town, and crushing him by the 
mere weight of numbers, sweep the whole country to the Rio Grande. 
This resolution he formed, though aware of Scott's intentions on 
Vera Cruz ; for he rightly judged that the best diversion would be 
to destroy Taylor's army. These designs became known in the 
United States when too late to afford succor to Taylor ; and the 
nation was filled with horror at what it considered the certain sacri- 
fice of that brave General and his troops. But, as in similar circum- 
stances on the Rio Grande, he had saved himself and army, so now 
he became victor, and against even more overwhelming odds. 

Scott had suggested to Taylor that it would, perhaps, be advisable 
for him, considering his weakened numbers, to concentrate all his 
forces at Monterey. But to this the General was averse. To make 
a retrograde movement would, he knew, encourage the enemy. 
Moreover, just beyond Saltillo the mountains debouch into the plains, 
and at this point, if anywhere, the foe must be repelled. By retiring 
to Monterey, Taylor would have left the lower country open to 



s 



BATTLE OF BUENA VISTA. 55 

Santa Anna, who would have poured his victorious troops promptly 
into it, and besieged the American General in Monterey. He might 
even have swept onward and regained the whole territory to the 
Rio Grande. In such a case immense munitions of war would have 
fallen into the hands of the enemy, while our army, shut up in a narrow 
town, would have been useless. The bolder plan, and that most 
congenial to Taylor, was therefore the wisest, and the one ultimately 
adopted. Accordingly, in the early part of February, the American 
commander, becoming convinced by an attack on Colonel May's 
dragoons at Encarnacion, that the Mexicans were about to resume 
the aggressive, advanced from Saltillo to Agua Neuva,a strong position 
on the road to San Luis Potosi. At this place he remained until the 
21st. His whole force was four thousand and seventy-three, of 
whom less than five hundred were regulars. Having thoroughly 
examined the surrounding country, he selected a mountain pass, 
just in front of the hacienda of Buena Vista, as the most suitable 
spot to meet the foe. This gorge was eleven miles nearer Saltillo 
than Agua Neuva. Wishing, however, to conceal his real purpose 
from Santa Anna, he continued at the latter place until the enemy 
were in sight, when he suddenly fell back to Buena Vista, whither 
the Mexican chief, completely entraped, hastened to follow him. 

The road here becomes a narrow defile. The valley on the right is 
impracticable for artillery in consequence of deep and impassable 
gullies with which it is cut up. On the left, a succession of rugged 
ridges and precipitous ravines extends far back toward the mountain 
which bounds the valley in that direction. Hence, neither the artil- 
lery nor cavalry of the enemy could act with effect, while even 
his infantry would be, in part, deprived of the advantage of its nu- 
merical superiority. Taylor drew up his troops with great skill. 
Captain Washington's battery was posted to command the road, 
while the first and second Illinois regiments, with the second Ken- 
tucky and a company of Texas volunteers, occupied the crest of the 
ridges on the left and rear. The Arkansas and Kentucky cavalry 
were posted on the extreme left, near the base of the mountain. The 
reserve was composed of the Indiana brigade, the Mississippi rifle- 
men, the first and second dragoons, and the light batteries of Sher- 
man and Bragg. The little army had scarcely been thus distributed, 
when the advanced columns of the Mexicans appeared in sight, and 
when night fell, their interminable line was still visible, stretching 
far back to the utmost horizon. The sight would have appalled 
ordinary hearts ; but the Americans reflected that the day was the 



56 THE WAR WITH MEXICO. 

anniversary of the birth of Washington, and, with that thought came 
back the heroism of the best age of the republic. 

At eleven A. M., the van of the Mexicans halted in front of the 
American position, and Santa Anna sent a pompous summons to 
Taylor to surrender at discretion. This the American General 
answered in the following pithy terms : " Sir, in reply to your note 
of this date, summoning me to surrender my forces at discretion, 1 1 
beg leave to say that I decline acceding to your request." Santa 
Anna, on receiving this resolute reply, deemed it best to await the 
arrival of his rear columns, as well as to allow a body of troops 
under General Minon, which he had sent by a mountain pass, to 
get between Buena Vista and Saltillo, and cut off the retreat of 
Taylor. Towards evening, however, the Mexican light troops came 
into collision with a portion of the American left, keeping up a 
sharp fire, and climbing the mountain side, evidently bent on gain- 
ing our flank. Three pieces of Washington's battery, and the second 
Indiana regiment being detached to strengthen this point, the enemy 
was checked, though desultory musketry discharges, enlivened by an 
occasional shell thrown from the enemy, continued until night set in. 
Beinar now convinced that no serious attack would be made until 
morning, Taylor retired in person to Saltillo, for he was anxious 
respecting the defence of that place. He took with him the Missis- 
sippi regiment, and a squadron of the second dragoons. The re- 
mainder of the army bivouacked on the field, without fires, though 
the night was intensely cold. While they lay on their arms and endea- 
vored to snatch a few hours slumber, the low hum of the enemy's 
thousands came borne on the wind that wailed through the gorge of 
the mountain, as if foreboding disaster and death. Many a brave 
man listened to its ominous sounds, who, on the morrow, was still 
and cold. 

The dawn of the 23d had scarcely broken when long columns of 
the Mexicans were seen creeping along the mountain side, on the 
American left, obviously with the intention of outflanking it. In- 
stantly the ridges in that quarter began to sparkle with the fire of 
our riflemen, and for two hours, a desultory, but obstinate conflict was 
maintained, neither party perceptibly gaining ground. To cover his 
real intentions, Santa Anna now advanced a strong column against 
our centre, but this attack was soon repelled by the rapid discharges 
of Washington's battery. While it was going on, however, he pro- 
ceeded to execute his main design, which was to pierce the Ameri- 
can left, by pouring his columns in overwhelming and unintermit- 



BATTLE OF BUENA VISTA. 57 

ted numbers upon that point. Successive waves of infantry and 
cavalry accordingly came beating against it. For awhile nothing 
could resist the tide. In vain the artillery, galloping up within 
musket range, swept the advancing columns ; as fast as one Mexican 
fell, another took his place ; and the living torrent rolled forward, 
apparently undiminished in volume. Soon the sea of assailants reach- 
ed the artillery, broke around it, and threatened to engulf men and 
guns. A corps of infantry, ordered to the support of the artillerists, 
was involved in a cross fire, and driven back with immense slaugh- 
ter. The wild surge now came roaring on. The second Indiana 
regiment mistaking a command, retreated in confusion ; the artille- 
rists were swept away, leaving one of their pieces behind; and an 
ocean of lancers and infantry, pouring resistlessly along the base of 
the mountain, bore back the American arms, and spreading over 
every available point of land, flowed even to our rear. The stoutest 
hearts quailed at the sight. Victory seemed irrevocably gone. 

At this eventful crisis, Taylor arrived on the field from Saltillo : 
his approach having been hastened by the increasing roar of battle. 
His veteran eye instantly comprehended the imminency of the peril. 
The Mississippi regiment, which accompanied him, was ordered to 
the extreme left, where the fight hung quivering in the balance ; and 
this noble band of heroes, advancing with loud shouts, for a time 
checked the day. The second Kentucky and a portion of Bragg's 
battery had already been detached by Wool to this point. Bragg, 
in conjunction with Sherman, firing from the plateau, was now 
tearing huge gaps in the flank of the advancing enemy. The con- 
flict soon became terrible. The shrieks of those wounded by the 
artillery ; the crashing and hissing of the grape ; the sharp rattle of 
the musketry, the yells of the Mississippians; and the wild huzza of 
the charging cavalry combined to make a scene of excitement and 
horror indescribable. Foremost in the charge were the Mississippi- 
ans, who, on this day, performed prodigies of valor. At last, sur- 
rounded by countless numbers, they were on the point of being 
borne down, when they were reinforced by the third Indiana 
regiment and a piece of artillery. The tide of battle was now 
checked; then fluctuated; and then began to turn. The enemy 
made the most desperate efforts to redeem the day. Again and 
again his lancers swooped on our infantry, but, met by a rolling fire, 
wheeled and fled, a hundred riderless horses galloping wildly away 
at each repulse. Again and again the infantry charging with levelled 
bayonets, fell back staggering from the wall of fire and steel they 

8 



58 THE WAR WITH MEXICO. 

met. At last, the Mexican column was severed in two, and that 
portion in front of our line began a retreat. 

The van, however having already reached the rear of the Ameri- 
cans, made a bold effort yet to secure the day, by attacking the camp at 
Buena Vista, hoping thus to strike terror into our army and perhaps 
call it from its position to the defence of its stores. The main body 
of the Americans however kept its station ; but May, with the Ar- 
kansas and Kentucky cavalry, supported by two pieces of artillery, 
hastened to defend the threatened point. The assailants were soon 
repulsed, and driven to seek refuge in the mountains. May now 
returned to the left, where the other portion of the enemy's line 
was still struggling to retire. But the Americans, from being the 
conquered, had now become the conquerors ; and were making 
efforts, which promised to be successful, to cut off the whole column, 
five thousand strong. The retreating masses, hemmed in among the 
ravines, presented a fair mark for the artillery, which slaughtered 
them in heaps. When May, with his victorious troops, came 
rushing upon them, they abandoned all hope ; and would have 
surrendered at discretion ; but that Santa Anna, perceiving their 
peril, hastened to send a flag of truce to Taylor, who ordered the 
firing to cease. When Wool, however, who rode forward to enquire 
the meaning of this message, had partially traversed the distance 
between the American and Mexican positions, he noticed, to his 
surprise, that the enemy had not ceased firing, and that the column 
was availing itself of the parley to retire along the mountain. He 
saw, at once, the disingenuous trick of which the Americans had 
been made the victims. But it was now too late. The enemy had 
extricated himself: and Wool, unable to reach Santa Anna, returned 
to Taylor. 

The grand effort of the day had thus signally failed ; and now the 
action paused for a space. The Americans, wearied by so many 
hours' fighting, and expecting fresh columns of the enemy to make 
a new attempt on their left, were directing all their attention to that 
quarter, when Santa Anna, suddenly concentrating his reserves in 
front, hurled them on our centre, now the weakest point of our 
position. Amid a tremendous fire of artillery, this splendid column, 
five thousand strong, advanced to the attack. Well aware that on 
this last effort hung the fortunes of the day, and knowing that the 
immediate eye of their leader was upon them, the Mexicans came 
on with an intrepidity that even surpassed that of their bravest 
displays heretofore, and all had been courageous. The Americans, 



BATTLE OF BUENA VISTA. 59 

wholly unprepared for this demonstration, stood aghast at the endless 
line of lancers and infantry. The first shock fell on the second 
Kentucky and first Illinois, supported by O'Brien's artillery. For 
awhile these few heroes bore up against the tempest, but were then 
driven wildly before it : the infantry flying in confusion, and the 
artillerists abandoning their guns, which remained in possession of 
the foe. Again the Americans made a stand. But nothing could 
prevail against the overwhelming numbers of the Mexicans : like a 
mighty tempest they rushed along : and the little bands of Hardin 
and McKee were whirled from their path as leaves in a hurricane. 
The day seemed irretrievably lost. All that could be done was for 
Washington's battery, from a neighboring plateau, to pour in a close 
and well directed fire on the advancing foe, and thus cover, in part, 
the retreat of the Americans. 

In this crisis the calm heroism of Taylor saved the army. He had 
left the plateau, just before, but the sharp detonations of the artillery 
now recalled him; and he saw, with a glance, that ruin impended. 
The dyke was already breached, and the water rushing in ! He 
threw himself, as it were, into the gap. Ordering up Bragg's artil- 
lery, that officer approached at full gallop, and thundering ahead 
into the smoke, unlimbered within a few yards of the enemy. The 
spectators held their breath at the fearful proximity. Opening with 
grape and canister, Bragg, for a moment staggered the Mexicans ; 
but it was only for a moment : with howls of rage their thousands 
rushed on, and, in another minute, would have trodden the brave 
artillerists under foot. Alarmed for his guns, Bragg turned for succor 
to Taylor ; but the latter had none to give. " A little more grape," 
was his memorable reply: "a little more grape, Captain Bragg." 
At the second discharge the guns opened lanes through the enemy ; 
and at the third he turned and fled in horror. Tears ran down the 
cheeks of Taylor at the happy sight. The day was won. It only 
remained to finish the victory. The Mississippi regiment, which had 
hurried up at the first alarm, reached the plateau at this crisis, and 
throwing in a murderous volley, helped to complete the discomfiture 
of the foe. The wearied Americans were soon undisputed masters 
of the field. Night fell, a welcome blessing. The wounded were borne 
off to Saltillo ; and the victors slept on their arms, again without 
fires, though the thermometer was below the freezing point. 

During the day, General Minon had made his projected demon- 
stration against Saltillo, but without success; and now, finding that 
his superior was defeated, he hastened to withdraw his troops. 



60 



THE WAR WITH MEXICO. 



Taylor had expected that Santa Anna would renew the battle in 
the morning ; but, in the night, the latter withdrew to Agua Neuva. 
No pursuit was attempted. To have repelled the enemy was 




BRAGG ASKING fCCCOR. 



prodigy enough ; besides, the Americans were completely exhausted. 
Our loss in this battle was two hundred and sixty-seven killed, four 
hundred and fifty-six wounded, and twenty-three missing : among 
the former were Colonels Clay, Yell, Hardin, McKee, and Captain 
Lincoln, Assistant Adjutant-General. All the troops distinguished 
themselves : indeed, great was the glory, and difficult to apportion. 
The loss of the enemy was estimated at fifteen hundred. No greater 
battle than Buena Vista has ever been fought on this continent. 
The enemy were five times the numbers of the Americans, and 
were chiefly regulars, while our forces were principally volunteers. 
Our position, though strong, was not impregnable, as was proved by 



OPERATIONS OF GENERAL TAYLOR. 61 

its being turned. The victory is to be attributed, in a great measure, 
to the artillery, which seemed to possess a ubiquitous power, and 
thrice saved the day. 

Two days after the battle, Santa Anna abandoned Agua Neuva 
and began a retreat on San Luis Potosi, which city he gained with 
less than half the army he had set out with two months before. 
His repulse at Buena Vista vindicated the wisdom of Taylor's 
views ; and saved the country from reverting to its original posses- 
sors. It preserved, too, the lives of thousands. The triumph of 
Santa Anna would have led to the annihilation of the whole Ameri- 
can army. Every soldier would either have been massacred on the 
field, or would subsequently have fallen a prey to the rancheros, 
who, at the first intelligence of our disaster, would have risen like a 
swarm of hornets from Saltillo to the Rio Grande. The influence 
of this battle was felt throughout the war. In it the best troops of 
Mexico were destroyed, and the prestige of Santa Anna's name bro- 
ken forever. The Generals who followed Taylor had to contend 
with troops already half beaten by the remembrance of Buena Vista ; 
while they led soldiers, whose constant thought it was, to rival, if 
possible, the glories of that day. 

The country between Saltillo and Matamoras continued in pos- 
session of the Americans from this period until the end of the war. 
On the 2nd of March, near Ceralvo, a Mexican force, about fifteen 
hundred strong, under General Urrea, attacked Major Giddings and 
two hundred Americans, convoying a train of one hundred and fifty 
wagons. After a desperate conflict the Americans proved victorious, 
with a loss of seventeen, the enemy losing forty. Taylor, on hearing 
of this bold incursion, hastened to pursue Urrea; but the latter suc- 
ceeded in making his escape beyond the mountains. The American 
commander now retired to Walnut Springs, near Monterey, where 
he remained during the summer. From this place, on the 31st of 
March, he issued a proclamation, addressed to the inhabitants of 
Tamaulipas, Nuevo Leon, and Coahuila, declaring that, in future, 
they should be held responsible for all trains cut off. This procla- 
mation put an end to the system of guerilla warfare in that region. 
The capture of Vera Cruz, and Scott's subsequent advance on the 
capital, having directed the attention of the Mexicans to another 
quarter, the army of Taylor was left almost without occupation. 
He had, however, never abandoned the hope of being able to march 
on San Luis Potosi, and in August was completing his preparations 
for this event, when Scott made a second draft on him for troops, 
m — F 



62 



THE WAR WITH MEXICO. 



and left him powerless for any act of aggression. In the autumn he 
returned to the United States on leave of absence ; and before his 
furlough expired, peace was declared. 

During the autumn of 1846 and the spring of 1S47, the gulf fleet 
captured Tampico, Alvarado and Tuspan. The first of these cap- 
tures was made while Commodore Connor was in command of the 
fleet ; the others were made by Commodore Perry. 





SAN' FRANCISCO. 



BOOK III. 



CONQUEST OF NEW MEXICO AND CALIFORNIA. 





iAR had scarcely been de- 
clared when the government 
of the United States resolved 
on the conquest of Upper 
California and New Mexico, 
provinces on which the ambitious eyes 
of different administrations had been 
fixed, almost from the time of Jefferson. 
For this purpose two expeditions were 
organized, under the commands respec- 
tively of Generals Wool and Kearney. 
The first was intended to operate against Chihuahua. We have 
already traced its history, and the causes of its failure. The other 

had a more imposing errand, for its destination was threefold : its 

63 



64 THE WAR WITH MEXICO. 

first being to reduce Santa Fe, its next to send a column to co-operate 
with Wool, and its ultimate one to cross to the Pacific and achieve 
the conquest of California. 

Upper California extends for a distance of ten degrees along the 
Pacific coast, with a mean breadth of six hundred and twenty miles. 
Its lower boundary is at the river Gilas, about the thirty-second de- 
gree of north latitude ; while its upper is at the Snowy mountains 
that bound Oregon on the south, near the forty-second degree The 
breadth of Upper California at the River Gilas is about five hundred 
miles, but it gradually widens as it extends north, until it becomes 
eight hundred across at its upper extremity. Of this vast territory, 
occupying an area of five hundred thousand square miles, but 
little is known, except of that portion lying along the Pacific coast 
between the mountains and the sea, and which forms a strip of land 
from forty to eighty miles in width, and extending six hundred miles 
from north to south. The immense table-land, which stretches east- 
ward from the Pacific chain to the lofty peaks of the Sierra Madre, 
has been but little explored ; yet wherever visited has been found 
to be a sandy desert, sprinkled with salt lakes, reminding the travel- 
ler of the vast, sterile plains of Central Asia. The population of this 
arid wilderness is composed of a few miserable Indians, who manage 
to subsist on roots, and occasionally on game. The whole of Upper 
California did not contain, at the beginning of the war, fifty thousand 
souls. 

That strip of Upper California, however, which skirts the sea-coast 
is comparatively fertile. The mean temperature here is about fifteen 
degrees higher than in the same latitude on the Atlantic coast. There 
is little rain : two years have known to elapse without a shower. 
Generally, however, from November to April, in what is called the 
rainy season, considerable quantities of water fall. In the summer, 
the heavy dews, which rise from the sea every night, prevent the 
country from becoming parched. Snow is seen but rarely. Agricul- 
ture cannot be profitably conducted without irrigation ; hence the 
country hitherto has been principally devoted to grazing. Wheat, 
however, and the smaller grains, thrive well. There is only one 
really good harbor on the coast, the bay of San Francisco ; but this 
is sufficiently capacious for the navies of the world. The other ports, 
Monterey, Santa Barbara, and San Pedro, are mere road-steads, 
where the anchorage is so insecure, that on the approach of a norther, 
the vessel that does not slip its cable and gain an offing in time, is 
sure to be wrecked. The rivers of this strip of land are generally 
mountain torrents, half dry in summer, which run westwardly into 



MOVEMENTS OF GENERAL KEARNEY. 65 

the Pacific ; but there are two streams of more importance, the Bue- 
naventura and Sacramento, which run north and south, emptying 
into the bay of San Francisco. They drain the valley, between the 
mountains and Pacific, for an extent of near four hundred miles. 

New Mexico is bounded on the west by Upper California, and 
on the east by the territories of the United States. It is but a com- 
paratively small strip of land, chiefly confined to the higher waters 
of the Rio Grande, and containing only forty-four thousand square 
miles. The population is not quite one hundred thousand. The 
capital is Santa Fe. The temperature of New Mexico is very cold, 
in consequence of its elevation above the sea ; and for the same rea- 
son the soil is not very fertile. The people live in houses of sunburnt 
brick. Their habits are generally primitive. A vast trade, between 
the United States and the richer and more southern province of Chi- 
huahua, was formerly carried on through Santa Fe, by caravans to 
St. Louis, across the prairies of the great western territory. 

The expedition under General Kearney assembled at Fort Leaven- 
worth, on the Missouri river, in June, 1S46 ; and on the 30th of that 
month began its march to Santa Fe, a distance of a thousand miles. 
The numbers of this force, called " The Army of the West," ulti- 
mately reached twenty-seven hundred; but Kearney actually began 
his march with sixteen hundred, the rest being left to join at Santa 
Fe. They were all volunteers, except two companies of dra- 
goons, and a battalion of artillerists. The route, for the first six 
hundred miles, lay over vast plains, occasionally presenting a cover- 
ing of short, dry grass ; occasionally exposing only the arid soil ; and 
occasionally, though at rare intervals, welcoming the weary travel- 
ler with the sight of limpid streams fringed with trees. A stray 
buffalo on the distant horizon, or an Indian scout on the look-out, 
now and then broke the monotony of the scene. On the 1st of 
August the expedition reached Bent's Fort, on the Arkansas. In 
this adventurous march the infantry had outstripped the cavalry. 
The former had marched with such precision as to arrive on the 
very day fixed by the General. The road, after leaving Fort Bent, 
changes its character. The country becomes mountainous ; the tree- 
less plains disappear ; and forests of spruce and other evergreens 
throw their gloomy shadows over the way. The regions now tra- 
versed were nevertheless even more desolate than the plains below. 
Frequently for twenty miles there was not a spring ; and in one 
instance, a whole day passed without meeting wood, water, or grass. 
Yet glimpses of magnificent scenery occasionally greeted the eye. 
At the pass of the Raton a landscape so sublime burst on the adven- 
m — f* 9 



66 



THE WAR WITH MEXICO. 



turers that they paused involuntarily with exclamations of delight. 
High above beetled perpendicular cliffs, the eagle sailing along whose 
summits seemed dwindled to a wren; while, in the far distance, 
Pike's Peak, with its white limestone ledges, glittered in the sun, 
like some snowy palace of fairy land. 




BKNT S FORT. 



Kearney had received information that Armijo, the Governor of 
Santa Fe had prepared a force of four thousand men to repel the in- 
vasion : accordingly when, ten days after leaving Bent's Fort, he 
began to approach the Mexican settlements, he moved with propor- 
tionate caution. But no enemy was met. Armijo, indeed, had 
advanced from Santa Fe, and taken post in a strong position, an 
eminence commanding a defile only forty feet wide, through which 
the Americans would have to march. But the heart of the Mexican 
leader failed him as the crisis approached, and suddenly abandoning 
his army, he fled, with a hundred dragoons, to Chihuahua. On the 
18th of August, Kearney entered Santa Fe unopposed. He marched 
immediately to the palace, opposite the great square, and ordering 



GENERAL KEARNEY IN NEW MEXICO. 67 

the United States flag to be hoisted, took possession of New Mexico 
in the name of his government. The next day he addressed the 
people, declaring that he came to benefit the poor and rich alike, by- 
establishing a free government. He then absolved the citizens from 
their allegiance to Mexico, declared himself their Governor, and 
claimed them from that time forth, as citizens of the United States. 
He followed this with a proclamation to the same effect, on the 22nd, 
which subsequently became a theme of controversy in Congress. 
In his summary proceeding there was, unquestionably, more of the 
soldier than the civilian ; but, in a crisis like that in which Kearney 
found himself, prompt and decided conduct, even if it trespasses the 
bounds of law, is better than timorous measures, which only win the 
contempt of a foe. He should, however, have occupied the territory 
merely as a conquered province until a peace, a re-conquest, or final 
instructions from Congress. Thus, in the space of fifty days, an 
army, not seventeen hundred strong, marched nearly a thousand 
miles, for most of the time through an inhospitable desert, and con- 
quered a province of one hundred thousand souls without firing a 
gun. But, wonderful as was this achievement, it was nothing 
compared to others we have yet to relate ; and which almost surpass 
the boundaries of romance. 

Kearney now occupied himself with organizing a civil govern- 
ment for New Mexico and framing for it a code of laws. He was 
interrupted, for awhile, by a false alarm of the approach of Armijo. 
During the delay he sent an expedition against the Navahoe 
Indians, near the Rocky Mountains, and overawed that proud tribe, 
the terror of the people of Santa Fe. Having at last completed his 
labors, and received intelligence of the approach of his expected 
reinforcements, he began to make preparations for the contemplated 
march against Upper California. He first appointed Charles Bent 
Governor of New Mexico. He next assigned a battalion of infantry 
and the battalion of artillerists to remain at Santa Fe in garrison. 
Colonel Doniphan, with his regiment, on the arrival of the reinforce- 
ments, was directed to proceed to Chihuahua and effect a junction 
with General Wool. He chose Sumner's squadron of dragoons, 
three hundred strong, with two howitzers, to accompany himself, 
leaving orders for the Mormon battalion, and Captain Hudson's 
company to follow. On the 25th of September, having finished his 
labors at Santa Fe, Kearney set forth, with his small escort, for a 
journey of a thousand miles, across the continent to the Pacific. 
We shall leave him, threading the vast wastes of his lonely and 
desert route, in order to follow Doniphan and his band of heroes, 



68 



THE WAR WITH MEXICO. 



on their march to Chihuahua: a march which, considering the 
extent of country traversed, the hostile populations subdued, and the 
battles won against overwhelming odds, stands without a parallel in 
history, excelling the retreat of the ten thousand under Xenophon, 
as much as that surpasses ordinary enterprises. 




SANTA FE. 



Chihuahua is a city of about thirty thousand inhabitants, the capi- 
tal of the state of that name, and formerly the residence of the Cap- 
tain-General of the Northern Provinces, under the vice-regal 
government. Hither, in 1708, Lieutenant Pike had been carried a 
captive ; here, forty years after, Colonel Doniphan was to enter as a 
conqueror. So scanty was the geographical information respecting 
Northern Mexico, that when Doniphan left Santa Fe, he was com- 
paratively ignorant of the character of the country to be traversed , 
all that he knew, was that Chihuahua lay hundreds of miles to the 
south, and that he had been ordered to go there. That the interme 
diate population was hostile ; that a vast and melancholy desert had 
o be overcome ; that rivers had to be crossed, mountains scaled, and 
fortified passes taken ; these things, though partly foretold by the 



OPERATIONS OF COLONEL DONIPHAN. 69 

natives, and partly conjectured by himself, did not, for a moment, 
damp the ardor of his adventurous soul. He began his march at the 
head of eight hundred men, on the 17th of December, 1846. His 
route lay first along the Rio Grande to Fra Christobal, and thence 
downwards, in the direction of the Paso del Norte, within twenty- 
five miles of which, at Bracito, he fought his virgin battle. But, 
prior to this, his troops had encountered what was almost sufficient 
alone to immortalize them. For ninety miles they had traversed 
that vast desert, known in the poetical language of the country as 
el jornada de los muertos, the journey of the dead ; where the 
bones of famished animals and murdered men whitened the Ions 
expanse, and where not a drop of water or blade of grass met the 
eyes of the travellers. As they hurried across the arid tract, they 
remembered that it was here the Texan prisoners, under Salazar, 
had endured the most horrible sufferings. Approaching Bracito, 
they were suddenly assailed by a force of the enemy, supposed to be 
a thousand strong. The Americans were dispersed gathering wood, 
when the alarm of the enemy's approach was given. Instantly 
forming into line, they awaited the charge. As soon as the foe was 
within range, they opened a terrible fire of musketry, and main- 
tained the vollies with such spirit, that, at the third round, they were 
left masters of the field. Among the spoils was a piece of artillery, 
and more welcome than all, ample stores of bread and wine, with 
which Christmas was held as high festival. 

On the 27th of December, Doniphan entered Paso del Norte, a 
town of about three thousand inhabitants. He was yet three hun- 
dred miles from Chihuahua. Here the conquerors allowed them- 
selves a month's repose, luxuriating in the green fields, the pleasant 
orchards, and inviting vineyards of the vicinity. But their halt was 
not without its anxiety, and was occasionally marked by drudgery 
and toil. Doniphan wished to hear from Wool, but waited in vain . 
that General, as we have seen, having turned aside, and never 
reached Chihuahua. He also expected a reinforcement of artillery 
from Santa Fe, and this, on the first of February arrived, having 
overcome, in its turn, perils almost incredible. The combined 
force, now amounting to nine hundred and twenty-four men, after a 
breathing spell of eight days, resumed its march, and for the next 
three weeks stretched tirelessly on towards its destination. The 
route, which, for the first twenty-five miles, lay though cultivated 
vallies, soon entered a sterile region, but still the little band of heroes 
pressed forward. At last, on the 28th of February, when within 
fifteen miles of Chihuahua, a strong body of Mexicans was discov- 



70 THE WAR WITH MEXICO. 

ered drawn up in an almost impregnable situation, on a ridge 
between the rivers Sacramento and Arroyo Seco. As the position 
commanded the road, and could not be turned, Doniphan had no 
resource but to attack. His men had crossed the Seco, and were 
deploying on the table-land, when a column of Mexican lancers, 
eight hundred strong, dashed from its cover, and galloped furiously 
on the American right. Instantly the artillery under Major Clark, 
consisting of six pieces, opened its fire, and soon the mountains 
echoed the explosions with stunning repetitions. Neither the first 
nor second discharge, however, could shake the foe, who, closing his 
ranks, came thundering on ; yet so terrible was the slaughter at the 
third round, that he broke and fled in confusion to a redoubt in his 
rear. Here, however, he rallied. But the Americans, flushed with 
success, followed in pursuit, the howitzer battery unlimbering 
within fifty yards of the enemy. Appalled at this daring, the Mexi- 
cans, after a short struggle, abandoned their works and fled to the 
mountains. Two positions yet remained to be carried ; one was 
the Cerro Sacramento, a pile of volcanic rocks, where the enemy 
now placed his artillery to cover the retreat. The fire of the Ameri- 
can batteries soon silenced these guns, and then, with loud shouts, 
his last hold, the Rancho Sacramento was successfully stormed. 
Thus ended one of the most extraordinary battles of the present 
age. The number of the Mexicans engaged in it was not less than 
fifteen hundred, while their position was worth at least five thou- 
sand more. Doniphan had less than a thousand. The loss of the 
enemy was three hundred killed, besides ten pieces of artillery cap- 
tured by Doniphan. The Americans lost but two killed, and seven 
wounded, a fact which seems incredible, but which is uncontradicted. 
On the first of March, Doniphan entered Chihuahua in triumph. Here 
he remained for six weeks, recruiting his tired forces, and stipulating 
for the safety of the United States traders, threatening to return and 
inflict the direst vengeance if they were molested. Never, perhaps, 
was a commander in a more singular situation than Doniphan now 
found himself. He was a thousand miles from home, in the heart 
of a hostile country, destitute of intelligence from Wool, whom he 
had been sent to recruit, and without any way of opening commu- 
nication with him, except by beginning a new march of nearly 
equal length to that just passed, through territories filled with ene- 
mies, and presenting a thousand natural difficulties. Moreover, he 
had neither stores nor money. But nothing could dismay this un- 
conquerable leader. He knew that Taylor was somewhere in the 
advance, hundreds of miles distant, and he resolved to push forward. 



doniphan's return to the united states. 71 

Doniphan was told of Buena Vista, but informed that the Americans 
had been defeated ; this, however, he discredited, yet he thought it 
most prudent to send a party in the direction of Saltillo, a distance 
of three hundred and fifty miles, to gain intelligence. This detach- 
ment, led by Lieutenant Collins, accomplished its design, and safely 
returning, brought information that Wool was at Saltillo. Doniphan 
promptly started to join him. He set out on the 25th of April, and 
marching through Cerro Gordo, Mapimi, and Parras, reached Sal- 
tillo on the 22d of May. In this last journey he passed over nearly 
the whole table land of Mexico, from west to east, entered and 
occupied numerous towns, the population of almost any one of 
which could have cut off his whole force ; provisioned his army, 
provided fresh horses, and even obtained the means of victory, and 
all without a military chest. But the most extraordinary act of all 
remains to be told, as a climax to these almost romantic achieve- 
ments. At Parras, thirty of his men hearing of a predatory descent 
some of the Camanches had just made, started in pursuit, and over- 
taking the savages, killed seventeen of them, and restored to freedom 
eighteen captives, besides rescuing their flocks. The story of this 
chivalrous act would not be complete were we to omit the fact that 
the kindness of the people of Parras, to some sick soldiers left there 
by General Wool, first prompted the Americans to avenge the inroad 
of the Indians. The narrative of such an incident as this repays a 
historian for having too frequently to record traits less noble. 

Doniphan remained but three days at Saltillo, and on the 25th of 
May marched for Monterey. Here this brave corps was complimented 
in a public order by General Taylor, who allowed them to carry home as 
trophies, and in consideration of their gallantry and noble bearing, the 
seventeen pieces of artillery they had taken from the enemy. Pursuing 
his march, Doniphan reached Matamoras about the first of June, 
having completed the whole distance from Chihuahua, nine hundred 
miles, in forty-five days. At the Rio Grande his volunteers embarked 
for New Orleans, where they arrived on the 16th of June. Here 
the volunteers were received with enthusiasm. They were now 
mustered out of the service of the United States, and embarked in 
steamboats for St. Louis. The news of their approach preceded 
them, and when they landed on the 2d of July, the whole city came 
out to meet them. Flags floated at every corner, the bells ran°- 
joyously, and a public banquet was given, at which Senator Benton 
pronounced a glowing eulogium on their deeds. Thus, after an 
absence of a year, in which they explored countries almost unknown, 
and achieved actions worthy of the greatest heroes of antiquity, the 



72 THE WAR WITH MEXICO. 

volunteers of Doniphan returned quietly to private life. In vain do 
we search history for an exhibition of superior daring and patriotism. 
While Doniphan had been pursuing his march, however, events 
of the most sanguinary character had occurred in New Mexico. The 
reinforcements from Missouri had been under the command of Colo- 
nel Price, who, on Doniphan's departure from Santa Fe, became 
superior officer. The Americans, however, suffered so much from 
sickness, that before Christmas, there were but five hundred in the 
capital fit for duty. The Mexicans, who, though appearing to con- 
sent to a change of masters, had only been dissimulating to gain 
time, now thought this a favorable opportunity to recover their 
national independence. A conspiracy was first projected for Christ- 
mas, but was revealed, and most of the ringleaders taken into cus- 
tody. On the 19th of January, however, Governor Bent, with five 
other persons, was murdered at Taos, a small town in the vicinity 
of Santa Fe. On the same day nine others were butchered at other 
places. The country rose in insurrection, the populace breathing 
vengeance against the Americans and all Mexicans who had 
accepted office under the new government. In this crisis, Colonel 
Price concentrated his forces, and marched boldly to meet the insur- 
gents. On the 23d of January he had his first engagement with 
them at the village of Covoda, defeating fifteen hundred, with a force 
of but three hundred. His loss was but two, that of the foe thirty- 
six. Pursuing his advantages, he overtook the insurgents on the 
29th, at La Joya, a strong mountain pass, where he again defeated 
them, with disproportionate slaughter. The enemy still presenting 
a hostile front, though retiring, Colonel Price followed them to 
Taos, which they abandoned on his approach, and took refuge at 
the Indian village of Pueblo de Taos, a short distance off. 

This was a strongly fortified post. The key to it was a church, 
and two pyramidal structures, seven or eight stories high, each story 
being pierced for rifles. The whole was surrounded by a wall pierced 
in like manner. On the 3rd of February the siege began by a can- 
nonade on the part of the Americans, which, however, for want of 
'ammunition, was soon intermitted. But on the 4th, Colonel Price 
advanced to the attack, determined to conquer or perish. His force 
was four hundred and fifty ; that of the enemy six hundred. After 
battering the walls for two hours, Price ordered an assault on the 
church, which was repulsed, Captain Burgwin being mortally wound 
ed. As yet there was no practicable breach, but ladders being 
planted, the men dauntlessly cut small holes with their axes and 
threw fire into the edifice. The six-pounder was, at last, run up 



MOVEMENTS OF CAPTAIN FREMONT. 



73 



within sixty yards, and a gap made. Through this a load of grape 
was discharged into the church. The smoke had not yet blown off, 
and the shrieks of the wounded were still heard, when Lieutenant 
Dyer, springing to the front, called on the stormers to follow him, 
and plunged into the abyss. The enemy now abandoned the church, 
pursued by the victors, who massacred all they overtook. Night fell, 




BATTLK Of PUEBLO l)H TOAS. 



and checked the effusion of blood. In the morning the Mexicans 
sued for mercy : and the insurrection was at an end. The loss of 
the enemy at Pueblo de Taos was one hundred and fifty killed : that 
of the Americans seven killed, and forty-five wounded, of whom 
many subsequently died. This campaign lasted nineteen days ; and 
during the whole of it the snow was two feet deep, and the moun- 
tains almost impassable ; yet the men bivouacked in the open air. 
Colonel Price, for his skill and gallantry, was subsequently made a 
Brigadier. 

We must now turn to California, whither we left General Kearney 
proceeding; but where he found, on his arrival, the province con- 
quered to his hand. This had been effected principally by Captain 

M — O 10 



74 THE WAR WITH MEXICO. 

Fremont, of the topographical corps of engineers. That gentleman, 
already distinguished by his explorations on the great western waters, 
had left the United States in the autumn of 1845, to seek a new route to 
Oregon, more southerly, and therefore less inclement than that usual- 
ly followed by emigrants. He pursued his journey without moles- 
tation, until he arrived near Monterey, in California, towards the 
close of January, 1847. His appearance aroused the suspicions of 
the Commandant, De Castro, to allay which Fremont left his men a 
hundred miles behind and paid a personal visit to this official. The 
Commandant pretended to be satisfied with his explanations, where- 
upon he returned to his party and advanced to within thirty miles of 
Monterey. Here, however, he was warned by the American Consul at 
that post, that De Castro was preparing an armed force to capture 
him. He immediately seized a strong position on the summit of the 
Sierra, hoisted the flag of the United States, and prepared to immo- 
late himself with his companions. But De Castro, after reconnoitre- 
ing his position, declined to attack him, on which Fremont marched 
out of his camp and took the route for Oregon. The Commandant now 
occupied the deserted post, boasting that he had put the Americans 
to flight. 

Fremont left his camp on the 10th of March, and, moving by slow 
marches, by the 14th of May had reached the Great Tlamath Lake. 
Here, to his surprise, he found himself and party surrounded with 
hostile Indians ; while in front rose the Sierra Nevada, still covered 
with the snows of winter. These obstacles induced him to retrace 
his steps. His return was opportune, for De Castro had resolved to 
attack the American settlers, a fact which assisted Fremont in form- 
ing his resolution to return. He immediately resolved to pro- 
tect his countrymen, and even to retaliate, by seizing the govern- 
ment. His whole force, when he formed this bold design, consisted 
of only sixty-two men. He was ignorant also that war had broken 
out between the United States and Mexico. On the 15th of June 
he surprised and took the military post of Sonoma, capturing, as 
part of the spoils, nine cannon and two hundred and fifty stand of 
arms. Hurrying to the Rio de los Americanos to obtain recruits, he 
heard that De Castro was about to attack Sonoma, where he had 
left a garrison of only fourteen men. He immediately started to its 
relief, with ninety mounted riflemen, and riding night and day, 
reached it in less than thirty-six hours. He was not a minute too 
soon. The vanguard of the enemy, consisting of seventy dragoons, 
under De la Torre, had already crossed the bay, but the riflemen 
charging furiously, the Mexicans were defeated, with a loss of 



THE FALL OF LOS ANGELOS. 75 

twenty. Meantime, two of Fremont's men. sent as an express, had 
been captured by De la Torre, bound to trees, and cut to pieces with 
knives. To avenge this barbarous act, three of De la Torre's sol- 
diers, who had been taken prisoners, were shot. The north side of 
the bay of San Francisco was now free from the foe. Accordingly, on 
the 4th of July, 1846, Fremont, assembling the Americans at Sonoma, 
recommended them to declare the independence of the country. His 
advice was followed ; and in addition, war with Mexico was pro- 
claimed. In the meantime, Congress having ordered a regiment of 
mounted riflemen to be raised, the President bestowed the Lieuten- 
ant-Colonelcy on Fremont. As yet, however, the conquest of Cali- 
fornia was unknown in the United States. 

Durinsr these events Commodore Sloat.in command of the Pacific 
squadron had seized Monterey. News of this event flew through 
California and soon reached Fremont. He was now eager to pursue 
De Castro, who had fled south beyond Monterey, with a force of 
five hundred soldiers ; and accordingly, leaving about fifty men in gar- 
rison, he started after the fugitive with one hundred andsixty mounted 
riflemen. When near Monterey, however, he received instructions to 
join Commodore Sloat, but, on his arrival, found that officer relieved 
by Commodore Stockton. The latter approved Freemont's pursuit of 
De Castro, and placed the sloop-of-war Cyane at his service, that he 
might, by sailing down the coast, the more readily overtake the fugi- 
tive. Accordingly, on the 26th of July, he put to sea, with 
seventy marines added to his riflemen. His destination was San 
Diego, four hundred miles south of Monterey and one hundred below 
Pueblo de los Angelos, where De Castro was encamped; this port 
of debarkation being selected, as it placed Fremont in a position 
either to intercept the Mexican Governor, in case he fled towards 
Lower California, or to turn back on him if he remained at los An- 
gelos, or in its vicinity. A few days after the departure of Fre- 
mont, Stockton sailed in the frigate Congress for the position of De 
Castro. The latter, hearing of the approach of the Americans, broke 
up his camp, and fled to Mexico. On the 13th of August, 1846, 
Stockton, having effected a junction with Fremont, entered los 
Angelos in triumph. Thus fell the capital of California. What 
romance excels the story of such a war ? 

Stockton now proceeded to declare California a territory of the 
United States, and to establish a provisional form of government, 
until the pleasure of Congress could be known. He proclaimed a 
tariff of duties, and established a tonnage tax on all foreign vessels. 
The people were ordered to meet on the 15th of September, and 



76 



THE WAR WITH MEXICO. 



elect officers to govern them under the new constitution. News of 
the declaration of war between the United States and Mexico, hav- 




TRILMPIIAMT ENTRY INTO PUKBLO LOS ANGEI.OS. 



ing arrived meantime, Stockton thought it necessary to leave Cali- 
fornia, in order to protect American vessels in the Pacific. He 
therefore ordered Fremont to increase his force to three hundred 
men, appointing that officer Governor, after which he withdrew, 
with the squadron, to San Francisco. A garrison of fifty men was 
left at los Angelos, and smaller garrisons at Santa Barbara and San 
Diego. But the American leaders had been in error, as events soon 
proved, when they supposed that California was not only overrun, 
but subdued. Scarcely had Fremont and Stockton left los Angelos, 
when the people rose in insurrection, and compelled the garrison 
there to evacuate the place and sail for Monterey. The news of the 
rising flew through the country, and was eagerly welcomed by the 
Mexicans, so that, in a few days, the whole province south of Mon- 
terey blazed with war. 



Stockton's operations in California. 77 

Stockton, on learning these reverses, lost no time in retracing his 
steps. The frigate Savannah was despatched to los Angelos ; and 
her crew, landing at San Pedro, marched immediately on the capi- 
tal. About fifteen miles from the ship, however, they met a supe- 
rior force of the foe, and were compelled to retreat, with the loss of 
five killed. Stockton, in person, now hastened to San Pedro in the 
frigate Congress, and landing, moved on los Angelos, dragging six 
of the ship's guns. He met the enemy at the Rancho Seputrida, 
when a few rounds of grape and cannister won the day, the Mexi- 
cans leaving one hundred dead on the field. The enemy was still 
unsubdued, however, and the war continued in a succession of skir- 
mishes. At last, two decisive battles were fought on the 8th 
and 9th of January, 1847, the enemy being routed on both occa- 
sions. The loss of the Americans was twenty killed ; that of the 
enemy eighty. Flores, the defeated General, flying from the field, 
met Fremont advancing to reinforce Stockton, and immediately 
seized the occasion to make a capitulation with the former. The 
Commodore afterwards ratified the compact, though he had be- 
fore refused to treat with Flores, proclaiming him an outlaw, who 
had broken his parole, and whom on capturing he should shoot. 

Meantime, General Kearney had arrived in California. We left 
him traversing the lonely and desolate wastes that lie between the 
Rio Colorado and the Pacific. He had journeyed for eleven days, 
when he met an express bearing intelligence to the United States of 
the conquest of California by Freemont and Stockton. Dismissing 
two hundred of his dragoons, he continued his route with the other 
one hundred, and two mountain howitzers. On the 20th of Oc- 
tober he reached the Gilas. This river is bounded by a range of 
lofty mountains, at the foot of which Kearney travelled for nearly 
five hundred miles, until, on the second of November, he gained 
its mouth. He now followed the course of the Colorado for forty 
miles, when he turned off and crossed a desert, destitute of grass or 
water, for sixty miles. On the second of December he reached the 
frontier settlement of California, on the route leading to Senora. 
Three days after, he was met by an express, bringing intelligence 
from Stockton of the insurrection, and informing him of the force 
and position of the enemy. The following day he encountered a 
party of Mexicans one hundred and sixty strong, whom he defeated, 
though not without the loss of three of his officers. On the 11th, 
five days after this battle, he was joined by a reinforcement, 
despatched by Stockton to his aid. Subsequently, in the battles ot 
the 8th and 9th of January, 1847, his, and Stockton's combined 
forces, permanently crushed the insurgents. 

H — G* 



78 THE WAR WITH MEXICO. 

The arrival of General Kearney, however, soon led to discord in 
the American camp, for, producing his commission, he claimed to be 
Governor of California. But this demand Stockton and Fremont 
resisted, alleging that the commission would never have been 
granted if the President had known of the conquest. The difficulty 
was at last terminated by the arrival of Commodore Shubrick, who 
outranked Stockton, and who, favoring General Kearney, transfer- 
red the office of Governor from Fremont to him. The affair, unfor- 
tunately did not terminate here, for Fremont, for charges preferred 
by General Kearney, was, on his return to the United States, tried 
by a court-martial, and ordered to be dismissed the service. The 
President, however, in consideration of the circumstances, remitted 
the punishment. But Fremont declaring that he had done nothing 
to warrant the sentence of the court, refused to accept the mercy of 
the executive, and resigned his Lieutenant-Colonelcy. 

Kearney continued in California until the 31st of May, 1847, 
when, leaving Colonel Mason of the first dragoons, as Governor, he 
returned to the United States. Mason had heen sent out to Califor- 
nia on the 5th of November, 1S46, with instructions to Stockton to 
relinquish to him the control of the land operations. Nor was this 
the only measure taken by the government of the United States to 
assert its right over California, and show its secret design, if possible, 
to retain that important province in the event of a peace. Simulta- 
neously, with the concentration at Fort Leavenworth of the forces 
destined to act against New Mexico, a regiment of volunteers was 
raised m the city of New York, under Colonel Stevenson, and 
embarked for California, it being the intention of the government to have 
them in the Pacific in time to co-operate with Kearney on his arri- 
val there from Santa Fe. Such men only were enlisted for this 
regiment as would be likely to remain in California at the close of 
the war. 

Thus the policy of the government provided a body of robust 
and adventurous men, who, like the military colonists of ancient 
Rome, or the pirates of Scandinavia, went forth to settle on 
the lands they conquered. The peace accordingly found them in 
California, where, with those who, principally Mormons, for the 
three preceding years, had emigrated thither, they form the nucleus 
of a mighty Anglo-American population on the shores of the Pacific. 
Perhaps, in the revolution of human affairs, the posterity of these 
adventurers on a distant shore, may become the merchant princes 
who shall monopolize the trade of the Indies, and rival the Medici 
in the days of their glory. 




LANDING OF TROOfS AT VERA CRL2 



BOOK IV. 



ADVANCE ON THE CAPITAL 




T had been the belief of the United 
States government, and the opinion 
was very generally shared by the 
people, that a few decisive defeats 
would induce the Mexicans to sue 
for peace. This impression was 
soon found to be erroneous. Ac- 
cordingly, after the fall of Monterey, 
it was resolved to carry the war 
into the heart of Mexico, and dic- 
tate terms of pacification in the 
capital itself. Two routes of ap- 
proach to the ancient city of the Montezumas lay open to an invader • 
the one through Monterey, Saltillo, and San Luis Potosi, and the 

79 



80 THE WAR WITH MEXICO. 

other by way of Vera Cruz and Puebla. The former. had the advan- 
tage of being already in part, in our possession, but was made 
objectionable by its extreme length, and by the vast deserts which 
it would be necessary to cross. The latter was both shorter and 
more easily traversed, but the key to this route was Vera Cruz, and 
therefore the capture of that place was an indispensable preliminary. 
After mature consideration, the government resolved, however, to 
attempt the shorter route, and accordingly began to prepare, with 
great energy, for an expedition against Vera Cruz. To the com- 
mand of this important enterprise it appointed General Scott. 

This officer was at the head of the army, and distinguished not 
less for his military skill than for his energy and courage. When the 
war broke out, he had desired to take the post to which his rank 
entitled him, and lead the soldiers of the United States, in person, on 
the Rio Grande. At first the government had yielded to his wish. 
Accordingly, Scott had made every preparation to leave Washing- 
ton, when an unfortunate difference arose between him and the 
executive, which led to his being ordered to remain at home. But 
even while his services in the field were thus dispensed with, the 
government availed itself of his practical knowledge and untiring 
zeal, in mustering into the service and despatching to the seat of 
war the regiments of volunteers authorized by the act of the 10th of 
May. His appointment to the command of the expedition against 
Vera Cruz, was hailed with applause by the country. The memory 
of his dashing achievements in the war of 1812, inspired a general 
confidence in the success of whatever he would now undertake. 
Scott himself was sanguine of achieving great deeds. His only 
regret was, that in order to execute his plans, it would be necessary 
to deprive Taylor of part of his regulars ; but he threw himself on 
the patriotism of his friend, and with a prophetic exhiliration, 
wrote that he hoped they would meet somewhere in the interior of 
Mexico. 

Scott sailed from New York on the 30th of November, 1846, and 
arrived at the Rio Grande on the 1st of January, 1847. He here 
found that the twelve thousand men whom he deemed necessary to 
secure his success, could not be obtained, unless he deprived Taylor 
of more soldiers than had been at first intended ; accordingly, he 
ordered up Worth from Saltillo with his division of regulars, in addi- 
tion to Twiggs, Patterson, Quitman and Pillow, who were already 
awaiting him at Victoria, or in its vicinity. Having completed all 
the requisite preparations, he concentrated his army at the island of 
Lobos, and embarked them on board one hundred transports for 



THE CITY OF VERA CRUZ. 81 

Antonio Lizardo, where they arrived on the 7th of March. The 
General, in company with Commodore Connor, the commander of 
the gulf fleet, immediately made a reconnoisance of the coast, and 
decided to land on the beach due west of the island of Sacrifioos. 
The debarkation was effected on the 9th, and rarely has a more 
splendid spectacle been witnessed ; never, indeed, in this hemisphere. 
The day was cloudless. A fresh, yet gentle breeze roughened the 
Gulf, and cleared off the haze of the atmosphere. As the compara- 
tively small fleet in which the soldiers had been crowded for the 
occasion, stood in towards Sacrificos, the rigging of the ships left 
behind, and of all the foreign vessels, was thronged with spectators. 
The different craft came gallantly to the anchorages assigned them. 
Instantly, as if by magic, the surf boats were seen to dot the water, 
and the troops to descend into them. In a few minutes, four thousand 
five hundred men were distributed in sixty-seven of these conveyances. 
In the interval, the steamers and gun-boats had stood close in to the 
shore, to cover the landing, in case the enemy, as expected, should 
show himself on the sand hills. As the boats severally received 
their complement, they ranged themselves in a line abreast, awaiting 
the signal to start. It was an exciting moment. Behind them was 
the fleet, alive with lookers on ; to their right, the city of Vera Cruz, 
its steeples filled with eager crowds ; and far, in the same direction, 
the Castle of San Juan de Ulloa, frowning with its hundred embra- 
sures on the scene. Suddenly a gun boomed across the expectant 
silence. The rowers bent to their oars. The line of boats shot for- 
ward ; and after a few minutes of breathless suspense, entered the 
boiling surf. They rose and fell for a second, apparently in wild 
disorder; the next moment the men were seen leaping into the 
water, and rushing to the shore. No enemy had yet appeared, but 
Worth, who led the advance, formed his men promptly on the 
beach, and as the sun went down, the flag of the United States was 
hoisted, amid the huzzas of army and fleet. The landing continued 
until ten o'clock, the boats making successive trips, and by that 
hour ten thousand men had been debarked. That night the 
Americans bivouacked on the sand. The Mexicans still made no 
demonstrations of attack, but hovered in flying parties around, occa- 
sionally, through the night, waking the invaders by a desultory 
volley. 

The city of Vera Cruz contains one thousand and sixty-three 
houses, and is surrounded with an old castellated wall. Its popu- 
lation, at this time, was seven thousand. In itself it was a place 
of considerable strength, but was rendered more impregnable by the 

11 



82 THE WAR WITH MEXICO. 

vicinity of the Castle of San Juan, the most celebrated of all Ameri- 
can fortresses. This stronghold is situated on a bar in front of the 
town, at the distance of one thousand and sixty-two yards, and is 
entirely surrounded with water. It was commenced in the year 
1 582, and cost fifty millions of dollars to construct. It was the last 
possession held by the Spaniards in Mexico, having remained in 
their keeping long after every foot of soil had been vanquished by 
the insurgents. It had been taken by the French in 1838, in con- 
sequence of an explosion in the magazine, but since that period had 
been repaired, and its equipment of artillery pieces rendered more 
complete. It was said, however, as subsequent events verified, to be 
short of provisions. The attempt to capture such a fortress and the 
city over which it kept zealous guard, was a bold undertaking, 
especially for troops unused to sieges. But the genius of Scott made 
up for all. 

At sunrise, the steamer Spitfire ran in towards the castle, and 
commenced a bombardment, which was returned with spirit. The 
troops on shore soon after began to advance towards the town, and 
form lines around it, amid the hissing of round shot and the roar of 
gigantic shells from the Castle. Every corps had been assigned its 
particular station, and now each took up the designated spot, the 
whole army executing its manoeuvres as orderly and quietly as if 
at a morning drill. By the 12th, the investment was complete. The 
lines of siege extended for five miles. During this proceeding, and 
until the 17th, one of the terrible hurricanes of that coast, the well 
known "northers," prevailed, and the men frequently woke at night 
with the tent prostrated, and themselves buried under the ruins. 
During the day, the sand raised in huge drifts, traversed the plains 
like a simoom, and the soldiers were driven to find protection under 
the shelter of the chapparal. At last the storm abated. The heavy 
ordnance was now, for the first time, landed. On the following day 
the trenches were opened. On the 22d, seven mortars were placed 
in battery, at a distance of eight hundred yards. Scott summoned 
the city, on this, in due form. Morales, who was Governor of the 
Castle, as well as the town, took the summons as intended for both, 
and declined. The batteries accordingly opened, and soon the sky 
was traversed by bombs, which, crossing each other, incessantly 
darkened the sun. 

The siege was now pushed with the greatest vigor. Colonel Tot- 
ten of the engineers, superintended the advances, and never, perhaps, 
was such skill seconded so bravely. Scott rode daringly along the 
lines, examining the progress, and inspiring the men. By the 25th, 



BOMBARDMENT OF VERA CRUZ. 



83 



the batteries had been increased to ten heavy guns, nine mortars and 
two howitzers. The bombardment was now at its height. Indeed, 
since the 22nd, it had been terrible. The incessant thunder of the 
artillery ; the whizzing of bombs ; the plunging of round shot in the 
streets of the city ; the crash of falling houses ; and the roar of con- 
flagrations from buildings set on fire by shells, conspired to produce 
a scene of the most awful yet sublime character. The American 
ships, meantime, kept up a tremendous fire on the town and castle. 
Bat that fortress, mindful of its former glory, maintained the combat 
without flinching. Firing on the fleet from its sea-front, and on the 
army from its land-side, it blazed a centre of continual flame. Night 




Bombardment of vera irdz. 



added new terrors to the scene. The darkened sky was brilliant 
with burning houses in the city ; while bombs, whizzing and whirl- 
ing on high, tracked the heavens with a hundred trails of fire. The 
shells of the castle were gigantic ones, thirteen inches in diameter, and 
traversed the air with a hum which filled all space. The troops 
gazed with awe on these terrible missiles, which, when they exploded, 
tore up the earth like a volcano. Each bomb that fell without injur- 






84 THE WAR WITH MEXICO. 

ing any one, was received with huzzas. And then, in stern and 
ominous silence, the artillerists resumed the work of death. 

By the evening of the 25th, the town had become so untenable, 
that the European Consuls in Vera Cruz applied to Scott to allow 
them, with the women and children, to leave the crumbling town. 
But this the American General refused, alleging that he had given 
due notice of his intention to bombard the city, and that those who 
remained in defiance of this, had no claim on him to stop the siege 
in order that they might be removed from peril. He stated that 
safeguards had been sent to the Consuls, of which they had refused 
to avail themselves ; that the blockade had been left open for the 
Consuls and neutrals up to the 22nd ; and that the case of the 
women and children, with their present unavoidable hardships, had 
been fully considered before a gun was fired. The decision was 
just, though distressing. The memorial of the Consuls betrayed 
that the city was half in ruins. This, indeed, could be seen partial- 
ly from the batteries. The siege, it was evident, approached its 
end. All that night accordingly the bombardment went on with 
increased vigor. There were few sleepers either in the castle or in 
the lines. In the city, women rushed through the streets, frantically 
dragging their children, in vain seeking shelter, for the houses were 
crashing all around them. Some who remained at home were buried 
by falling ruins ; others who fled to the church were driven out by 
the crumbling of the dome ; and still others, who thought to find 
safety in deep cellars, were killed by shells, that plunging through 
roof and floor, exploded at last in these recesses under ground. The 
fury of the bombardment may be estimated from the fact, that dur- 
ing the siege the Americans alone consumed three thousand ten- 
inch shells, twenty-five hundred round shot, one thousand Paixhan 
shot, and two hundred howitzer shells. 

On the morning of the 26th, Scott received a flag of truce, making 
overtures for a surrender. Generals Worth and Pillow, and Colonel 
Totten were accordingly appointed commissioners to treat with the 
Mexican General Landero, on whom Morales, the Governor of the 
castle, had devolved this painful duty. The American General 
was not disposed to press hard on a fallen foe, and accordingly the 
terms were soon arranged. The articles were signed and exchanged 
late on the night of the 27th. By them the city and castle were sur- 
rendered to the Americans, with five thousand soldiers, who became 
prisoners on parole ; all the arms and ammunition were given up to 
the conquerors, besides five hundred pieces of artillery : the garrison 
was, however, permitted to march out with the honors of Avar, 



CAPITULATION" OF VERA CRUZ. 85 

and the flags of the Mexican fort on being struck, were to be saluted 
by their own guns. On the 29th, accordingly, the enemy left the 
city, and laid down his arms in the presence of the Americans. It 
was a glorious day for the latter. The victors were drawn up in 
two lines, facing inwards, a mile in extent, and between these lines 
marched the dejected enemy to the field selected to receive his arms. 
Women and children accompanied the retiring soldiers, almost stag- 
gering under the heavy burdens they carried. The sight sad- 
dened for awhile, even the conquerors. But all melancholy 
thoughts were dissipated when the time arrived to take possession of 
the city and castle. This was done by a part of Worth's division, 
which entered the town with colors flying, and the bands playing 
national airs ; while Worth himself, surrounded by a splendid staff, 
rode at the head, conspicuous for his gallant bearing. As the troops 
advanced, they saw fallen houses, blackened walls, and streets half 
choked with ruins — terrible signs of the extremities to which the 
place had been reduced. When the flag of the United States was 
run up, the air echoed with vollies of artillery, and as these died off, 
the clang of triumphant music rose to the sky, mingled with ten 
thousand huzzas. 

The loss of the Americans in this siege was slight : ten officers 
killed, and several private soldiers. The exact loss of the enemy 
has never been known ; but whatever it was, it fell chiefly among 
non-combatants. It has been said that the castle surrendered too 
soon. Though it might have held out a few days longer, it must ulti- 
mately have fallen, in consequence of its garrison being short of pro- 
visions ; and its Governor acted humanely, if not wisely, therefore, 
in capitulating. The whole siege is a monument of the skill and 
valor of an American army. From the landing on the beach, up to 
the complete investment of the city, the invaders labored under 
unusual difficulties. Destitute of mules or draught horses, the men 
were forced to drag their provisions, and even the munitions of war. 
and this under a tropical sun, and over the loose sands of a sea- 
shore. For seven days the batteries of the enemy played on the 
Americans, without the latter being able to return a shot. The city 
and castle, with garrisons of five thousand men, were finally com- 
pelled to surrender, with the loss of less than a dozen lives to the 
victors. An achievement so brilliant, and won almost solely by the 
resources of science, placed Scott in the foremost rank of military 
commanders. 

Worth was appointed Governor of the captured city. The desire 
of the Commander-in-chief was to advance immediately into the in- 
m — H 



§6 THE WAR WITH MEXICO. 

terior, at the head of a column eight thousand strong ; but he was 
compelled to delay for a fortnight, awaiting the arrival of wagons 
from the United States. At last, on the 8th of April, the van of the 
army, which consisted of Twiggs' division, began its march. The 
other divisions followed rapidly. The route pursued was the great 
highway to the capital, constructed by the Mexican merchants 
before the revolution, but since broken up in many places and left 
without repair. At the distance of a day's ride from Vera Cruz, this 
road crossed an immense stone bridge, known as the Puente Na- 
tional : and here it was expected that the enemy's army, which was 
advancing from the capital, would make a stand. This post, which 
might have been rendered the Thermopylae of Mexico, was left 
undefended; and being immediately occupied by the invaders,opened 
to them a direct highway to the interior. The march of the troops 
after the third day, when they left the plains, was through some of 
the most picturesque scenery in the world. The road rose gradual- 
ly, winding along the side of the mountains. High cliffs ascended 
on either hand ; deep abysses yawned below ; and far in the distance, 
inland, Orizaba towered eighteen thousand feet above the sea. The 
stifling atmosphere of the low sandy plains around Vera Cruz dis- 
appeared, and with it all fear of the vomito. Tropical plants began 
to be scarce, and the well known vegetation of the temperate latitudes 
to supply their place. Mountain torrents leaped from the rocks and 
roared into the ravines below. These delightful visions increased in 
frequency as the army advanced, until at Xalapa, seventy miles 
from Vera Cruz, and at an elevation of four thousand feet above the 
sea, the invaders reached the most beautiful point of their march, 
and rested in what is literally the garden of the world. 

Before advancing into this higher country, however, and immedi- 
ately on leaving the plains, the Americans met and defeated the 
enemy at Cerro Gordo, a strong position, forty-five miles from Vera 
Cruz. Hither Santa Anna, after his defeat at Buena Vista, traversing 
the intermediate country with great rapidity, had arrived in the 
early part of April, with an army of fifteen thousand men. The 
highway winding along the face of the mountain, is commanded by 
numerous elevations, rising one above another ; Cerro Gordo with 
its tower at the further extremity, overlooking all. At every favo- 
rable point Santa Anna had constructed batteries. Twiggs arrived 
in front of this apparently impregnable position, and made a recon- 
noisance, on the 12th of April. He had determined to attack on the 
following morning, but Patterson coming up in the interval, the 
latter concluded to await the approach of Scott. The Commander- 



STORMING OF THE HEIGHTS AT CERRO GORDO. S7 

in-chief made a new reconnoisance, and discovering that an assault in 
front would only lead to useless sacrifice of life, determined, if prac- 
ticable, to turn the enemy's position, by cutting a road to his right, 
which should wind around the base of Cerro Gordo, and debouch 
into the national road in the rear of the enemy. Accordingly, on the 
14th, this laborious undertaking was begun. The route was nearly 
completed, when, on the 17th, the Mexicans discovered it, and imme- 
diately opened a tremendous fire of grape and musketry on the 
working parties. Twiggs now seized a hill just below Cerro Gordo, 
which not only commanded the new road, but all the Mexican bat- 
teries, except the great one erected on the key of their position. 
That night, as soon as darkness had closed in, a thousand men from 
his division were detailed to drag a twenty-four pound gun, and 
two twenty-four pound howitzers up this almost precipitous hill ; 
a task wnich they performed, after eight hours of incessant labor. 
When morning dawned, the adventurous Americans, who had sunk 
exhausted to slumber, were roused by the reveille in the neighbor- 
ing fort at Cerro Gordo, and cutting away the brushwood which 
concealed their battery, suddenly presented themselves to the aston- 
ished Mexicans. At the same instant they opened a heavy fire on 
all the enemy's batteries ; and, as the stunning reverberations echoed 
through the mountains, their companions in arms below, who had 
only awaited this signal, advanced to execute the several parts 
assigned them in the approaching battle. 

The evening before, in anticipation of fortifying this height, Scott 
had completed his plan of attack, and issued it in an order, breathing 
such calm confidence in victory as since to have become a model 
in war. To Pillow, at the head of the volunteers, was delegated 
the task of moving in front of the enemy along the national road ? 
and attacking the batteries there, endeavor to pierce the Mexican 
line of battle. Twiggs, with his division of regulars, was ordered 
to proceed along the road cut to the right, storm Cerro Gordo, and 
get into the enemy's rear. He was to be supported in this move- 
ment by Shields, at the head of two volunteer regiments, while 
Worth, with his division, acting as a reserve, was to follow the same 
route. No sooner, however, was Twiggs seen advancing, than the 
Mexicans opened a plunging fire on him from Cerro Gordo. Colo- 
nel Harney was promptly ordered to carry that position. At the 
head of the rifles, the first artillery, and the seventh infantry, that 
heroic officer rushed forward and began to ascend the long and diiii- 
cult slope of the hill, in the face of a tremendous fire of artillery in 
front, and a rolling one of musketry on the flanks. The ascent was 



ss 



THE WAR WITH MEXICO. 



so precipitous that the men had to climb ; but they struggled on, 
defended only by the steepness of the hill. The front ranks melted 
away under the awful fire, but the place of the fallen was immedi- 



''"Uk- 




STORMING OF CERRO GORDO. 



ately filled, and the solid column rolling onwards and upwards, sur- 
mounted the hill, and poured its resistless surge over the ramparts. 
As the Americans reached this point, they raised a shout, and 
rushed on the foe with the bayonet. Vasquez, the Mexican Gene- 
ral, fell bravely fighting at the head of his men. Then panic seized 
the enemy. The flags of the first and seventh infantry were already 
planted on the ramparts. Serjeant Henry, plunging through the 
smoke, reached the great nag-staff, and hurled down the standard 
of Mexico. At the same time a neighboring ascent was gallantly 
carried by the first and second infantry and fourth artillery. The 
sight, seen over the field of battle, was hailed with tempestuous 
shouts, and announced the victory won. 

Pillow's attack in front had proved unsuccessful, though his troops 
fought valiantly ; but courage cannot always avail ; the defences of 
the foe were too strong, and the day went against our men. How- 
ever, the corps of General La Vega, three thousand strong, which 



STORMING OF THE HEIGHTS AT CERRO GORDO. 89 

Santa Anna had confided the defence of the lower batteries, was 
kept employed until Cerro Gordo was won ; and then, finding him- 
self cut off, this brave officer surrendered with his troops. Mean- 
time, Shields, at the head of his volunteers, had passed Cerro 
Gordo during the assault, and pushed rapidly forward towards 
Xalapa, in order to prevent the escape of Santa Anna. But the 
Mexican Commander-in-chief, when the assault of Cerro Gordo began, 
believing the day lost, had fled from the field, and was soon followed 
by most of his army, to the number of eight thousand. Shields, 
finding a fort in front, stormed it, and fell, shot through the lungs ; 
but the place was captured, and his troops swept onwards, no longer 
opposed, in pursuit of the fugitives. Shouts of victory now rose on 
every hand. Worth, coming up with the reserves, passed the compara- 
tively exhausted troops, of Twiggs ; and pressed foremost in the 
chase, not stopping until within sight of Xalapa. The next day the 
road was seen strewed, for miles, with the dead bodies of the Mexi- 
can lancers, who had been sabred by Harney's dragoons. 

The spoils of this victory were immense. Five Generals ; a vast 
number of inferior officers; three thousand soldiers; innumerable 
small arms ; forty-three pieces of cannon, and the private carriage of 
Santa Anna were among them. Scott, indeed, was embarrassed 
with the magnitude of the booty, for he was without the means of 
transporting it. He, therefore, buried the small arms. The prisoners 
he paroled, not having provisions for them. The Americans lost in 
this battle, two hundred and fifty killed and wounded ; among the 
latter, Captain Mason and Lieutenant Ewell, both mortally. The 
Mexicans lost three hundred and fifty, exclusive of those who 
perished in the flight, the number of whom has never been known. 
Not a man in the American army disgraced himself in this encoun- 
ter; but all behaved courageously, and many like heroes. Scott rode 
forward to watch the assault on Cerro Gordo, and stood under a 
canopy of cannon-balls until it was carried. Twiggs covered him- 
self with glory, as did also his subordinates, Harney, Plympton, 
Loring and Alexander. 

By this great victory the road to the valley of Mexico was laid 
open. Xalapa was entered on the 19th, two days after the battle. 
The Mexicans, panic-struck, hastened to abandon the strong posi- 
tion of La Hoya. On the 22d, Worth, occupied with his division, 
the castle and town of Perote, and here became possessed of fifty- 
four pieces of cannon and mortars, eleven thousand cannon balls, 
fourteen thousand bombs, and five hundred muskets. Pushing on, 
after a short delay, he reached Puebla on the 15th of May, encoun- 
m — h* 12 



90 



THE WAR WITH MEXICO. 



tering scarcely any opposition. This city stands at an elevation of 
seven thousand feet above the sea, and is but seventy-six miles from the 
capital. It contains a population of eighty thousand souls, abounds 
with rich churches and monasteries, and was formerly considered 
one of the wealthiest places, for its size, on the globe. The invaders 
were now on the great central plateau of Mexico. Their road from 
Vera Cruz, until within a few miles of Puebla, had been sterile, 
little vegetation beside the cactus being seen, except in the valley of 




Xalapa ; but now cultivated fields spread around them, and suddenly, 
at a turn of the road, Puebla flashed upon the sight. In the clear 
atmosphere of that elevated region, it looked like some magic town, 
its lofty houses and splendid churches gleaming out with a brilliancy 
unknown in the northern latitudes ; while the amphitheatre of moun- 
tains which encircled the valley in the midst of which it stood, 
formed a majestic background, with Popocatepetl, the giant of the 
Corderillas, keeping guard over the entrance to the great valley of 
Mexico beyond. The troops, cheered by the sight, hastened on, and 



GENERAL SCOTT's ARMY AT PUEBLA. 91 

about noon their van entered the city. The windows were crowded 
as the conquerors advanced to the great square, where the soldiers 
piled their arms, and slept that night securely, though in the midst 
of a city, one half of whose male population exceeded the whole 
force of the invaders. Thus, in two months, had the Americans 
conquered Vera Cruz, opened the road to the great plateau, and 
gained a position on the very threshold of the capital. During this 
time they had taken ten thousand prisoners, seven hundred cannon, 
ten thousand stand of arms, many colors of the enemy, and almost 
innumerable stores of shells and shot. These things had been 
achieved with an army never more than fourteen thousand strong, 
but now reduced by various causes, to forty-three hundred effective 
men. There is not, in modern history, a campaign to compare with 
this, unless it be that of Austerlitz ! 

There was now a pause in active operations, the army remaining 
in Puebla from the 17th of May to the 7th of August. The reasons 
for this halt were two-fold. In the first place, the United States in- 
dulged a hope of peace, and had sent out Mr. Trist, Chief Clerk of 
the State Department, to negotiate one. He arrived at Xalapa as 
Scott was about advancing to Puebla, and immediately endeavored 
to operate on the enemy. But he met with no success, though 
Scott, to conciliate the foe, had issued a proclamation from Xalapa, 
exposing to the Mexicans the rapacity of their rulers, and their slight 
hope of success in this war, at the same time recalling to their mind 
the generous conduct of the Americans in sparing their churches, 
public edifices, and private property, a behavior which showed 
their earnest desire for an honorable peace. The second reason for 
Scott's delay at Puebla, was the inefficiency of his force. Owing to 
sickness, death, the discharge of volunteers, and the necessity of 
leaving garrisons at Xalapa and other places, his army had dwindled 
down, so that he could not muster more than five thousand effective 
men at Puebla on the 1st of June. The discharge of the twelve 
months volunteers had especially reduced his numerical force. These 
men had been called out in May and June, 1846, under the act 
authorising the President to accept the services of fifty thousand 
volunteers for one year. Several regiments of these being in Scott's 
army, the time for their discharge happened just as he expected to 
march from Puebla. He resolved accordingly to await reinforce- 
ments. Meantime, the government at home had at last become 
awake to the necessity of throwing more men into Mexico, and ac- 
cordingly, a bill for the enlistment of ten regiments, to serve during 
the war, had passed both houses of Congress, and been signed by 



92 THE WAR WITH MEXICO. 

the President. The new levies, as fast as raised, were despatched 
to the seat of war. Fresh volunteer regiments were also called out. 
But these steps had been delayed too long, and it was three months 
before Scott was in a condition to advance. The interval, he em- 
ployed, however, in drilling his little army more effectually, so that 
before he left Puebla, the volunteers had attained nearly the preci- 
sion of veterans, and the whole formed a body of troops, never, per- 
haps, surpassed in discipline, courage, and intelligence. The offi- 
cers, with few exceptions, had been instructed at West Point, and 
were capable, from the lowest to the highest, of directing a brigade, 
as well as leading a company. All were heroes. With such an 
army, if increased in numbers, nothing was impossible. 

Soon after Scott arrived at Puebla, the garrison at Xalapa was 
broken up ; the army not being in sufficient force to spare so large a 
detachment. Perote was now made a depot. This left the line of 
communication without defence. The American Commander thus 
found himself in the heart of an enemy's country, cut off entirely 
from his base, and surrounded by a hostile population. Modern 
warfare furnishes no parallel to this. Napoleon, when he advanced 
on Russia, kept open his connexions with the Rhine, by a continu- 
ous chain of garrisoned posts. Wellington, in his operations in 
Spain, never lost sight of the lines of Torres Vedras, which he con- 
stituted the pivot of his operations. There is no rule of the military 
art more inflexible, than that a General should never advance with- 
out providing a means of retreat ; yet this rule Scott daringly vio- 
lated. The result proved his sagacity. Indeed, the boldness of his 
attitude was a chief source of his safety. The enemy were con- 
founded at the hardihood of the General, and the confidence of the 
troops, who thus, as it were, hurled the gauntlet of defiance to all 
Mexico. But the measure, bold as it was, would never have been 
adopted, but from imperative necessity. If Scott had attempted to 
garrison Xalapa, and other places, he would have had no troops left 
for Puebla. He had to choose, therefore, between abandoning that 
post or his present one. He wisely determined on the former. 

Meantime, supplies and reinforcements for our army were pour- 
ing into Mexico. The spirit of the people had become aroused, 
and whatever their differences of opinion as to the origin of the war, 
all parties united, with general unanimity, to support the Comman- 
der-in-chief, and enable him to advance on the capital. The senti- 
ment in favor of a vigorous prosecution of hostilities, was the more 
diffused, because it was believed that the fall of Mexico would lead 
to a speedy peace. The route between Vera Cruz and Puebla, was 






ADVANCE OF SCOTT ON THE CAPITAL. 93 

now, however, infested with guerillas, a species of volunteer force, 
who paid little attention to the laws of war; sought plunder chiefly ; 
and frequently turned their arms against their own countrymen. On 
the 5th of May, a large train started from Vera Cruz, under the 
escort of Colonel Mcintosh, at the head of eight hundred men. At. 
the Passo de Ovejas, it was attacked by a party of guerillas, who 
cut off thirty wagons and two hundred mules. The Americans 
made a gallant resistance, though overpowered, and lost thirty men, 
killed and wounded. On the 10th of May, General Cadwalader 
marched to the relief of Colonel Mcintosh, with six howitzers, and 
six hundred men, the latter, chiefly voltiguers, of the new levies. A 
junction was made, and the detachment, now fourteen hundred 
strong, completed the route to Puebla,in safety. Other trains rapidly 
followed. On the 17th of May, General Pillow left Vera Cruz, with 
one thousand men, and succeeded in safely reaching the main army. 
Early in August, General Pierce, at the head of twenty-five hundred 
new recruits, joined the Commander-in-chief. Scott's forces, by 
these accessions, being augmented to eleven thousand available men, 
he resolved, on the 7th of August, to advance on the capital. Every 
heart beat high with hope at the order to march ; and visions of 
glory to be won, danced before the imagination. 

On leaving Puebla, the road gradually ascended toward the Sierra 
Nevada. To the south was seen Popocateptl, its lower sides belted 
with dark pine forests, while its cone shot far into the transparent 
ether, clothed in its winding sheet of everlasting snows. On the 
north, rose Iztaccithuatl, its gigantic rival. Immense farms, covered 
with grazing herds, and long fields, nodding with grain, attested the 
richness of the valley of Puebla. As the mountains drew nearer, 
the signs of cultivation disappeared. Dark forests spread out on 
every side a sea of foliage. For three days the soldiers toiled 
through this region. Hill after hill rose before them, each prom- 
ising to be the last, yet each, when surmounted, revealing still 
another in front. Cold blasts sweeping down from the neighboring 
mountains, reminded the troops of the inclement winters of their 
northern clime. At last, after winding up a long acclivity, and 
descending on the other side, they reached the pass of Rio Frio, 
where it was said the enemy had determined to make a stand, but 
no signs of a foe being visible, the army plunged boldly into the 
ravine. Trunks of trees, piled one above another, betrayed, how- 
ever, that the Mexicans had not been without thoughts of defence. 
As the troops defiled through the narrow pass, and looked up at the 
gigantic craggs beetling overhead, they involuntarily quickened 



91 THE WAR WITH MEXICO. 

their steps, lest some secret foe should be lurking up among the rocks, 
ready to bury whole battalions under the loosened fragments of the 
mountain. Having securely passed this lonely ravine, they began 
to think they were approaching the end of their toils. The road 
now ascended, by a series of short windings, through the pine woods, 
and finally came out on an almost level table land, over which the 
troops advanced for some hours, catching glimpses, occasionally, of 
a distant horizon to the west, apparently as interminable as the ocean. 
At last, turning the edge of the Sierra, a vision, unrivalled for mag- 
nificence and beauty, suddenly burst upon them. In an instant 
fatigue and cold were forgotten in the enrapturing sight. 

Two thousand feet below them lay the great valley of Mexico, 
its picturesque assemblage of forest, lake, village, and cultivated 
plain, gleaming out in the brilliant atmosphere, like some gorgeous 
panorama. For two hundred miles around this superb plain, 
stretched a barrier of stupendous mountains. Looking over this 
gigantic wall, fifty miles to the west, other, and more distant ranges 
appeared, and beyond these, still others, until the eye was fatigued 
by the immensity of the landscape. More immediately beneath, the 
spectators beheld village spires, lordly haciendas, and sheets of water 
shining in the sun, the whole chequered by vapors that moved in 
flying shadows above the plain. The gaze of the soldiers long wan- 
dered over this prospect. Far in the distance was seen the sacred 
hill of Chapultepec, with its white palace glancing out amid the dark 
grove of cypresses which still girdles it as in the days of Montezuma. 
There, too, was the once famed Lake Tezcuco, now dwindled to a 
marsh, its former bed glistening with incrustations of salt. And 
there, also, amid its green meadows, half screened by the sea of ver- 
dure that undulated around it, rose the capital, once the proud seat 
of mighty emperors, and still the boast of its citizens, and the wonder 
of the world. Turret, and spire, and pinnacle, white as the driven 
snow, soared to the sky ; the great tower of the cathedral in the 
centre, like a planet amid her satellites. Surrounded by its silver 
lakes, nothing could be more beautiful than the capital. In the fore- 
ground, the spectators beheld forests of waving trees, until the view 
was closed by the rugged descent immediately at their feet. Yet all this 
grandeur and loveliness was not without its depressing influences, 
for the vast plain appeared destitute of life or motion ; no sails 
whitened the lakes ; no teams were seen afield ; no smoke of facto- 
ries curled to the sky. It seemed like some pageant raised by a 
magician's wand, a thing of mere air ; or, if real, a valley of the dead. 

The army now began its descent, and still following the national 



ADVANCE OF SCOTT ON THE CAPITAL. 95 

road, encamped, at the end of the fourth day, at the little town ot 
Ayotla, near Lake Chalco, fifteen miles from the capital. Here, the 
advance under Twiggs halted, in order that the rear, composed of 
the divisions of Worth, Pillow, and Quitman, might come up. The 
Commander-in-chief was present with the van, and immediately 
gave orders to reconnoitre the country. It was soon found that the 
direct road to the capital was commanded, at the distance of seven 
miles from the city, by a rocky eminence called El Pernon. This 
hill, inaccessible on one side by nature, had been rendered so on 
all others by art ; fifty-one guns, of different calibres, had been 
mounted on it; and to complete its impregnable character, a ditch, 
twenty-four feet wide, and ten deep, had been cut around its foot. 
From El Pernon, to the city, the road was a causeway, surrounded by 
water. As this position could not be turned, it had to be car- 
ried by assault. It was estimated, however, that it would cost a loss of 
five thousand men to storm the place. Accordingly, Scott ordered a 
reconnoisance in a different direction. Another road, passing south 
of the great national one, was soon discovered ; but this was also 
strongly fortified at Mexicalsingo, about five miles from the city. 
All the approaches to the capital by the usual route between Lakes 
Tezcuco and Chalco, being found thus impregnable, the plans of the 
General-in-chief, were, for awhile, at fault ; and he was hesitating, 
whether or not, to advance upon Mexicalsingo, and fight his way 
along the causeway that leads between marshes from that point to the 
city, when an express arrived from the rear that a practicable route 
had been discovered toward the lower extremity of Lake Chalco, 
by which all the enemy's positions at both El Pernon and Mexical- 
singo, might be avoided. 

The merit of this discovery belongs, in part, to Worth. This 
latter officer had arrived, with his regulars, at Chalco, and receiving 
intelligence of the perplexity at head quarters, had thrown out, 
examining parties in every direction. The result was, that around 
the lower extremity of Lake Chalco, a road was found, which, 
though exceedingly rugged, was still practicable, and which led 
into the great highway of Acapulco, that entered Mexico by its 
western gate. On the 14th, accordingly, the army was put in 
motion, retracing its steps for about ten miles, and then striking 
across the country nearly at right angles to its former course. By 
this change of route, Worth, who had been in the rear, was thrown 
into the advance, a position peculiarly congenial to his impetuous 
and daring soul. He discovered before lie had marched five miles, 



96 THE WAR WITH MEXICO. 

that the change of plan was already known to the Mexicans ; for 
sharp-shooters began to show themselves on the crests on the hills, 
and once they attempted to block up the road by rolling down rocks. 
A few shot, however, dislodged the Mexicans, and then the way was 
soon made passable. The march, after being continued for twenty- 
seven miles, terminated at San Augustine, on the Acapulco road. 
Worth reached this place on the 13th, and, in a few hours, the 
other divisions of the army were within striking distance. Twiggs, 
with the rear, arrived on the 18th. He had not come, however, 
without molestation; for at Buena Vista, about three miles from 
Ayotla, his train had been attacked by a division of Mexican lancers 
and infantry. After a short skirmish, the assailants had been 
beaten off, and the rest of the route had been prosecuted without 
opposition. 

It must not be supposed, however, that the Americans found the 
Acapulco road undefended. With consummate skill Santa Anna had 
prepared for every contingency. A line of fortifications, extending 
in a semi-circle around the city from Lake Tezcuco on the east, to 
the mountains on the west, constituted his exterior defences for the 
capital. The strongest of these posts, El Pernon and Mexicalsingo, 
were on that side where the enemy would be most likely to advance, 
and commanded the only available road by which Mexico could be 
entered on the south and east. But, though the cross-road from 
Chalco to the Acapulco road, was believed to be impracticable, 
Santa Anna had not forgotten the possibility that a movement might 
be made from this quarter, and accordingly had continued his line 
of defences across this highway, and westward to the mountains, 
thus covering every avenue of approach. The first of these posts, 
west of Lake Chalco, was Churubusco, a tete du point at the crossing 
of a canal armed with cannon. Still further to the west, was 
Contreras, a sharp hill, bristling with batteries and breastwork. In 
the route from Contreras, and within a mile of the city, was Cha- 
pultepec, a strongly fortified acclivity, on which was the military 
college. The whole of these defences mounted at least one hundred 
pieces of cannon, while the ground between them was either marshy 
or rough with volcanic remains, rendering the passage, unless along 
a few artificial causeways, almost impracticable, even for infantry. 
Behind this line of fortifications, Valencia manoeuvred at the head 
of six thousand troops, while Santa Anna, with twenty-four thousand 
more, held himself within striking distance. To pierce such a line, 
and defeat such overwhelming numbers, would, under ordinary cir- 



STORMING OF THE HILL AT CONTRERAS. 97 

cumstances, have transcended possibility ; but the American soldiers, 
fired by the example of their officers, believed that nothing was 
beyond their strength. Moreover, a noble emulation to surpass the 
glories of Buena Vista, was not without its influence. 

Worth's division, on the 18th, left San Augustine, and proceeding 
along the Acapulco road, approached San Antonio, between two 
and three miles in the advance. A heavy fire on his van, by which 
Captain Thornton was killed, revealed that the village was held in 
force by the enemy. A reconnoisance soon proved that it would be 
impossible to carry it without immense slaughter. There was but one 
way to turn this position, and that was by crossing to the westward, 
where, at the distance of five miles, was a practicable route, leading 
into the rear of San Antonio. But the passage across the country 
was extremely rough, and considered impracticable for artillery; 
moreover, at the end, lay the hill of Contreras, which would have 
to be stormed before the desired road could be seized. Scott, how- 
ever, determined on this movement. Pillow's division of volunteers 
was accordingly detailed on the contemplated route, to make a prac- 
ticable road for heavy artillery. To cover this working party, the 
division of Twiggs was thrown forward in the same direction : it 
consisted of the two brigades of Smith and Riley, all veteran heroes. 
Each man carried his blanket on his shoulder, and two days pro- 
visions in his haversack. The troops started at 1, P. M., on the 
19th, dragging Magruder's battery and the mountain howitzers. 

The Americans had no idea of the strength of the defences at Con- 
treras ; what was their surprise, therefore, when, at the end of an 
hour's toilsome march, they reached the crest of a hill, and perceived, 
directly in front, the intrenchments of Valencia, bristling with twen- 
ty-two heavy cannon, and completely commanding the broken and 
rocky ground over which, with infinite labor, they were advancing. 
The road back of Contreras, which was the aim of the Americans, 
was in full sight, and was seen crowded with reinforcements, princi- 
pally cavalry, hastening to the hill. As soon as the guns of Valencia 
were descried, the men lay down close, to avoid drawing their fire, 
while the battery moved past at full gallop. Just then General 
Smith showed himself in the front, and called to his own regiment, 
" Forward, rifles — to support the battery." The men, prompt to the 
voice of their leader, sprang up and advanced, regardless of the 
rocks, ditches, and patches of corn which obstructed their way, the 
enemy all the while maintaining an incessant fire. Over this broken 
ground, however, neither the men nor artillery could move with 
M — i 13 



98 THE WAR WITH MEXICO. 

much rapidity, and the latter was considerably injured before it 
arrived within range,, which it did finally about 4, P. M. The 
Mexicans at once opened their whole battery, firing grape, cannis- 
ter, and round shot with murderous precision and rapidity. For 
two hours, the Americans, with their three small guns, withstood 
the leaden hurricane. At every discharge the men threw them- 
selves on the ground to avoid the tempest, and then sprang up and 
served the pieces. At the end of that time, having suffered terribly, 
the regiment was recalled. Meantime, in another part of the field, 
successive charges by the enemy's lancers had been made, but they 
were uniformly repelled by the rolling fire of the second infantry. 
The third acting as skirmishers, in another quarter, drove in the 
Mexicans. The whole action lasted about three hours. It closed 
without any decisive results for either side. The Americans had not 
carried their point, and may, therefore, be considered as defeated ; 
but neither had they been routed ; they still held their post in front 
of the foe, and resolved, on the next day, to make a new attempt. 
For this purpose Scott directed the troops to take up favorable posi- 
tions during the night. Cadwalader was ordered to occupy the 
hamlet and church of Contreras, on the road leading from the capi- 
tal to Valencia's camp, and this, with the design of cutting off rein- 
forcements for the Mexicans. Lest a single brigade should not be 
sufficient, Shields was despatched to support Cadwalader. The 
brigades of Smith and Riley were posted in a narrow path, parallel 
to the main road, which brought them on the flank and rear of the 
enemy. The plan of the Commander-in-chief was that Smith and 
Riley should storm the hill of Contreras in the rear, on the succeed- 
ing day, while he should make a diversion in front, and Shields and 
Cadwalader should prevent reinforcements. Having completed these 
arrangements, Scott retired to head-quarters, and was followed by 
the other Major-Generals, leaving Smith in temporary command. 

The night that followed was a dismal one. The rain descended 
in torrents ; the ground was a stiff clay ; and the brigades of Smith 
and Riley slept in the mire, many of the officers and men without 
blankets. Towards midnight it was discovered that the communi- 
cations with head quarters had been cut off. Thus left alone, wet, 
weary, and hungry, partially defeated, and surrounded by an enemy 
fourfold in number, it is not wonderful that the soldiers became dis- 
pirited. Morning, which at least would terminate suspense, was 
eagerly awaited. The men were benumbed with the rain and cold, 
when, suddenly, about 3, A. M., the word to " fall in," was passed 



STORMING OF COXTRERAS. 99 

along the line. The brigades of Smith and Riley now moved rapidly- 
through an orchard, and took position, unobserved, directly in rear 
of the Mexican battery, separated from it only by the crest of a hill. 
Cadwalader's brigade was moved from the village, and placed in 
the rear of Smith and Riley, as a reserve. The brigade of Shields 
was left to hold Contreras. These preparations had been completed 
by 6, A. M., when Shields arrived in person on the field ; but as the 
arrangements for the day had been thus far entirely under the con- 
trol of Smith, Shields, though his superior, refused to deprive him 
of the command. "You missed your chance at Cerro Gordo," he 
said, in allusion to the illness which kept Smith from participating 
in that battle, " and I will not interfere with your laurels now." 

The troops had taken their positions, when Smith showed him- 
self along the line, and announced, that, fearing lest Santa Anna 
might arrive and force a passage to Valencia's relief, he had deci- 
ded to attack immediately, and not wait for the diversion of Scott in 
front. The sight of his familiar person animated the men. The lead 
of the storming party was assigned to Colonel Riley. Placing him- 
self at the head of the column, that heroic officer, the idol of his 
soldiers, turned and pithily addressed them. " I have but a word to 
say to you, my lads," he remarked, " give them the cold lead, and 
remember I am with you." Nothing could have been better timed 
than this cool, laconic speech, for it carried assurance of victory 
with it. Springing forward, the brigade soon reached the crest of 
the hill, and opening its fire, rushed down on the foe. The crack of 
a hundred rifles startled the enemy, who, on the watch for an attack 
in front, little expected one in his rear, and, in his surprise and 
hurry, he discharged a volley, which overshot the storming party. 
On went the Americans, cheering and firing, and, before the artil- 
lery could be turned on them, they gained the foot of the parapet. 
This obstruction was cleared in an instant, Riley's brigade pouring 
over it like a solid wave. Once within the intrenchments, the strug- 
gle was soon over. Salas, the Mexican General, springing to the 
front, and crying," victory for Mexico," endeavored to rally his men ; 
the Americans burst into the midst of the half formed ranks, and 
with the butt-ends of their muskets, beat them to the ground. The 
blows of the falling stocks ; the shrieks of the wounded, and the yells 
of the conquerors, mingling in awful discord, were heard even in the 
village below. In seventeen minutes the combat was at end, and the 
enemy every where in flight : a column of lancers, five thousand 
strong, which came up just as the assault begun, saw that the day 
was lost, and had set this example. Cadwalader, with his two regi- 



100 THE WAR WITH MEXICO. 

rnents, won here his first laurels. The road was soon blocked up 
with fugitives, crowding and treading each other down. The rifles 
and the second infantry, with loud yells, headed the pursuit, and 
added to the terrors of those who fled. Shields' brigade also, rush- 
ing from the village, threw itself into the road, and intercepted the 
retreat. The enemy, at this, flung down his arms by whole compa- 
nies. At one point, thirty men, without an officer, captured five 
hundred. It seemed as if the fabulous days of old had come to 
be real. 

The results were immense. Besides seven hundred of the enemy 
killed, and at least one thousand wounded, there were eight hundred 
and thirteen taken prisoners, of whom four were Generals. Among 
the spoils were twenty-two pieces of brass cannon, seven hundred 
pack mules, a vast quantity of shot, shells, small-arms, and ammuni- 
tion. But the greatest prize of all, was the re-capture by a compa- 
ny of the fourth artillery, of the two six-pounders, taken from 
another company of the same regiment, in the battle of Buena Vista. 
On beholding these long regretted pieces, some of the men rushed 
forward and embraced them with tears. By this victory, Smith 
completely cat the line of the Mexican defence, rendered the posi- 
tion at San Antonio no longer tenable, and forced the enemy to con- 
centrate his troops at Churubusco. This latter post was now but 
four miles distant across the country. In a measure, it was owing 
to the gross errors on the part of the enemy, that the day was won 
with so little loss to the Americans ; for nothing but negligence would 
have allowed a storming party to get into the rear, or would have 
omitted to fortify the heights around Contreras. 

On receiving intelligence of the victory, Scott ordered Worth to 
advance, with his division along the Acapulco road, and drive the 
enemy from San Antonio, a task which now promised to be easy, 
since, by the loss of Contreras a road was opened to his rear. As 
soon as San Antonio was carried, Worth was directed to push 
forward to Churubusco, which he was to assault in front ; while 
Twiggs, with the victorious troops from Contreras, crossing the 
country, should attack it simultaneously in flank. The works at 
Churubusco were understood to be almost impregnable. The vil- 
lage of that name is situated on a rivulet, which is nearly parallel 
to the Acapulco road, and is surrounded with corn-fields and 
meadows, the latter intersected every where by ditches. Approach- 
ing Churubusco from Contreras, the traveller meets, at the entrance 
of the village, a hacienda which guards the causeway leading to the 
Acapulco road. This hacienda was now strongly fortified. It con- 



ADVANCE ON CHURUBUSCO. 101 

sisted of an enclosure of stone walls, which was overtopped by a 
stone building inside ; and the latter was in turn, overtopped by a 
stone church. The outside walls were pierced for two ranges of 
musketry ; the building and church for one each : so that four dif- 
ferent ranges of men could thus fire at the same time. The haci- 
enda was further defended by six pieces of cannon. It was 
impossible for cavalry or artillery to reach the Acapulco road with- 
out first carrying this position. 

About four hundred yards from the hacienda, and at the other 
extremity of the village, the Acapulco road crossed the little rivulet 
of which we have spoken, and stretched on towards the western 
gate of Mexico. The bridge-head here was strongly fortified, and 
constituted a tete du point. A force, advancing along the highway, 
would leave the hacienda to the left, and first be arrested in front of 
the tete du point. But, if the hacienda was not simultaneously 
attacked, any body of troops moving along the highway, would be 
subjected to a fire from it on the flank. Hence, it became necessary 
to assail both the tete du point and the hacienda at once. The fall 
of the latter would lead the victors by Contreras, directly on the 
Acapulco road, where, the tete du point being carried, the way 
would be cleared to the capital, only four miles distant. Twiggs 
being assigned the task of carrying the hacienda, and Worth that 
of forcing the tete du point, it only became necessary to provide for 
cutting off the retreat of the enemy, in order to insure a complete 
victory. To Shields, accordingly, this part of the day's work was 
assigned. He was directed to struggle across the meadows, in a 
line parallel to, but on the left of the Acapulco road, and getting into 
the rear of the foe, prevent his seeking refuge in the city when the 
works of Churubusco should be stormed. 

The operations of the day, therefore, resolved themselves into 
three distinct combats ; one undertaken by Worth, another by Twiggs, 
and a third by Shields. We shall narrate them in the order named. 
It was about 8, A. M., when Worth set forth from San Augustine, 
leaving Quitman with a single brigade, to garrison that place, which 
was the general depot of the army. On approaching San Antonio, 
Worth discovered the place to be too strong to be assaulted, for no 
less than seven batteries, mounting in all twenty-four guns, frowned 
over the highway. The artillery could not operate, except on the 
road, but the infantry, making a detour through the meadows to the 
left, the enemy, already disheartened by the loss of Contreras, and 
knowing the victors from that field would soon be in his rear, began 
to evacuate the place. Clarke's brigade soon brushed away the 
m — I* 



102 THE WAR WITH MEXICO. 

troops in front, and cutting the retiring column in half, drove about 
fifteen hundred off to the east, while an equal number fled north- 
ward, to Churubusco. The other brigade of Worth, led by Colonel 
Garland, pressed forward along the highway, and, about six hundred 
vards beyond San Antonio, united with Clarke's, when the whole 
pushed rapidly on in the direction of Churubusco. The instant the 
Americans came in sight of this position, a tremendous fire of artil- 
lery and musketry was opened upon them in front. At the same 
time the hacienda to the left was seen enveloped in the smoke of 
battle, showing that the division of Twiggs had already come up 
from Contreras, and was thundering to force a passage. 

At this crisis, and just as he was going into action, Worth was 
joined by Pillow, who had been detached, with Cadwalader's 
brigade, to his assistance. The sight in front was one to appal any 
but the stoutest hearts. The tete du point appeared perfectly im- 
pregnable, as did also the hacienda, a half gun-shot to the left ; while 
between these two fortified posts extended a long line of infantry ; 
and, in the distance, swarming between the rivulet and the city, 
and hurrying to the field of battle, were countless multitudes of the 
enemy, the blue and white uniforms of the foot soldiers contrasting 
finely with the yellow cloaks and red jackets of the lancers. There 
could not be less than thirty thousand Mexicans in the field, while the 
whole force of Scott, at all points, was but nine thousand. The spectacle, 
however, only fired the Americans with a more heroic resolution. 
Worth lost not a moment in making his attack. Garland's brigade 
was thrown to the right of, and in line of columns obliquely to the 
road, by which, when he attacked, he would strike the enemy at an 
angle. Clarke's brigade, with the exception of the sixth infantry, 
supported by Cadwalader's two regiments, was directed to move 
through the fields, in a line parallel to the road. To the sixth in- 
fantry was reserved the task of advancing along the highway, 
sustained by Duncan's battery, and assaulting the bridge-head 
in front. The brigade of Garland, plunging into the fields of corn 
on the right, roused up the enemy from his concealed lair, and a 
terrific struggle began, the Mexicans retiring sullenly, amid a perfect 
blaze of fire. The sixth infantry advancing along the highway, 
was soon checked by the withering volleys in front. But, mean- 
time, Clarke's brigade, moving between Garland's and the road, 
reached the ditches that surrounded the tete du point when, with a 
wild cheer, they plunged down, and in the face of a perfect whirl- 
wind of lead, struggled over, rushed up the parapet, and cleared the 
work with the bayonet. The enemy now abandoned this bridge- 



ATTACK ON CHTJRUBUSCO. 



103 



head, which he had vainly considered impregnable, and fled towards 
the capital. Instantly the captured cannon were turned on the 
hacienda, which Twiggs, from the Contreras road, was, as yet, 
unsuccessfully assaulting. Duncan, too, galloping along the cause- 




STORMING OF CHUIU'Bl'SCO. 



way, took a position within two hundred yards of the hacienda, and 
sent his rapid volleys rattling against its sides. 

While Worth had been storming the tete du point Twiggs had 
been thundering in vain at the hacienda. The whole of his division, 
except the rifles, which had been detached to succor Shields, was 
engaged at this&work ; but so continuous were the discharges from 
the battery, and so fatal was the aim of the sharp-shooters from the 
church, that, for three hours, no decided advantage was gained. 
Right in the centre of the enemy's line were three guns, manned by 
deserters from the American army, and these men, aware that death 
awaited them in case of capture, fought like tigers at bay, im- 
parting a portion of their own desperate valor to the Mexicans. 
Never yet had our troops faced such an appalling fire. The works 
in front showed an incessant sheet of flame ; and the thunder of the 



104 THE WAR WITH MEXICO. 

artillery was, for two hours, one continuous roll. Yet the veteran 
regiments of Riley and Smith, conquerors already on one field that 
day, never quailed. Though, from their position they could but 
indistinctly see the foe, while the enemy from his elevation command- 
ed a complete view of the whole field, they resolutely maintained 
the fight, cheering to each other, and stimulated, from time to time, 
by glimpses caught through the smoke of the white flag of surrender, 
which, though pulled down as often as hung out, betrayed that the 
hearts of the enemy were beginning to fail. Thrice this sign was 
seen, and thrice greeted with huzzas. The roar of six pieces of 
heavy artillery, and of more than two thousand muskets, immedi- 
ately at this spot, combined with the wild uproar now going on at the 
tete du point, and the more distant crash of battle from the division 
of Shields, conspired to make the scene like Pandemonium, a 
resemblance that was increased by the smoke that covered the battle- 
field, and would have turned day into night, but for the incessant 
and lurid fire that vivified the scene. At last the division of Worth, 
having carried the tete du point, a fire was opened, as we have 
seen, on the rear of the hacienda. The enemy held out still for half 
an hour longer, and then hung out the white flag, but not until two 
companies of the second infantry, led by Captains Alexander and 
Smith, had forced the work with the bayonet, and entered tri- 
umphantly. 

While the battle had raged at these two points, Shields, reinforced 
by the brigade of Pierce, and subsequently by the rifles, had waded 
across the meadows to the left, and reached by a winding route, a 
point near the Acapulco road, somewhat in the rear of Churubusco. 
Here he found himself suddenly opposed by four thousand Mexican 
infantry, on whose sides hovered three thousand cavalry. Finding 
it impossible to outflank the enemy, he concentrated his division, with 
a little hamlet as its sustaining point, and began a resolute attack. 
The conflict was long, hot and varied. The troops were nearly all 
volunteers, but no regulars could have behaved with more heroism. 
To the officers is particularly owing the final success of the day. 
Pressing on at the head of their troops, they led wherever duty 
called, not merely showing the men where to go, but rushing for- 
ward, and calling on them to follow. General Pierce, still suffering 
from a hurt, persisted in keeping his horse, and fainted at last from 
exhaustion. Colonel Butler, of the South Carolina regiment, who 
had risen from a sick bed, led on his troops, even after he received a 
wound, and fell finally at the head of the column, his last words 
being, "keep in the front with the Palmetto flag !" Such heroism 



scott's arrival at the capital. 105 

could not fail of victory. The enemy, in the end, gave way. At 
this instant, Worth having carried the tete du point, was seen 
sweeping along the Acapulco road, and soon effecting a junction 
with Shields, the united forces passed onwards to the city of Mexico, 
driving the mass of fugitives before them, as a mountain freshet 
whirls away opposing dams in its embrace. At the head of the 
pursuit rushed the powerful dragoons of Col. Harney. The chase was 
continued by this bold leader to within a hundred yards of the city 
gate, not drawing rein until a masked battery opened on him. Captain 
Kearney lost an arm, and several of the troop were wounded. Worth, 
uncertain of the plans of the Commander-in-chief, halted with the 
main body of his forces, within a mile and a half of the city. Mean- 
time, Scott arriving in person at Churubusco, drew up in front of the 
captured hacienda, when he was received with tumultuous cheers by 
his soldiers, whom he complimented on the spot for their gallantry. 

Thus ended the memorable 20th of August, 1847; a day most 
glorious in the military annals of the republic. In it no less than 
five distinct combats were fought and won : Contreras, San Antonio, 
the hacienda, the tete du point, and the rear of Churubusco. The 
whole loss of the Americans, in killed, wounded, and missing, was 
one thousand and fifty-three. The loss of the Mexicans, excluding 
Contreras, of which we have already spoken, was fifteen hundred 
killed and wounded, and twelve hundred made prisoners,among whom 
were five Generals. Besides this, they had ten more pieces of artil- 
lery captured, with small arms, ammunition, and equipments for an 
army. In one day, Santa Anna beheld his thirty thousand men, 
which his defences rendered equal to one hundred thousand in open 
field, reduced to eighteen thousand effectives, and this by only nine 
thousand antagonists. The whole series of forts which he had con- 
structed with such skill for the protection of the capital, was trium- 
phantly carried by the Americans, who chased his panic-struck troops 
to the gates of the city. When evening fell, the victors had 
advanced their posts so close to Mexico, that the sound of their 
exulting music was borne on the wind to the very heart of the town. 

The night was one of wild alarm to the inhabitants, for it was 
expected that Scott would advance to the storm on the morrow. 
But this dreadful crisis was averted by the diplomacy of Santa 
Anna. That leader, aware of the desire of the United States for 
peace, and secretly informed that Scott had been instructed not to 
press things to extremity, despatched a flag of truce to the American 
General, early on the morning of the 21st, soliciting an armistice, in 
order that commissioners might meet to arrange a permanent treaty. 

14 



106 



THE WAR WITH MEXICO. 



It is not probable that Santa Anna desired more than to obtain a 
breathing spell. With true Mexican duplicity, he sought only to 
amuse his enemy and gain time to prepare for further defences. The 
flag found Scott at the arch-Episcopal palace of Tacubaya, where 
he had taken up his head-quarters, in full sight of the spires of 
Mexico. He was writing a summons to the town, preparatory to 
a siege or assault. He consented, after some modifications, to the 
proposed armistice. The chief articles of this temporary arrange- 
ment, were that both armies were to maintain their present position ; 
that the Americans were to be regularly supplied with food from 
the city ; that no fresh Mexican levies should approach within twen- 
ty-four miles of the capital ; and that the armistice, in case of a breach 
by either party, should be terminated on notice. Thus, Mexican 
diplomacy in the cabinet, recovered what Mexican inefficiency in 
the field had lost. Yet the fault was not with the American Gene- 
ral, nor yet with his government; but rather with the American 
people, who fancied their enemy desirous of peace. The blood of 
Molino del Rey, of Chapultepec, and of the Garita, paid dearly for 
the generous mistake. Yet the armistice should not be regretted. 
A magnanimous conqueror never loses in the estimation of history 
by offering the olive-branch too frequently. 





A rUBLIC HOUSE IN MEXICO. 



BOOK V. 



THE FALL OF THE CAPITAL. 



H E negotiations that ensued, were 
conducted on the American side, 
by Mr. Trist, and by five commis- 
sioners, at the head of whom was 
General Herera, on the Mexican. 
Mr. Trist had been appointed, as 
we have already noticed, in the pre- 
ceding April. His commission in- 
vested him " with ample power and 
authority," to negotiate with Mexi- 
co "a treaty of peace, amity, and 
lasting boundaries." The manner 

of his appointment by the executive will alone, and without any 

107 




108 THE WAR WITH MEXICO. 

consultation whatever with the Senate, was, to say the least, novel 
to the diplomatic practice of the United States. The President has 
no constitutional power to create a new mission to a foreign country ; 
nor to make a treaty without the advice and consent of the Senate. 
The excuse for this strange proceeding, was the urgency of the case ; 
but a free people can never be too jealous of the invasion of whole- 
some precedents. 

The attitude of the Mexican commissioners speedily convinced 
the General-in-chief that no treaty would be negotiated. The first 
claim set up, was that Mexico should be indemnified for her ex- 
penses in the war, and considered as treating as if she was the con- 
queror, instead of the conquered. From this arrogant position, however, 
she finally descended. Accordingly, on the 27th, Mr. Trist presented 
his outline of a treaty. By this document he proposed that Mexico 
should cede to the United States Upper and Lower California, and 
New Mexico ; should give up all claim to the disputed territory 
between the Neuces and the Rio Grande ; and should yield to the 
United States in perpetuity, the right of way over the isthmus of 
Tehuantepec. In consideration of these cessions of territory, Mr. 
Trist undertook that his government should pay to the Mexican one, 
fifteen millions of dollars. The Mexican commissioners presented a 
counter project. They proposed that the Neuces should be the 
boundary between the two countries, as far as its source ; that 
thence the line should skirt the eastern side of New Mexico to the 
thirty-seventh degree of north latitude ; and that from that point it should 
run west with that parallel to the Pacific. In addition, they agreed 
that no Mexican colony should be established between the Neuces 
and Rio Grande, but that the region should be left uninhabited. 

It is evident that the Mexican government was not in earnest in 
this negotiation. Even if it was so at the beginning, circumstances 
soon happened to alter its wishes. The temper of the populace in 
the capital evinced, from day to day, how distasteful any treaty of 
peace would be ; for the defences of the city were considered impreg- 
nable by the mob, and even by the larger portion of the better 
classes. The states of Mexico, Jalisco, and Zacatecas, issued a protest, 
declaring that the capital did not allow the necessary freedom for the 
discussion of terms of peace, and that any arrangement made there 
in relation to a treaty, would be regarded by them as null, without 
the ratification of Congress. This declaration from so many wealthy 
states, conjoined with the popular indignation, and assisted by the 
general opinion in Santa Anna's army, that all was not yet lost, 
induced the Mexican government to refuse coming to terms with 



PEACE NEGOTIATIONS. 100 

Mr. Trist, though the latter, anxious to effect a peace, considerably 
modified his demands, agreeing to abandon the claim to Lower 
California, and to refer the question of the Neuces boundary to the 
decision of the United States. On the 7th of September, the Mexi- 
can commissioners formally reported to the Secretary of Foreign 
Relations, that the negotiations had failed. Their report was pre- 
ceded, however, by a circular, issued by the Secretary of State, 
calling on the inhabitants of the states of Mexico and Puebla, to 
rise, en masse, and assault the foe. At the same time Santa Anna 
began to add to the fortifications of the city, thus breaking one of 
the articles of the armistice. It could no longer be concealed that 
the war would have to be renewed. 

In these negotiations, the Mexicans had gained the advantage. 
They had desired delay, and had obtained it. However doubtful it 
may be whether Scott could have stormed the city with his exhausted 
troops, on the day following the battle of Churubusco, it is certain 
that any delay beyond forty-eight hours, the period required to 
recruit his army, was for the advantage of the enemy. Moreover, 
in the discussions between Mr. Trist and the Mexican commission- 
ers, the latter uniformly displayed the most diplomatic skill. They 
acknowledged in their reply to Mr. Trist's project of a treaty, that 
the existing war had been undertaken on account of the annexation 
of Texas, but said, that as the United States had offered to indemnify 
Mexico, the cause of war had disappeared, and the war itself ought 
to cease. But, they continued, " to the other territories, mentioned 
in the fourth article in your excellency's draught, no right has here- 
tofore been asserted by the republic of North America, nor do we 
believe it possible for it to assert any. Consequently it could not 
acquire them, except by the right of conquest, or by the title which 
will result from the cession or sale which Mexico might now make. 
Hut as we are persuaded that the republic of Washington will not 
only absolutely repel, but will hold in abhorrence the first of these 
titles, and as, on the other hand, it would be a new thing, and con- 
trary to every idea of justice, to make war upon a people for no 
other reason than because it refused to sell territory which its neigh- 
bor sought to buy, we hope from the justice of the government and 
people of North America, that the ample modifications which we 
have to propose to the cessions of territory, will not be a motive to 
persist in a war which the worthy General of the North American 
troops has justly styled as unnatural. 

" In our conferences we have informed your excellency that 

Mexico cannot cede the tract which lies between the left bank of 
m — K 



110 THE WAR WITH MEXICO. 

the Bravo and the right of the Neuces. The reason entertained for 
this is not alone the full certainty that such territory never belonged 
to the state of Texas, nor is it founded upon the great value in the 
abstract which is placed upon it. It is because that tract, together 
with the Bravo, forms the natural frontier of Mexico, both in a 
military and a commercial sense ; and the frontier of no state ought to 
be sought, and no state should consent to abandon its frontier. But 
in order to remove all cause of trouble hereafter, the government of 
Mexico engages not to found new settlements, nor establish colonies 
in the space between the two rivers, so that, remaining in its present 
uninhabited condition, it may serve as an equal security to both re- 
publics. Pursuant to our instructions, the preservation of this terri- 
tory is a condition sine qua non of peace. Sentiments not only of 
honor and delicacy, (which your excellency's noble character will 
know how worthily to estimate,) but also a calculation of interests, 
prevent our government from consenting to the dismemberment of 
New Mexico. Upon this point we deem it superfluous to add any 
thing to that which we had the honor to explain to you orally in 
our conferences." 

With equal adroitness the Mexican commissioners refused Mr. 
Trist's claim to Lower California, and even induced him to with- 
draw that demand. As a reason for declining to yield a right of 
way over the isthmus of Tehuantepec, they urged that, some years 
before, Mexico had granted a privilege in reference to this subject 
to a private contractor, who had subsequently transferred his right 
to English subjects. " We have entered into this plain statement," 
ihey added, " for the motives which the republic has for not agreeing 
to alienate all the territory asked of it beyond the state of Texas, 
because we desire that the North American government and people 
may be persuaded that our partial refusal does not proceed from 
feelings of aversion created by the antecedents in this war, or by 
the suffering which it has inflicted upon Mexico, but rests upon con- 
siderations dictated by reason and justice, which would operate in 
all time with reference to the most friendly nation in the midst of the 
closest relations of friendship." They then proposed that England 
should be asked to guarantee the treaty, if one should be formed : 
and ended by the following declaration. "The good and salutary 
work can, in our opinion, reach a happy end, if each of the con- 
tending parties resolves to abandon some of its original pretensions. 
This has always been so ; and no nation ever hesitated, at such a 
juncture, to make great sacrifices to extinguish the destructive flame 
of war. Mexico and the United States have special reasons thus to 



RENEWAL OF HOSTILITIES. Ill 

act. We must confess, not without a blush, that we are exhibiting 
to mankind the scandal of two Christian people, of two republics, in 
the presence of all the monarchies, mutually doing one another all 
the harm they can by disputes about boundaries, when we have an 
excess of land to people and cultivate in the beautiful hemisphere 
where Providence caused us to be born. We venture to recommend 
these considerations to your excellency before you come to a definite 
decision upon our propositions." 

These specious arguments, and this affected desire for peace, were 
not intended to convince Mr. Trist, but to operate upon the Mexican 
people. The commissioners knew that the United States, having 
annexed Texas, was compelled to defend whatever line she claimed 
as her boundary ; for an exactly similar case had occurred in rela- 
tion to Maine, only a few years before, when the consent of that 
state had become a necessary preliminary to the Ashburton treaty. 
Moreover, it was not to be supposed that the United States, after 
having begun the war on her part for the Rio Grande boundary, 
would, at the close of a career of unexampled victory, abandon that 
which she claimed, unless for the equivalent of New Mexico, or Cali- 
fornia, or both. Accordingly, the rejection of Mr. Trist's final 
proposition exhausted the magnanimity of the Americans. The 
army had never viewed these negotiations with favor, but regarded 
them as snatching the prize of victory from their grasp. From the 
General-in-chief to the lowest soldier, they believed that the enemy 
would never be humbled until his capital had fallen. But history 
with more impartiality, can never regret this attempt to negotiate. 
It obtained an acknowledgement from Mexico that the war was 
begun on her part to avenge the annexation of Texas. It showed 
to the world that the conquerors were generous as well as brave ; 
for they sought to impose no severer terms when thundering at the 
gates of Mexico, than when they first landed at Vera Cruz. The 
demands for territory were necessary to reconcile the people of the 
United States to the war, and were not extravagant, considering our 
successes. But in Mexico, the commissioners were considered to 
have triumphantly rejected Mr. Trist ; and the popular voice ex- 
claimed indignantly against parting with a foot of soil. The inso- 
lent pride of the enemy was not yet sufficiently humbled. 

Scott, having become convinced that the Mexicans were trifling 
with Mr. Trist, despatched, on the 6th of September, a letter to 
Santa Anna, complaining of certain breaches of the armistice, in 
fortifying the city and refusing to supply the Americans with pro- 
visions. He added that if satisfactory explanations were not made 



112 THE WAR WITH iMEXICO. 

in forty-eight hours, he should renew hostilities. The reply would 
have convinced Scott of the dissimulation of the Mexican govern- 
ment, if any doubt had remained ; for Santa Anna not only retorted 
Scott's charge, but asserted that the American soldiers committed 
continual acts of rapine and brutality on the neighboring villages. 
Nothing could be more unfounded, however, than this last charge. 
Never, perhaps, was there an invading army more orderly than that 
of Scott : excesses, of course, were occasionally committed ; but they 
were of rare occurrence ; and complaining came with an ill grace 
from a General distinguished for his perfidy and cruelty alike. 
Simultaneous with this reply, Santa Anna began to increase the de- 
fences of the capital. The mask being thus thrown off, Scott made 
preparations to carry the city by assault. To this purpose he began 
a series of reconnoisances on the 7th, the result of which was a 
determination to attack by the Chapultepec road. In order to 
understand the operations that ensued, it will be necessary to enter 
into some detail respecting the difficulties of approaching the town. 

The city of Mexico originally stood in the centre of a lake, but 
owing to the construction of drains and other causes, the waters 
have long since receded from it. The ground, however, in its 
vicinity is still swampy, and impassable for cavalry or wheel car- 
riages, especially in the rainy season, or fall of the year. The only 
approaches to the city, for miles in every direction, are over artificial 
causeways. It was this difficulty which had met Scott on the 
eastern side of Lake Chalco. There existed but two practicable 
avenues of approach in that quarter, and both these were so well 
defended as almost to preclude the possibility of being forced. By 
turning to the west around the lake, he had gained the Acapulco 
road, which was less impregnably fortified. Here the battles of 
Contreras and Churubusco, had opened the way to the gates of the 
capital. But, as he had abandoned the approach by El Penon in 
consequence of the strength of its defences, so now, for a similar 
reason, he resolved not to pursue his advantages on the Acapulco 
road, but assault the enemy to the westward by the Tacubaya one. 
Other reasons also induced him to adopt this course. Just outside the 
walls, on the Tacubaya road, was the fortified hill of Chapultepec, 
which completely commanded the town. If the city was entered 
by the Acapulco road, the enemy would at once retire to Chapulte- 
pec. To dispossess him it would be necessary to leave the wounded 
Americans to the mercy of the rancheros, and marching out, risk a 
second battle ; while, if Chapultepec was carried as a preliminary, 
the city must of necessity fall. Sound military policy, therefore, die- 



THE CAPITAL OF MEXICO. 



113 



tated the movements by way of Chapultepec. But Scott, perceiving 
that the enemy expected the assault to take place on the Acapulco 
road, resolved to keep up this delusion by a feigned attack in that 
quarter. 




.^~j^sM 




91 


■ 






■ 








irv -'■' 










. •'.vift 






-"• ->: :: 








CllAPl'LTEFEC. 



The Acapulco road, branches into three causeways towards its 
extremity, and enters the city by as many gateways. The Tacubaya 
road terminates in two. These gateways are small forts, mounted 
with cannon, and are used, in peace, as custom-houses ; but in war 
are easily converted into a sort of bastions. As the city could only 
be entered through these gateways, their capture became indispen- 
sable. But, being narrow and admitting only a few persons abreast, 
they afforded almost impassable defences against a foe. Moreover, 
the causeways, by which these gates were approached, had been 
cut through in many places, and these gaps it was almost impossible 
to bridge in face of the fire from the gateways. It was now the wet 
season, and the marshes were partially overflowed. Scott, with an 
army reduced to less than eight thousand men, was in front of a 



M K 



15 



114 THE WAR WITH MEXICO. 

city with a population of two hundred thousand, of whom twenty- 
thousand were leperos, who could be roused at a word. This 
city was, moreover, garrisoned by a regular army of at. least twenty 
thousand men. Yet, notwithstanding this disparity of numbers, so 
greatly increased by the defences of the place, never, for a moment, 
did the American commander doubt the result. The indomitable 
valor of the American soldiers would, he felt assured, achieve a 
glorious victory. Besides, his communications were cut off, and it 
was a choice with him between conquest and a grave. He neg- 
lected none of the aids which science afforded him, however : such 
neglect, indeed, would have been criminal ; and we may question 
whether the capital, in that case, would have fallen. If he had 
marched for Mexicalsingo, or obstinately pursued the Acapulco 
road, the boasts of Santa Anna might have proved true ; the skilful 
defences of the city would, perhaps, have triumphed ; and the bones 
of the slaughtered Americans would have been left to bleach in 
sight of the capital, an awful warning against invaders ! 

About two and a half miles from the city, on the Tacubaya road, 
stands the village of the same name, where General Scott had fixed 
his head-quarters. About twelve hundred yards north of this village, 
a distance which is called point-blank range for twelve-pounders, 
stands the precipitous and fortified hill of Chapultepec, to which we 
have so often alluded. On three sides it is unapproachable, but on the 
fourth, which faces the Tacubaya road, it is bounded by a dense grove 
of trees, dating back to the days of the Montezumas. Here the road 
divides, branching off into two, each being about a couple of miles to 
the city gates. The cannon of Chapultepec rake these causeways 
for their whole length. Just at the foot of this hill, on the side 
nearest Tacubaya, and contiguous to the grove of trees, stands a 
stone building of thick and high walls, turreted at the ends. This 
is known as Molino del Rey. As its name implies, it was for- 
merly a mill, but was now supposed to be employed as a foundry 
for cannon. Four hundred yards to the west of Molino del Rey, 
and in a straight line with that and Chapultepec, rose the marine 
Casa de Mata, an old castellated Spanish fort ; and from its foot, 
a gentle acclivity extended to the village of Tacubaya. From these 
explanations, it is evident that the city could not be taken without 
Chapultepec first fell, and that Chapultepec could not well be 
stormed without seizing Molino del Rey as a preliminary. Accor- 
dingly the General-in-chief ordered a closer reconnoisance of Molino 
del Rey and Casa de Mata, to ascertain the probable loss in storming 
them: the report recommended an assault ; and, in this opinion, Scott 



CAPTURE OF MOLINO DEL REY. 115 

coincided. It was not his intention, however, to hold them : his 
meagre forces would not allow this under the guns of Chapultepec ; 
by blowing them up, however, he would gain all he desired, which 
was to destroy the Mexican foundry and clear the road for his con- 
templated attack on Chapultepec. 

For this desperate task the first division of regulars, reinforced by 
Cadwalader's brigade, and a detachment of artillery and dragoons, 
were selected, and the whole placed under command of General 
Worth. The force of the assailants numbered three thousand one 
hundred and fifty-four, of which less than three thousand were 
cavalry, and one hundred artillerists, the latter having three small 
field pieces, and two twenty-four pounders. The number of the 
enemy in the lines, or within sustaining distance, were over ten 
thousand. His left rested upon and occupied Molino del Rey ; his 
right Casa de Mata. Half way between these two stone buildings, 
was his field battery, and on each side of this were ranged lines of 
infantry. The right was composed of fifteen hundred regulars, 
under General Perez ; the left was made up of the National Guards, 
and was led by General Leon. The intermediate lines, with strong 
bodies in the rear, were under the command of Santa Anna. The 
Mexicans were confident of victory, for they knew the Americans 
to be ignorant of the vast strength of Casa de Mata. On the other 
hand, Worth was unconscious of the almost impregnable position of 
the enemy ; but resolute in any event, to succeed. He made his dispo- 
sitions for the attack with admirable skill, dividing his little force 
into three several columns of assault. The right column composed 
of Garland's brigade, and accompanied by two pieces of light artil- 
lery under Captain Drum, was to assail Molino del Rey, and was to 
advance to the attack, covered by the fire of the two twenty-four 
pounders, placed for this purpose, under Captain Huger, on the 
ridge descending from Tacubaya. The centre column, containing 
five hundred picked men, and led by Major Wright, of the eighth, was 
to pierce the Mexican centre, and capture the field battery there. 
The left column was commanded by Colonel Mcintosh, and consisted 
of the second brigade, sustained by Duncan's battery ; its object was 
to watch the enemy's left, and support Major Wright, or assail Casa 
de Mata, as circumstances might require. Cadwalader's brigade 
was held in reserve, in a position between Mcintosh and Huger's 
battery. Sumner's dragoons were stationed on the extreme left. 
Such were the dispositions made by Worth, on the night of the 7th, 
and when the men sank to slumber, it was with the expectation of 
a bloody morrow. But their worst anticipations fell short ot the 
reality. 



116 THE WAR WITH MEXICO. 

At 3, A. M., on the 8th, the columns were put in motion, and in 
an hour and a half, had taken up their respective positions. The 
cold grey of early dawn had just begun to show itself faintly in the 
east, when a shot from Huger's battery went whistling over the 
heads of the troops, and crashing against the sides of Molino del 
Rey, announced that the battle was begun. It was not long before 
the walls were crumbling under the immense battering balls. No 
sooner did Worth perceive this, than he gave the order for Wright 
to advance. The storming party instantly rushed forward, led by 
Captain Mason of the engineers, and Lieutenant Foster. A tre- 
mendous fire of artillery greeted them, but in the face of this they 
pressed on, gained the battery, cut down the men, and were already 
wheeling the captured guns on the foe, when the latter, perceiving 
how few were the numbers of the assailants, turned, and poured in 
from the whole line, simultaneous volleys of musketry. It was like the 
explosion of some gigantic mine. The entire space of four hundred 
yards between the two forts was a blaze of fire ; and when it had 
passed, scarcely a third of the assaulting column remained on their 
feet. With wild shouts the Mexicans now poured to the attack, 
and the Americans were driven from their guns, and hurled bleeding 
hack from the lines. The day, for a moment, seemed lost. At this 
perilous crisis, Cadwalader, with the right wing of his brigade, ac- 
companied by the light battalion left to cover Huger's battery, ar- 
rived to the rescue. The ground beneath was strewed with dead, 
as thickly as a harvest field with grain; while, through the smoke, 
the shattered column of Wright was seen recoiling. The roar of the 
artillery ; the rattling of small arms ; the plunging of round shot 
from Chapultepec, and the tumultuous cheers that rose from the 
Mexicans, who considered themselves already victors, did not, for a 
second, check the advance of the gallant reserves. They came into 
action, on the contrary, as resolutely as on parade, the eleventh, 
under Colonel Graham, leading. 

Never did American soldiers, brave as they have ever been, 
acquit themselves so heroically as on that day. The duty of the 
eleventh was to charge the battery, and, at the word of their leader, 
they raised a hurrah and plunged into the smoke. At every step 
they passed the dead body of some fellow soldier who had perished 
in the preceding assault. At every step a comrade fell from their 
ranks. But the stern voice of their leader, crying, "close up — for- 
ward !" continually urged them on. The batteries in front vomited 
grape and cannister incessantly. Hundreds were already down, and 
others were falling fast ; yet they did not falter, but quickened their 
pace to a run, their leader waving his sword at their head. He had 



CAPTURE OF MOLINO DEL KEY. 



11 



already received six wounds, and at this moment a ball struck him 
in the hreast, and he fell from his saddle : " forward, my men," he 
cried with his dying breath ; " my word is always forward !" There 
was a pause at this terrible sight; but then the cry of revenge 
arose, and, with a shout, heard over all the uproar of the conflict; 
they rushed upon the enemy's guns. The Mexicans gave way in 
consternation, appalled by that tremendous huzza. Lieutenant 
Tiffin, springing on one of the captured pieces, waved his sword for 
his men to follow ; but at this instant a withering fire was opened 
from some neighboring house-tops that overlooked the battery, and 
lie was forced back. But the check was only for a moment. On 
came the Americans, cheering and firing ; they swept over the lines ; 
they scattered the dismayed foe ; they were masters of that part of 




BATTLE OF MOI.INO DEL REV. 



the field. But they had purchased the victory with the loss of their 
best officers, and of more than half their men. 

While this terrible struggle had been going on in the centre, one 
only less sanguinary had been transacting at the right. Here Gar- 
land's brigade, sustained by Dunn's artillery, assaulted the mill, and 



US THE WAR WITH MEXICO. 

after a desperate contest, drove the Mexicans from this position, and 
compelled them to take refuge under the guns of Chapultepec. 
Dunn's light battery, and the two heavier pieces of Huger, were 
now harnessed, and went thundering down the declivity, until they 
reached the ground lately occupied by the enemy, when, unlimber- 
ing, they opened a destructive fire on the fugitives. The Mexicans 
breaking their ranks, fled in consternation, the stronger treading 
down the weaker. The captured cannon were also turned on the 
flying crowd. Mercy, for that day, had deserted every bosom. The 
Mexicans, earlier in the combat, had bayoneted the wounded 
Americans left behind at Wright's repulse, and now, the victors, 
burning to revenge the slaughter of their comrades, spared none. The 
air was filled with the cries of the fugitives, the shrieks of the 
wounded, the hissing of the grape, and the boom of the guns from 
Chapultepec, which rose like trumpet blasts, at intervals in the fight. 
On the American left, meantime, the wave of battle surged wildly 
to and fro. The attack had been commenced in this quarter by 
Colonel Mcintosh, at the head of the second brigade, who, sustain- 
ed by the fire of Duncan's battery, moved rapidly down the 
slope to assault Casa Mata. The advancing column soon com- 
ing within the sweep of Duncan's fire, masked his battery, on which 
he was compelled to cease. The enemy now opened a terrific dis- 
charge of small arms. The brigade, nevertheless, pushed forward. 
Fiercer and fiercer gusts of fire swept the intervening space, scorch- 
ing up the front of Mcintosh's column as if it had been grass upon a 
prairie. One fourth of the men had already fallen, and yet the foot 
of Casa Mata was not attained. Mcintosh himself was severely 
wounded. Lieutenant-Colonel Scott, pressing on, and refusing to 
avail himself of cover, was shot dead. " Stoop behind the wall, they 
are going to fire," said one of his officers. "Martin Scott never 
stooped," was the proud reply. At that instant a ball entered his 
breast ; he fell back, and placing his cap over his heart, expired. The 
column had now reached the edge of the parapet. But here, to their 
consternation, they discovered that Casa Mata, instead of being only 
a common field work, was an old Spanish citadel of stone, sur- 
rounded with bastioned intrenchments and impassable ditches. The 
loss of so many officers, the terrible slaughter in the ranks, and this 
unexpected obstacle in front, proved too much even for this gallant 
brigade; it fell into disorder, and retreated hastily to the left of Dun- 
can's battery. As the Americans turned and fled, the Mexicans 
stepped out on the walls, and delivered a parting volley, while the 
air rung with the clang of their triumphal music. 



CAPTURE OF MOLIXO DEL RET. 119 

But defeat had met the enemy in another quarter. Mcintosh had 
scarcely moved to the attack, when an immense body of infantry 
and cavalry was suddenly seen advancing around the end of Casa 
]\ lata, opposite to our extreme left, with the obvious intention to charge 
and cut to pieces the storming party. This was the moment when 
Duncan had ceased firing in consequence of being masked by Mcin- 
tosh's column ; and he seized the occasion to gallop, with his bat- 
tery, to the furthest left. As the Mexican cavalry came thundering 
down, several thousand strong, directly in his front, he opened with 
grape and cannister. At the second round the squadron broke and 
fled in disorder. Major Sumner calling on his command to follow, 
charged on the disordered foe, and completed the triumph. Sum- 
ner's way led him right in front of Casa Mata, and aware of his 
danger, he swept by like a whirlwind ; but such was the intensity of 
the enemy's fire, that, though under it only ten seconds, every third 
saddle in his troop was emptied. Once beyond this peril, he burst 
like a thunder-bolt, on the lancers. The enemy, in this quarter, was 
soon driven beyond reach. But at Casa Mata he was still invulne- 
rable. It was just at this moment that the assault of Mcintosh had 
been repulsed, and, as Duncan turned from witnessing the flight of 
the lancers, he heard the rejoicings of the foe in the citadel, and saw 
the third brigade recoiling in confusion. Instantly his guns were 
turned upon Casa Mata again, whose walls rattled to the shot as if 
to hail. The enemy's triumph was speedily at an end. Looking 
over the plain he beheld the Mexican battalions every where in 
flight, and, knowing the citadel to be no longer tenable, he hurried to 
evacuate it. The Americans were now masters of the field. The 
conflict had lasted two hours, and been the most sanguinary of the 
war. One-third of Worth's command were either killed or wounded ; 
and two of his best regiments were almost totally destroyed. The 
enemy had lost three thousand, among them General Leon, the bravest 
of their leaders. In obedience to his orders, Worth proceeded to 
destroy the cannon moulds found in the mill, and to blow up Casa 
Mata ; after which, with eight hundred prisoners, he returned to 
Tacubaya. 

Such was the terrible battle of Molino del Rey. The way was 
now cleared to assault Chapultcpec ; and Scott began to prepare for 
the final struggle. The two following days were spent in comple- 
ting his reconnoisances and carrying out his grand scheme of de- 
ceiving the foe as to the real point of attack. The late victories had 
deprived the enemy of most of his cannon, and of those which 
remained, the larger portion were mounted at the gates on the 



120 THE WAR WITH MEXICO. 

Acapulco road, where the Mexicans expected the main assault. 
Scott did all he could to maintain this delusion on the part of Santa 
Anna. The divisions of Twiggs. Pillow and Quitman were accord- 
ingly, on the 11th, concentrated on the Acapulco road, as if with 
the design of storming the capital on that side ; but in the succeeding 
night, Pillow and Quitman were secretly moved to Tacubaya, 
leaving Twiggs to threaten the gates in front. The stratagem com- 
pletely succeeded. The enemy, still under the impression that the 
real attack was to be on the Acapulco road, directed his chief 
attention to that quarter. He was not undeceived, even when, on 
the morning of the 12th, Scott began to bombard Chapultepec, from 
batteries erected on commanding points during the preceding night. 
As the day progressed, however, and the guns played more briskly, 
the enemy began to entertain uneasy apprehensions lest he had been 
over-reached, but the fire on Chapultepec was maintained with such 
fury that it was impossible to throw reinforcements into the place. 
Large masses of the foe, however, collected on the roads leading 
from the city to it, but, as often as they ventured to approach the 
hill, were driven back by the American batteries. A few succors 
were finally thrown into the beleagured castle. Here the peril was 
extreme. The American guns were handled with the accuracy of 
rifles, and an enemy dared not show himself without being killed. 
All day the cannonade and bombardment continued. The sky was 
traversed incessantly by whirling shells. The stout walls of the 
castle began to gape in ruins. On their side the Mexicans were not 
idle, but, aware tiiat Chapultepec was their last stronghold, fought 
with a courage that extorted admiration from their very foes. Du- 
ring the whole of that terrible day the castle rained down fire on 
its assailants. But it was in vain. Undaunted, the Americans 
stood their ground. 

The morning of the 1 3th dawned : it was the last day of the 
capital. Twiggs was still thundering at the gates on the Acapulco 
road ; but Quitman and Pillow had been recalled, as we have seen, 
and were now to storm Chapultepec. This hill, besides its steep 
ascent, is defended by a wall skirting its foot : half way up is an- 
other wall ; and on the top, at an elevation of one hundred and fifty 
feet above the plain, is the castle itself, an almost impregnable work, 
and used by the Mexicans as a military college. The main building 
is about six hundred feet long ; the whole fortress nine hundred ; 
and nothing can be stronger or more splendid than this structure, 
with its wings, bastions, parapets, redoubts and batteries. The 
cannon were manned by the most skilful gunners in the Mexican 



*.*&& 




55 






W$^*\ -fl^ ! 



STORMING OF CHAPULTEPEC. 121 

army, among them several distinguished French artillerists. The 
hill was spotted with forts and outposts; and honey-combed with 
mines. The garrison of the place, though small, was composed of 
picked troops, and commanded by General Bravo, one of the ac- 
knowledged heroes of the republic. Scott resolved to storm the 
castle in two columns, the one assaulting on the west, the other on 
the south-east. The first was to be led by Pillow, preceded by a 
forlorn hope of two hundred and fifty men selected from Worth's reg- 
ulars: the second was entrusted to Quitman, who, in like manner,hada 
forlorn hope drawn from the division of Twiggs. Worth, with the 
remainder of his veterans, was to turn the castle, and come into the 
road on the north, there to assist in the assault, if necessary, or, if 
not, to cut off the enemy's retreat. The Mexicans, during the whole 
of the 12th, as on the preceding days, were seen busily engaged in 
strengthening the defences at the foot of the hill, and along the two 
roads leading thence to the capital ; men, women and children in 
thousands laboring at the patriotic task. 

The cannonade on Chapultepec was resumed at dawn of the 13th, 
and continued until eight, A. M., when a cessation in the firing was 
the signal for attack. Instantly the two columns rushed to the 
assault. Pillow, on the west, advanced through a grove filled with 
sharp-shooters, whom the voltigeurs soon drove in. An open space, 
about five rods wide, which intervened between the trees and the 
ascent, was scoured by incessant discharges of musketry. The Amer- 
icans gathered in clusters at the edge of the wood, the storming party 
of picked men in front, with loads drawn and bayonets fixed: and 
close after themcame the 9th,its gallant leader,Colonel Ransom.at the 
head. At this crisis Pillow fell severely wounded; his second in 
command. Cadwalader, was at his post behind. It was no time to 
hesitate. "Forward," cried Ransom, plunging into the deluge of 
fire; "there must be no faltering— forward !" The soldier^, an- 
swered with a cheer, and following at a run, gained the foot of the 
ascent. Ransom was still in the lead, pressing on. "Forward," 
he shouted, and fell dead, shot through the brain. At this 
sight the fury of the soldiers knew no bounds. Vociferating his 
name, and mingling it with cries of vengeance, they dashed up the 
rocky acclivity, the 9th mingling with the stormers and even pushing 
ahead. The first battery was carried in an instant, and the 
crowd swept on, the rifle shots ringing sharp and clear over the 
hurtling sound of the enemy's grape. Scores of the assailants 
dropped : but the survivors only increased their speed ; and shooting 
the men left to fire the mines, gained the edge of the ditch. The 

M— L 16 



122 



THE WAR WITH MEXICO. 



fascines were flung down, and the foot of the wall, which here 
rose twelve feet high, reached. There was now a momentary pause 
until the ladders could be brought up, the 9th having advanced 
with such impetuosity as to leave them in the rear. During this 
interval, the Americans covered the hill like a swarm of bees, while 
the foe, flinging hand grenades into the mass, shouted victory inces- 




MoRAIINC Ob CHAI'fLTKI'KC. 



santly. The assailants, however, gave huzza for huzza, pouring in 
continual volleys, until the smoke rose over the crest of the hill as 
from the pit of a volcano. At last the ladders arrived, when the 
men swarmed on the wall, Lieut. Armistead of the 6th leading. 
Another wall, at the distance of ten feet, was as quickly surmounted. 
The soldiers of the different companies, each striving to be foremost, 
were now mixed pell-mell, and came pouring over the wall, along its 
whole length, like a continuous line of surf. Captain Barnard of 
the voltigeurs was the first to plant a regimental color on the for- 
tress. Captain Biddle and Lieutenant-Colonel Johnston followed; 
and in an instant the platform was filled. Nor were the men of 



REDUCTION OF CHAPULTEPEC. 123 

Pillow's column alone in this moment of triumph, for a portion of 
Quitman's division, climbing the hill from the north-east, had arrived 
in season to storm the walls, and enter Chapultepec side by side 
with the others. 

The division of Quitman, indeed, had conquered as great, if not 
greater obstacles than that of Pillow. Before it could reach the 
foot of the hill, it had to cut its way along a causeway, defended by 
ditches and batteries/manned with immense numbers of the enemy. 
Reinforced by General Smith and the rifles, however, Quitman gal- 
lantly struggled along ; but not without losing Major Twiggs and 
Captain Casey, who led his two storming parties. At last the New 
York, Pennsylvania and South Carolina volunteers, eager to reach 
the hill and join in the assault, leaped from the causeway, crossed 
the meadows in front, and, attended by portions of the storming 
parties, entered the outer enclosure of Chapultepec. They did not 
effect this without great slaughter on their part ; but their object was 
gained ; they arrived at the castle simultaneously with the men of 
Pillow, and entered it with his forlorn hope. Foremost in the ad- 
vance were Lieutenant Reid of the New York volunteers, and 
Lieutenant Steel of the 2nd infantry. Cheers on cheers, breaking 
from the excited conquerors, now shook the welkin and carried 
terror to the heart of the capital itself. The garrison still fought in 
detachments, few asking quarter, fewer, alas ! obtaining it; for the 
Americans, exasperated by the cruelties at Molino del Rey, turned 
the rout into a massacre. About fifty general officers, one hundred 
cadets, and some private soldiers were, however, taken prisoners. 
The cadets resisted desperately, some being killed fighting, who 
were not fourteen years of age. But we draw a veil over this san- 
guinary day, when the passions of men, excited to phrenzy, made 
them, for the time, like demons. During the assault, the American 
batteries threw shells upon the enemy over the heads of our own 
men, and thus effectually prevented the hill being reinforced. The 
castle was found riddled by balls. In less than a minute after the 
last wall was surmounted, the great flag of Mexico was hauled 
down, and the stars and stripes, shooting, meteor-like, to the sky, 
announced that Chapultepec had fallen. 

Immediately after the reduction of the place, the Commander-in- 
chief arrived in person, and, ascending to the summit of the hill, 
from which the approaches to the city were seen as in a map, pro- 
ceeded to direct the assault. Two roads led from the foot of Cha- 
pultepec to the gates of the town. One, on the left, terminated at 
the San Cosmo gate ; another, on the right, ended in the Belen gate. 



124 THE WAR WITH MEXICO. 

Along each of these causeways ran an acqueduct on arches, the 
carriage way passing on either side. The reconnoisances on the 
preceding days had convinced Scott that the San Cosmo route was 
the weakest, and accordingly he had intended the main attack to be 
made here. For this purpose he had ordered Worth to turn the 
castle during the fight, in order to be ready to advance the instant 
Chapultepec had fallen. Pillow, just as the assault on the castle 
was about to begin, had sent to Worth for reinforcements, and the 
latter had despatched Clarke's brigade, thus reducing his forces one- 
half: nevertheless, as soon as the hill was stormed, Worth pushed 
forward towards Mexico, though having but a single brigade. Scott, 
perceiving his weakness, hastened to send back Clarke's brigade, 
and to add to it Cadwalader's ; and having left the 15th infantry to 
garrison Chapultepec, followed Worth himself. The Americans 
soon reached a suburb, not far from the San Cosmo gate, where 
they found the enemy prepared to make another stand, admirably 
fortified behind ditches, and among houses. The moment Worth 
came within range, a furious discharge of musketry was opened on 
him, the Mexicans firing from gardens, windows and house-tops. 
Cadwalader's howitzers were promptly ordered to the front, prece- 
ded by skirmishers and pioneers, with crowbars and pickaxes, to 
force windows and doors, or to hew their way through walls. Thus, 
literally hewing every inch of their progress, the assailants ad- 
vanced, and by evening had carried two batteries, cleared the 
village, and gained a position close to the San Cosmo gate. Here, 
at 8 P. M., Worth posted sentinels, and took up his quarters for the 
night. The assault on the gate was reserved for the morning, when 
the troops should be fresh : and the gate once carried, the heart of 
the city would be open to the invaders. 

Meantime, however, the ardor of Quitman and his troops had 
frustrated, in part, the intention of Scott, by converting the attack on 
the Belen gate from a feigned to a real assault. As we have seen, 
only a portion of Quitman's men had participated directly in the 
storm of Chapultepec, the rest having been retarded by the 
defences at its foot. These works, however, were finally carried, 
and the hill having fallen, Quitman, concentrating his forces, 
rushed forward along the Belen causeway. He was met by a ter- 
rific fire from artillery in front, and by cross-fires from batteries on 
the flank ; but, nevertheless, he pressed on, his soldiers availing them- 
selves of the arches of the aqueduct as a partial cover, running from 
one to the other between the discharges of the foe. In this manner 
they advanced, riddled by the fire in flank, until the batteries on the 



SCOTT S ENTRANCE INTO THE CITY OF MEXICO. 125 

sides were silenced by the American artillery. The enemy had long 
since sought the shelter of the gate. It was past noon when the 
assailants approached this formidable barrier. Instantly raising a 
shout they rushed forward, and, after a desperate conflict, carried 
the gate, and with loud huzzas entered the city. But the day was 
not yet won. Directly in front was another battery, with flanking 
batteries as before. The rifles, who had been foremost in the strife 
at the garita, sprang to the charge again, and seizing a house and 
some arches of the aqueduct, held their ground, though four dif- 
ferent attempts were made to drive them out. Meanwhile, a battery 
of sand bags had been constructed at the garita, from which a con- 
tinual fire was kept up on the enemy. For hours the fight raged at 
this point, without either side gaining the advantage. When night 
fell, the troops in advance were recalled : the battery at the gate was 
finished, and the men slept on their arms behind it, or sheltered 
among the arches of the aqueduct. Scott had frequently sent word 
to Quitman to hold back; yet the ardor of his brave troops, and the 
emulation natural to the occasion, rendered it impossible, perhaps, 
for the Commander-in-chief to be obeyed. Had Quitman's attack 
been a feint, as originally intended, many valuable lives, however, 
would have been saved ; among them the heroic Captain Drum, and 
Lieutenant Benjamin, both of the fourth artillery, who fell at the 
garita. 

The night that ensued was one of terror and suspense within the 
city. It was known in the afternoon that the Americans were at the 
gates, and might be expected at the great square every minute. The 
laws of war in relation to cities taken by assault, were remembered, 
and the most revolting crimes, in consequence, expected : arson, 
theft, murder, and other deeds to make humanity shudder. The foreign 
residents hastened to the houses of the consuls ; the wealthier citi- 
zens, packing up a few moveables, prepared to fly ; and the popula- 
tion of the streets, now swelled by the convicts of the jails, which had 
disgorged their inmates, wandered up and down, mingling oaths, la- 
mentations, and cries of alarm in horrid discord. Meantime, Santa 
Anna, with his army, was stealthily retreating by the northern gate, the 
only one left open to his flight. At every pause in the uproar at the 
gates, the cry arose that the Americans were in the town. Mothers 
pressed their babes in an agony of fright. Hoary sires swore to 
die defending the honor of their daughters. The churches were 
filled by affrighted crowds, who clung to the altar, and vainly 
invoked heaven to save the capital in this extremity. The terror 
was the greater, because, up to the very fall of Chapultepec, the 

M L* 



126 THE WAR WITH MEXICO. 

Mexicans had relied on their skilful defences, and the overwhelming 
numbers of their troops: and now, when they saw their last hope 
shivered, and the city about to become a prey to the invader, they 
regarded it as the punishment marked out by an angry God for their 
manifold national crimes. 

In this emergency, the city council determined to make an appeal 
to the generosity of the conquerors, and accordingly, at 4, A. M., 
on the following morning, a deputation from that body waited on 
Scott. The embassy being admitted to his presence, informed him 
of the flight of Santa Anna, and asked terms of capitulation in favor 
of the churches, citizens, and municipal authorities. The Commander- 
in-chief replied that it was too late to offer a capitulation, for the 
city was at his mercy, and that the terms to which it would be ad- 
mitted should be dictated by himself. In sorrow and alarm the 
deputation took its leave, for they had nothing to rely on 'but the 
clemency of the victors. It was not the intention of the American 
General, however, to take-advantage of the defenceless condition of 
the citizens, and, except a contribution exacted from the authorities, 
Mexico suffered none of the evils attendant on being carried by 
assault. It is to the honor of the American army, that, notwith- 
standing its severe losses in the attack, and the remembrance of the many 
cruelties perpetrated by the enemy when in the ascendant, its 
entrance into the capital was signalized by no such scenes as took 
place at Badajoz and San Sebastian, under Wellington, in the Pen- 
insular war. No conflagration reddened the sky; no murders were 
committed that plunder might be unchecked; no women were violated ; 
no shrines stripped ; no riot and drunkenness prevailed. Never, in the 
whole range of modern history, has a city, carried by assault, exhi- 
bited such little misconduct on the part of the conquerors after the 
battle was over. 

The morning had just dawned — it was the 14th of September, 
1847 — when Scott issued his orders for Quitman to advance to the 
great square. The troops of Worth were directed to enter the town 
simultaneously, but to halt at the Alameda park, within a few 
hundred feet of the plaza. This was done that Quitman might have 
the honor of hoisting the American flag on the national palace, he 
having been the first to gain a foothold within the walls of the city. 
His division marched rapidly to the heart of the town, as if fearing 
to be anticipated, and at 7, A. M., planted the stars and stripes in 
the conquered capital. The entrance of the troops was the signal 
for the suspense and alarm, which had sunk towards morning, to 
re-commence. A buzz of excitement ran through the streets. 



THE CITY OF MEXICO.- 127 

Crowds began to collect at the corners. As the hours wore on, the 
throng increased, looks of curiosity, terror and hatred, alternating 
with the characters of the spectators. About nine o'clock, the blast 
of a trumpet was heard, and immediately after Scott entered the 
great square, surrounded by a brilliant staff, and escorted by the second 
dragoons. He was easily recognized by his lofty form, and, as the 
crowd looked on this celebrated General, the splendor of his achieve- 
ments, though gained at their own expense, infected them, for the 
moment, and they joined in the tumultuous huzzas with which his 
own troops greeted his advent. On the part of the Americans, it 
was a scene of the wildest enthusiasm. In the conquest of this re- 
nowned capital they beheld the realization of a thousand dreams. In 
their front was the great cathedral of Mexico, and beside it the 
palace which the old Spanish viceroys had inhabited, both edifices 
that surpassed in size and splendor, any thing which their own land 
could afford. No foot, in hostile guise, had trod the pavement 
beneath them for more than three centuries. Enthroned amid her 
fastnesses, and surrounded by her waters, like another Venice, 
Mexico had boasted, and Europe had endorsed the vaunt, that she 
was impregnable. Yet here she lay, at the mercy of a conqueror. 
Less than nine thousand men had scaled her apparently impassable 
mountains ; had defeated her thirty thousand defenders ; had success- 
fully stormed her numerous batteries, and had finally cut their way 
literally through her walls. As the American soldiers thought of 
these achievements, and comparing them with others in history, 
reflected how transcendant they had been, what wonder that tears 
of delirious joy rolled down their cheeks, and shouts of enthusiasm 
rent the air ! Nor, when the star spangled banner was seen on the 
top of the national palace, floating to and fro in the sunshine and 
breeze, what miracle that those shouts were repeated, until the city 
shook in its utmost recesses ! 

The glittering pageant of Scott's entrance was over, and the 
soldiers, subsiding from their excitement, were beginning to separate 
to their quarters, when the population of the streets, comprising the 
leperos and discharged convicts, secretly instigated by emissaries 
left behind by Santa Anna, began to fire on the troops. At this 
conduct, so base, considering his forbearance, Scott issued orders for 
severe retaliation. The artillery was directed to clear the streets. 
Parties were sent to break open the houses from which the firing 
occurred, and slay whoever should be found armed within. The 
soldiers were not restrained to giving quarter. A terrible, but de- 
sultory street fight succeeded. In some sections of the city, the 



128 THE WAR WITH MEXICO. 

insurrection was speedily put down ; in others, it lingered during the 
whole day, and even extended into the night. At last the Americans 
drove the insurgents from every refuge, and becoming tired of 
slaughter, refrained from the bloody work. It was found, after the 
riot had been quelled, that those engaged in it had not universally 
confined themselves to assailing the Americans, but that many, under 
cover of a rising against the invaders, had only sought an occasion 
for pillage and murder. However much the massacre of the leperos 
may be regretted, it cannot be censured. The retribution was wan- 
tonly provoked. The blood shed lies at the door of Santa Anna, or 
whoever instigated the insurrection. It was, perhaps, supposed that 
the rising would prove as fatal to Scott as a similar one in Madrid 
had turned out for Murat. The American commander, with praise- 
worthy forbearance, did not allow this riot to alter his conduct 
towards the city. It will be his noblest epitaph in future ages, that 
he could conquer and forgive alike. 

The fall of their capital struck dismay into the hearts of the Mex- 
icans. The mournful intelligence spread rapidly in all directions, 
and was received every where with lamentations and tears. But 
they did not yet entirely despond. Inheriting a portion of that stub- 
born tenacity, which has ever distinguished their Spanish ancestors, 
they resolved still to continue the struggle, though success was now 
hopeless in all eyes but theirs. They were confirmed in this resolu- 
tion by a proclamation, issued by Santa Anna from the city of Gua- 
daloupe, whither he had retired on his flight from the capital. In 
this proclamation he informed the Mexicans that he had resigned 
his office of President into the hands of the Chief Justice of the Su- 
preme Court, in order that, in the perilous crisis to which the repub- 
lic had been reduced, he might devote his undivided energies to the 
field. He advised that the army should hereafter make war in de- 
tail ; and announced his intention to attack, with a portion of it, the 
communications of Scott. The new government met at Queratero. 
There was soon discovered among its members a considerable diver- 
sity of opinion, some being in favor of concluding a peace, while 
others were resolute to continue the struggle. 

Meantime Santa Anna, attended by a force of about eight thou- 
sand infantry and cavalry, suddenly appeared before Puebla, on the 
25th of September, eight days after the date of his proclamation. 
The American garrison in this city had been besieged for nearly a 
fortnight by an irregular force of Mexicans ; but Colonel Childs, the 
commander, had resolutely maintained his post. To Santa Anna's 
demand for an evacuation of the city, he returned a prompt and 



CONTRIBUTIONS LEVIED. 129 

decided refusal. The Mexican leader immediately erected intrench- 
ments, and began a furious cannonade on the American works. 
His fire was returned by Colonel Childs, who, throwing shot, shells 
and grenades incessantly into the heart of the town, produced such 
an immense loss of property, that the enemy was finally compelled to 
desist. On the 1st of October, Santa Anna, finding that the beseiged 
were not to be reduced except by a protracted blockade, and learn- 
ing that a valuable train had started from Xalapa destined for the 
American army, withdrew at the head of two thousand cavalry and 
infantry, with three pieces of artillery, and marched to intercept the 
train. But meantime imputations had been spread, chiefly by his 
enemies, affecting his fidelity to Mexico, and, on his route, he sud- 
denly found himself deserted by his whole force, excepting about 
one hundred and thirty hussars. He now retired in the direction of 
Orizaba, near which he possessed an estate. In this vicinity he 
remained concealed, a memorable example of the instability of 
power, and the fleeting nature of popularity. Finally, on the 20th 
of January, 1848, an expedition was despatched to Orizaba to cap- 
ture him, but he e'ffected his escape, and, soon after, left his native 
country, an exile for the third time. With him Mexico lost her 
ablest General. 

Santa Anna having retired from before Puebla, the siege languished 
until the 12th of October, when it was raised. Meantime General 
Lane, being on his way from Vera Cruz to the capital, marched, at 
the head of two regiments, several companies of mounted men, and 
five pieces of artillery, to chastise the guerillas who had, during the 
past two months, continued to annoy the trains. On the 9th of 
October he attacked a large body of them at Huamantla, and gained 
a complete victory, which, however, was saddened by the loss of 
the heroic Captain Walker. Nine days subsequently he reduced the 
strong town of Atlixco, the rendezvous of this species of combatants, 
after a short but severe cannonade. These two victories may be 
considered as having broken up the guerilla organization in that 
section of the country, though this description of force still continued 
to exist, and to render the roads unsafe, until the declaration of 
peace. These guerillas were not all patriotic : some being mere rob- 
bers, as ready to waylay a countryman as an enemy. 

All serious opposition being now at an end, Scott proceeded to 
execute the orders of his government, and levy contributions from 
the conquered territories. The sums were apportioned according to 
the wealth and population of the states. All taxes were directed 
to be paid to the American authorities. To secure the success of 

17 



130 THE WAR WITH MEXICO. 

these orders the army was divided into numerous small parties, 
which, spreading over the country, enforced obedience wherever 
they came. But, as the American force was too inconsiderable to 
cover, in this way, any great extent of territory, the sums collected 
were of comparatively small amount. It was believed by many, 
that the Mexicans, on discovering the invading army thus subdivided, 
would rise in insurrection ; but the terror of the American arms had 
now entirely subdued all thoughts of resistance. Even those who, 
after the fall of the capital, had still entertained hopes of successfully 
protracting the war, were now utterly disheartened. The party in 
favor of peace became stronger daily. The powers of Mr. Trist had 
been, meantime, revoked by the United States ; but that gentleman, 
anxious to effect a treaty with the enemy, continued to negotiate 
notwithstanding. Scott also labored, by every honorable means, 
to induce the misguided enemy to listen to terms of accommodation. 
These mutual efforts were ultimately crowned with success. A 
treaty was signed between Mr. Trist and the Mexican Commissioners, 
which, being immediately forwarded to the United States, was, after 
some hesitation on the part of the President, laid before the Senate, 
and by that body adopted, with certain amendments. The treaty 
in this altered form, was then returned to Mexico, for ratification by 
the Congress, which was convoked at Queratero for that purpose. 

Meantime Scott, in consequence of certain charges made against 
him by officers of the army, was deprived of his command ; and a 
Court of Inquiry, to examine the allegations, and for other purposes, 
was ordered to assemble at the city of Mexico. The charges against 
the late Commander-in-chief were, however, withdrawn, the princi- 
pal complainant, General Worth, refusing, in the end, to prosecute 
them. The Court, however, continued to sit, in order to examine 
into the military conduct of General Pillow, the accuser being Scott. 
The inquiry was subsequently removed to the United States, and 
continued after peace had been declared. It is to be regretted that, 
after the record of such brilliant deeds, we must impair this narrative 
with these unfortunate, not to say disgraceful transactions. While 
this Court was prosecuting its inquiries at the city of Mexico, Gene- 
ral Butler, who, as senior Major-General, had succeeded Scott in the 
chief command, concluded an armistice with the enemy, to endure 
for two months. This proceeding was wise and generous, since it 
enabled the Congress at Queratero to discuss the ratification of the 
treaty, without the appearance of compulsion. This armistice, 
beginning towards the close of February, 1848, was virtually con- 
tinued until the declaration of peace. 



SKIRMISHES IN CALIFORNIA. 



131 



But while hostilities, in the heart of the Mexican republic, were 
thus at an end, they were breaking out afresh in the distant 
provinces of California and New Mexico. In California, the enemy, 
though overcome, had never been thoroughly subdued, and this in 



) 






r n 




MEXICAN GCtRUILLAS. 



consequence of the insufficient forces despatched by the United 
States to that quarter. Upper California, indeed, remained com- 
paratively contented under the American rule ; but Lower Califor- 
nia was more difficult to reconcile to its new masters. The entire 
strength of the invading army did not amount to one thousand, while 
the Mexicans had at least five thousand in the field. Under these 
circumstances the war was carried on principally by sea. The chief 
ports of Lower California were blockaded, and occasionally detach- 
ments of marines and sailors being landed, skirmishes occurred with 
the foe, in which generally the Americans were victorious. Wherever 
garrisons had been left, they maintained themselves against the 
assaults of the Mexicans. At San Jose, Lieutenant Haywood, of 
the Navy, at the head of seventy sailors and marines, and a few 
native Californians, held out against a force of five thousand gueril- 
las for twenty-one days. He was finally relieved by a detachment 



132 THE WAR WITH MEXICO. 

landed from the Cyane, Captain Dupont. This unsettled condition 
of affairs continued until the declaration of peace. 

In New Mexico somewhat similar scenes were enacted. General 
Price, however, still remained in command of the American forces 
here, and, through his activity and wise precautions, the disaffected 
were effectually restrained. Hearing, at Santa Fe, rumors that 
General Urrea was advancing against Chihuahua and El Paso, 
threatening an attack on the latter place, which was garrisoned by 
Americans, Price left Santa Fe, on the 8th of February, 1848, for the 
relief of his countrymen. Urrea, learning the approach of these 
reinforcements, abandoned his design. Price arrived at El Paso on 
the 20th of February, and continuing his route, reached Chihuahua, 
three hundred miles further south, on the first of March. No signs 
of an enemy being visible, he took peaceable possession of the town. 
On the 16th of March, however, the Americans came up with a 
large body of hostile Mexicans, commanded by Don Angel Trias, at 
Santa Cruz de Rosales, twenty-two leagues from Chihuahua, and 
immediately a sharp combat ensued. The action began at nine A. 
M., and was continued until towards evening, when the Americans 
stormed the place, capturing the Mexican General, besides fourteen 
pieces of ordnance, and one thousand muskets. This victory closed 
the war in that quarter of Mexico. 

The treaty of peace having been ratified by the Senate of the 
United States in March, 1848, and subsequently by the Mexican 
Congress in the ensuing May, the war was at an end. By this 
treaty Mexico ceded to the United States a considerable territory. 
The boundary line, as defined by the third article, commences in the 
Gulf of Mexico, three leagues from land ; thence runs up the middle 
of the Rio Grande to its intersection with the southern boundary of 
New Mexico ; thence along that southern boundary to the western 
boundary of the same ; thence north to the first branch of the Gila 
which it intersects ; thence down the middle of that branch and of 
the river to the Colorado ; thence it runs across westwardly, and 
strikes the Pacific at a point one league south of San Diego. The 
free navigation of the Gulf of California, and of the River Colorado, 
from the mouth of the Gila to the Gulf, was secured, by the 
same article, to the United States. In consideration of this sur- 
render of territory, the United States stipulated to pay to Mexico 
the sum of fifteen millions of dollars, as also to assume the claims 
held against Mexico by American citizens, which were, it will be 
remembered, one of the original- causes of the war. Other less im- 
portant clauses were contained in the treaty. Among them was a 
provision that the American army should evacuate the territory of 



TREATY OF PEACE. 



133 



Mexico within three months. Another clause provided for the 
renewal, for a period of eight years, of the treaty of commerce of 
1831 between the two republics. 

The evacuation of the territory of Mexico immediately took place, 
according to the provisions of the treaty. The regular army, when 
the war began, had consisted of fifteen regiments, the numbers of 
which, however, were reduced to the narrowest limits of a 
peace establishment, so that the entire force was less than eight 
thousand. Immediately after the declaration of war, the companies 
were raised to the highest number allowed by the military system 
of the United States, so that a regiment of ten companies comprised 
eleven hundred non commissioned officers and men. 'Besides this 
addition, two companies were added to each of the artillery regi- 
ments, so that the fifteen old regiments were made to compose a force 
of seventeen thousand four hundred and eighty men. This force, 
however, being deemed insufficient, ten new regiments were directed 
by Congress to be organized, thus raising the numerical strength of 
the entire army to twenty-eight thousand three hundred and eighty 
non-commissioned officers and men. It was provided, however, 
that the ten regiments should be disbanded at the close of the war, 
which was accordingly done, and the army reduced to its original 
fifteen regiments. 

At least one generation, perhaps two, must elapse before an im- 
partial estimate can be formed of this contest. The judgment of 
history is always just in the end. To future times we leave what 
would have been improper for us — the examination of the justice or 
injustice, the policy or impolicy of the Mexican war. 





REPULSE OF MEXICAN CAVALRY AT I'ALO ALTO. 



ZACHARY TAYLOR 




T is customary to institute compar- 
isons between Taylor and Scott. 
Nothing can be more unjust. — 
Though each is a great General, 
there is little similarity between 
them ; and the endeavor to run a 
parallel injures one or both. The 
sole distinction that can be drawn, 
if any, is that Scott has more of the 
General in his composition, and 
Taylor more of the hero. 

The military qualities of Taylor, 
though neither varied nor brilliant, 
are all developed in a colossal 
mould. His soundness of judgment, 
his firmness of purpose, and his 
peculiar faculty of inspiring his 



army with the same heroic sentiments as himself, have enabled 
M — m* 18 137 



138 ZACHARY TAYLOR. 

him to win those astonishing victories which are the admira- 
tion of Europe as well as of America. Even Scott, though 
perhaps he has rivalled, has not surpassed those triumphs. But the 
character of Taylor rests not alone on its military renown. He is 
as prudent as brave. He is as wise in council as in field. Vanity 
appears to be foreign to his composition. Moderate in desiring 
fame himself, he is not envious of it in others. He yields the full 
measure of deserved praise to his subordinates, and appears to take 
pleasure in affording them opportunities for distinction. In manners 
he is simple and unostentatious. In his whole deportment there is 
something exalted and heroic, something of the calm majesty of 
assured genius. He has never obviously sought applause, and the 
results have verified the remark of the wise man, that popularity 
rarely comes when assiduously sought, but rather seeks those who 
seem to despise her favors. 

We have said that there is nothing brilliant, in the ordinary sense 
of the term, in the intellect of General Taylor. We mean by this 
that he is no melo-dramatic hero ; but a sturdy, earnest man, sin- 
cere and honest — a reality, and not a sham. He belongs to the 
class of intellects to which Washington, Cromwell, and others of 
that profound stamp belonged : not to the Murats, Peterboroughs, 
and other stage actors of history, half charlatans, half heroes. He 
possesses that which is worth more than the mere brilliancy of 
genius, a consummate wisdom which rarely or. never errs in its con- 
clusions. His campaign on the Rio Grande is a proof of this. He 
did not make a single movement without first having maturely 
considered its propriety, and in no case, consequently, did he com- 
mit a false step. Subsequent events always sustained the accuracy 
of his judgment. When Scott, preparatory to the siege of Vera 
Cruz, withdrew the regulars from Taylor, he recommended to his 
subordinate to abandon Saltillo and fall back on Monterey. The 
same suggestion was made by the President. But Taylor thought 
this course unwise. He saw that if the enemy was to be checked 
at all, he must be met in the passes of the mountains beyond Sal- 
tillo. The battle of Buena Vista was the result. The importance 
of that victory cannot be too highly estimated. It not only preserved 
the country between Saltillo and the Rio Grande from returning to 
the hands of the Mexicans, but it broke the prestige of Santa Anna's 
name. It did more. It crushed the best appointed and most 
numerous army the enemy had ever brought into the field ; while it 
proved that the American volunteer was more than equal to the 
Mexican regular. All these consequences the wisdom of Taylor 



ZACHARY TAYLOR. 139 

had foreseen. The battle of Buena Vista, moreover, was, in one 
sense, the cause of all our subsequent triumphs. It would be going 
too far, perhaps, to say that Cerro Gordo, Contreras and Chapultepec, 
would have been lost without it ; but we may assume it as certain, 
that in all those combats the desire to emulate Buena Vista was 
foremost in the thoughts of officers and men. " Soldiers, behold the 
sun of Austerlitz," said Bonaparte, on the morning of the battle of 
Jena ; and these words, stimulating them to rival former glories, 
won the day. This consummate judgment is visible in every act of 
Taylor's public career ; in his deportment to his officers, in his cor- 
respondence with the executive, in his conduct under the thousand 
annoyances of his campaign. 

Taylor, we have said, is as resolute in action as he is comprehen- 
sive in judgment. At Fort Brown, when he found his communica- 
tions with Point Isabel cut off, he daringly staked all on the valor 
of the little garrison, and marched to the coast for ammunition and 
stores. The morning after his arrival at Point Isabel, the report of 
guns at Matamoras announced an attack on the fort, and the army, 
with one voice, generously demanded to be led to the relief of their 
comrades. But Taylor hesitated. If he left the Point to succor 
Fort Brown, the object of his late movement would be entirely 
frustrated ; and accordingly he resolved to wait at least until he 
could hear from the garrison. The firmness of mind required for 
this decision can only be fully understood by imagining the obloquy 
he would have suffered if Brown and his little detachment had been 
cut off. So, at Buena Vista, Taylor accepted battle against the ad- 
vice of both Scott and the President ; and if he had lost the day, 
nothing could have saved him from a court martial. In deciding to 
fight Santa Anna, he perilled every life in his army ; for a defeat 
would have terminated in a general massacre : and thus he assumed 
a responsibility which few would have ventured on, even though as 
fully convinced of its wisdom as himself. 

We doubt, indeed, if there was another man in the army who 
would have risked the battle of Buena Vista under exactly similar 
circumstances. There can be no greater proof of the stubborn will 
of Taylor than the assertion of Santa Anna, that the Americans were 
thrice beaten, but. that they did not know it. Some of Taylor's of- 
ficers, on one of these occasions, advised him to retreat ; but he knew 
that, this was impossible with his comparatively raw troops, and he 
fought on. "Every Englishman must die here, if needs be," said 
Wellington at Waterloo ; and Taylor held substantially the same 
language at Buena Vista. His determination to conquer and his 



140 ZACHARY TAYLOR. 

confidence in victory were forcibly exhibited at the final turning 
point of the conflict. Several assaults of the Mexicans had been 
repulsed, and they were now making a third, and they believed, a 
decisive charge. At the head of a column five thousand strong, 
Santa Anna advanced to the attack. The outposts of the Americans 
were driven before him like chaff. O'Brien's battery had been 
captured ; Clay and Hardin had fallen desperately contending ; and 
Bragg's artillery was in imminent danger. The enemy was within 
thirty paces of the guns. In a few seconds his myriads would be 
upon them. Bragg, in consternation, sent to Taylor for succor. 
The memorable reply will live as long as history endures. Its 
determined spirit saved the day. Had Taylor hesitated for a minute, 
that wild ocean of Mexicans would have surged over the battery, 
and pouring on, buried leader and soldiers in one common and de- 
stroying deluge. It is the union of these two great qualities which 
has made Taylor so uniformly successful as a General. He has 
never fought a battle in which he was defeated, though he has fought 
many where victory was a miracle. 

Zachary Taylor was born in Orange county, Virginia, on the 24th 
of November, 1784. His family was a respectable one, and had 
come originally from England, where it had belonged to the ranks 
of the gentry. When the subject of this sketch was but a few 
months old, his father emigrated to Kentucky, and settled in Jeffer- 
son county, about five miles from the town of Lexington. After 
receiving an ordinary English education, the best that the frontier 
settlements could afford, young Zachary returned to his father, and 
for some years was occupied in agriculture. During the excitement 
caused by the movements of Burr, in 1807, Taylor joined a volun- 
teer company ; but, on the subsidence of the alarm, devoted himself 
again to the cultivation of the soil. About this time an elder brother 
died, who bore a commission in the United States army, by which 
means an opening was afforded for the subject of our notice to enter 
the service. Accordingly, on the 3rd of May, 1S08, he received a 
commission as First-Lieutenant. He was now in the element to 
which he had always aspired. Resolute, daring, adventurous, ac- 
customed to tales of Indian warfare, and taught to regard the 
service of his country as the most honorable of all pursuits, young 
Taylor resolved, from the moment he girded on his sword, to do his 
duty sincerely and assiduously, never doubting but that his reward 
would come in time. Even at this early age he was distinguished 
by that absence of impatience, which is a mark of steadfast and 
self-poised souls. 



ZACHARY TAYLOR. 1 -1 1 

The routine of garrison duty on frontier posts, to which Taylor 
was confined for some years, affords no incident worthy of mention 
in this sketch. In 1810 he married, but was almost immediately 
called from home by duty, and for a whole year was prevented 
from seeing his wife and child. In the beginning of 1812 he was 
raised to the rank of Captain, and appointed to the command of Fort 
Harrison. This was a post on the Wabash, right in the heart of the 
Indian country, consisting of two block-houses, stockade works, and 
a few buildings for stores or magazines. Here Taylor was sta- 
tioned when war was declared. He soon became aware that the 
savages in his vicinity contemplated hostilities; but though he had 
only sixteen effective men, he resolutely prepared for resistance. 
On the 3rd of September two men who were making hay near the 
fort were murdered by the Indians; and now Taylor knew that the 
blow might be expected hourly to fall. Though debilitated by fever, 
he personally went the rounds, and saw that every possible precau- 
tion was taken. On the 4th, towards evening, a number of Indians 
knocked at the gate of the fort, begging provisions and asking 
admittance. But Taylor, suspecting a stratagem, refused to admit 
them, though he supplied their wants. He then inspected the men's 
arms, and served out sixteen cartridges to each soldier, after which, 
exhausted by fatigue and sickness, he retired to snatch a few hours' 
respose. His last injunction, before repairing to his couch, was that 
the officers of the guard should walk round the inner side of the fort 
during the whole night to prevent a surprise. 

About eleven o'clock Taylor was roused from sleep by the guu 
of one of the sentinels, and springing from bed he rushed out, order- 
ing the men to their posts. Almost simultaneously the cry of fire 
was raised. The Indians had succeeded in igniting one of the 
block-houses, which was soon in flames. Alarm now seized the 
feeble garrison, and two of the men, giving up all for lost, sprang 
over the pickets and fled. For a while Taylor was the only self- 
collected person in the fort. The block-house, which had been 
fired, contained a quantity of whiskey, and this now burned with a 
fury that baffled every effort to subdue it ; while the horror of the 
scene was increased by the roar of the flames, the cries of the 
women in the fort, the howling of the savages, and the incessant 
discharges of small-arms. Taylor saw that but one chance of safety 
remained : this was to tear off the roof of the barracks connecting 
with the block-house. To this work accordingly he addressed him- 
self. Encouraged by his words a party ascended to the roof amid a 
shower of bullets, and soon succeeded in their daring object. 



142 



ZACHART TAYLOR. 



Stimulated by this gleam of hope, the men now labored with 
redoubled energy. They closed up the gap, made by the destruc- 
tion of the block-house, with a breastwork as high as a man's head. 




DEFF.NCE OF FORT HARRISON. 



They put out the fire, which was communicated to the barracks, 
again and again. While the able-bodied of the garrison, headed by 
their heroic leader, thus exposed themselves continually, the invalids, 
roused from their couches by the extremity of the peril, -kept up an 
incessant fire on the savages from the other block-house and from 
the bastions. The Indians, on their part, maintained a steady 
discharge of musketry, accompanied with showers of arrows. The 
night would have been intensely dark, but for the lurid flames that 
lit the scene ; and by this terrible guide the combat was long 
continued. When the last ember of the block-house had been ex- 
tinguished, the struggle still went on, the flashes of the guns sufficing 
for a mark to either party. During seven long hours the scales of 
fortune hung quivering, but when day began to break, the savages 
suddenly abandoned the assault, and the members of the little 



ZACHARY TAYLOR. 143 

garrison were left to congratulate themselves and their heroic com- 
mander. Of the two men who had fled early in the night, one was 
killed before he had gone two hundred yards, and the other was 
glad to return to the fort towards dawn, grievously wounded. 

But the savages, though foiled in the attack, did not yet abandon 
all hopes of their prey. They now resorted to leaguer, and for 
more than a week environed the fort, out of reach of its guns, in such 
a manner as to prevent Taylor sending for succor. His posi- 
tion daily grew more precarious. A sickly garrison, with but scanty 
provisions, surrounded by bodies of hostile savages, and far from 
assistance, was the prospect that presented itself to the young 
Captain day and night. In this emergency he proved the heroic 
mould of his character. While other, and older heads, were trembling 
before dangers far less imminent, and succumbing to odds infinitely 
smaller, Taylor never, for one instant, entertained the thought of 
surrender. The same resolution to die at his post, or come off vic- 
torious, which characterised him on the awful field of Buena Vista, 
thirty years later, marked him now. And it triumphed. On the 
16th of the month, twelve days after the assault, a reinforcement of 
five hundred infantry, and six hundred mounted men, arrived and 
raised the siege. In his official letter, describing this battle, there is 
the same modesty, the same simplicity of style, and the same 
absence of exaggeration as in his memorable despatches from 
Mexico. He had already all the great qualities which subsequently 
made him famous ; it only required that age should ripen them, and 
a wider field be presented for their exercise. For his gallantry in 
this affair, he was honored with the brevet of a Major. The nation 
was unanimous in applauding his heroism ; his name was joined 
with that of the victorious Decatur: and a few sagacious minds, 
looking prophetically into the future, foretold that he would yet do 
deeds to hold a continent in breathless amazement. 

The defence of Fort Harrison was the only opportunity afforded 
Taylor of distinguishing himself in the war of 1S12; for during the 
remainder of the contest he was confined to the vicinity of the 
Wabash, and thus excluded from the glories of the Niagara cam- 
paign in 1S14. When peace was declared, the army was remodelled, 
and Taylor, now eclipsed by laler heroes, was reduced to the rank 
of Captain. Thinking himself injured, he resigned his commission, 
and retired to the bosom of his family, where he would probably 
have remained, if his friends had not exerted themselves, and pro- 
cured his restoration to the rank of Major. He now returned to the 
army. For several succeeding years he was chiefly occupied at 



144 ZACHART TAYLOR. 

frontier posts, where a close and methodical attention to his duties 
did not prevent him from improving in the study of his profession, 
and in belles-lettres literature. Punctual at the drill on the stormiest 
morning, and after it, just as punctual in the library of the fort; 
sincere in manner; a lover of humor; practical and sound in all his 
views; a little reserved, yet on the whole, a most fascinating com- 
panion, Taylor was known in the army, among his intimate friends, 
as a man who would rise to a first rate position if ever a suitable 
occasion offered, and if not, would always win the esteem of those 
around him, by the simplicity, frankness, and genial nature of his 
character. Most of his time was spent at the south, where he pre- 
sided at the erection of Fort Jessup. In 1819, he was made Lieu- 
tenant-Colonel. In 1826, he was a member of the board of officers 
of the army and militia, over which Scott presided, convened to con- 
sider and propose a system for the organization and improvement 
of the militia of the nation. In 1S32, he was raised to the rank of 
Colonel. He was now employed in the expedition against Black 
Hawk. It was here, according to a current anecdote, that he cured 
the militia "of their scruples in reference to crossing the boun- 
daries of their state ; an example that General Van Ransellaer 
might have imitated to advantage at Queenstown. Taylor had 
been ordered to hasten over Rock River, in pursuit of the fugitive 
savages. The militia demurred, and called a meeting on the prairie, 
when several orators declaimed against the proceeding as unconsti- 
tutional. Taylor quietly listened until all had expressed their senti- 
ments, when he ascended the rostrum, and spoke nearly as follows : 
" Gentlemen, I have listened with pleasure to your remarks on the 
independence and dignity of the American citizen. I acknowledge 
that you are all my equals. Many of you, I believe, will soon be 
my superiors, by becoming members of Congress, and thus arbiters 
of the fortunes of humble servants of the republic, like myself. I 
expect then to obey you as interpreters of the will of the people ; 
and the best proof I can give of this, is, to obey now those who are at 
present in authority. In plain English, gentlemen, 1 have been 
ordered from Washington to follow Black Hawk, and take you with 
me as soldiers. I mean to do both. There are the flat-boats 
drawn up on the shore, and here are my regulars behind you on the 
prairie !" The quiet composure with which he delivered these 
words was sufficient : the men saw he was not to be trifled with ; 
and without a murmur, they embarked, the noisiest of the dema- 
gogues being the first to hurry to the boats. Taylor, on the conclusion 
of the Black Hawk war, was appointed to the command of Fort Craw- 



ZACHARY TAYLOR. 145 

ford, at Prairie du Chien. In charge of this post he remained until 
1S37, when he was ordered to Florida, where he speedily achieved 
the most decisive victory yet gained over the warlike Seminoles. 

The Florida war was, from first to last, of a very harassing 
character. It was waged under a fatal climate, and in a country 
almost impregnable. A wet and spongy soil, covered with rank 
herbage, and overshadowed by impenetrable thickets of cypress and 
palmetto, formed the first obstacle with which the invaders had to 
contend; this conquered, the Americans still had to overcome the 
most resolute savages, perhaps, that ever winged a rifle-ball, or 
lurked for a foe. If beaten, the Seminoles would fly through this 
dense wilderness, by paths known only to themselves, and seek 
refuge in some unexplored everglade. When, after toiling through 
the slimy swamp for days, the invaders would at last reach this new 
retreat, they would be exhausted with fatigue ; while, on the con- 
trary, the Indians would be fresh for the strife. Perhaps the 
Americans would remain ignorant of the position of the enemy until 
a volley from the thicket would prostrate half their number. Some- 
times the savages would fly after a short contest ; sometimes it would 
be necessary to rouse them from their lair by the prick of the 
bayonet ; sometimes, after a heroic struggle, the assailants would be 
compelled themselves to retire, leaving the ground strewn with their 
dead. This war had continued two years, when Taylor arrived in 
Florida. He found the consternation of the whites at its height. 
Notwithstanding the large force of both regulars and volunteers, 
which had been employed against the Seminoles ; notwithstanding 
the two first Generals in the army had been in command, the enemy 
not only continued unsubdued, but had even increased in audacity. 
If the soldiers penetrated to the Indian country, surprise and ambush 
cut them off; if they remained at their forts, the savages took 
courage and foraged the white settlements. Large numbers of 
runaway slaves, fugitives from Georgia and Alabama, added to the 
fierceness of the Seminole array, and fostered the spirit of revenge. 
Terrible murders, perpetrated with every device of savage cruelty, 
continually struck terror into the white population. Plantation after 
plantation, was deserted in consequence, until the country began 
to assume the appearance of a desert, and when Taylor arrived, he 
found a general despondency, which infected even the army, and 
rose, among the citizens, almost to despair. 

Jessup, who still held the supreme command, resolved on the 
most vigorous measures in this crisis, and accordingly, he directed 
Taylor to seek the enemy every where, and destroy or capture ins 

M— N 1 9 



146 ZACHARY TAYLOR 

forces. With eleven hundred officers and men, Taylor left Fort 
Gardner on the 20th of December, 1837, and began his march into 
the interior. The Seminoles, informed of his intentions by spies, 
had retired to one of their strongest fortresses, where they resolved 
to await his approach. On the 25th, Taylor reached their vicinity. 
The savages were posted on the further side of a dense swamp, in a 
thick hammock, and were so completely hidden from view, that but 
for the assurances of the guides, and the known partiality of the 
Indians for such lurking places, their presence would not have been 
suspected. Taylor, with that promptness which is one of his cha- 
racteristics, immediately ordered the troops forward ; and the men, 
inspired by his calm front, plunged into the thick grass which here 
rose overhead. After proceeding about a quarter of a mile, they 
reached a wide slough, where the water and mud was four feet 
deep. This obstacle would have checked ordinary troops, or an 
ordinary leader. But the men, abandoning their horses, plunged 
resolutely into the lake, carrying their arms overhead, to preserve 
them from the wet. For awhile nothing was heard but the splash 
of water, as the soldiers struggled along ; but suddenly a hundred 
rifles cracked, and the foremost ranks fell among the grass and 
slime. There was a momentary pause, and then the officers spring- 
ing to the front, and shouting to the men, the brave troops charged 
forward. But the progress through the long grass and water was 
necessarily slow, and meantime, the savages, secure in their covert, 
mowed down the assailants. All around was a blaze of fire, yet no 
foe was visible. At last the volunteers who had led the advance, 
and who were now dreadfully thinned in numbers, seeing their 
leader, Colonel Gentry, fall mortally wounded, broke and fled. This 
was the signal for the Indians to burst forth, which they did, firing 
and yelling like demons. The volunteers rushed across the swamp, 
forgetting to form as ordered in the rear of the regulars, and did not 
pause until they reached their baggage and horses, with which they 
remained for the rest of the day. 

The shock now fell on the troops of the line, consisting of the 
fourth and sixth regiments of infantry. These gallant regulars, 
undismayed by the flight of the volunteers, met the victorious foe in 
full career, and pouring in volley after volley, not only checked the 
pursuit, but began to roll back the enemy upon his covert. The 
principal weight of the conflict fell on five companies of the sixth, 
every man of which fought as if the day depended on him alone. 
The slaughter in this little band grew so terrible, that the waters of 
the swamp beneath, and around them, soon became red as blood. 



ZACHARY TAYLOR. 



117 



Their loader, Lieutenant-Colonel Thompson, received a mortal 
wound while cheering his men. His adjutant, and other officers of 
rank, fell beside him. Every inferior officer was soon killed or dis- 
abled ; and in one of the five companies, only four men remained 
unhurt. The dead and dying lay in huge heaps among the grass. 




-^rv^* 



T1I3 BATTLK OF OKKK- ClIOIiEK. 



At last, this band of heroes was forced to give way. But their 
place was instantly supplied by others, and the battle now raged 
with awful fury. Far and near the glade echoed with the shouts 
of the combatants, or the rattle of musketry, unless, when the uproar, 
lulling for a moment the groans of the wounded, or the dull splash 
of bodies falling in the water, smote the ear. At last the savages 
fled in disorder. But, after retiring a short distance, they rallied, on 
what they thought, more favorable ground, and the deadly combat 
was renewed. Again they were charged, again they broke, again 
they rallied, again they fled ; and ever, in the van of his shouting 
heroes, the form of Taylor was seen, a beacon to his troops. The 
hammock was gained, the savages dislodged, and the pursuit con- 
tinued to the borders of Lake Okee-Chobee, in the rear of the 



148 ZACHARY TAYLOR. 

enemy's position. The flank of the foe was now turned by Lieu- 
tenant-Colonel Davenport, and a complete rout ensued. The chase 
was continued until night, when the exhausted troops gave in, and 
silence fell on the wild and romantic glade, which, since noon, had 
reverberated with the roar of battle. This defeat broke the heart 
of the enemy, though he still continued to fight in detached bodies, 
and with sullen desperation long afterwards. The loss of the Ame- 
ricans in the battle of Okee-Chobee, was fourteen officers and one 
hundred and twenty-four men ; that of the savages was never ascer- 
tained, as they carried off most of their dead. For his conduct on 
this memorable day, Taylor received the brevet of a Brigadier, and 
shortly after, on the retirement of Jessup, succeeded to the chief com- 
mand in Florida. 

The official despatch, describing the battle of Okee-Chobee, con- 
cludes with the following passage, descriptive of the sufferings of his 
troops after the victory. The letter from which we make the extract, 
was dated from head-quarters, after his return. Having described 
the actual combat, he continues : " And here I trust I may be per- 
mitted to say, that I experienced one of the most trying scenes of my 
life, and he who could have looked on it with indifference, his nerves 
must have been very differently organized from my own; besides 
the killed, there lay one hundred and twelve wounded officers and sol- 
diers who had accompanied me one hundred and forty-five miles, most 
of the way through an unexplored wilderness, without guides, who had 
so gallantly beaten the enemy, under my orders, in his strongest posi- 
tion, and who had to be conveyed back through swamps and ham- 
mocks, from whence we set out, without any apparent means of 
doing so. This service, however, was encountered and overcome, 
and they have been conveyed thus far, and proceeded on to Tampa 
Bay, on rude litters, constructed with the axe and knife alone, with 
poles and dry hides — the latter being found in great abundance at 
the encampment of the hostiles. The litters were conveyed on the 
backs of our weak and tottering horses, aided by the residue of the 
command, with more ease and comfort to the sufferers than I could 
have supposed, and with as much as they could have been in ambu- 
lances of the most improved and modern construction." 

The consequences of the battle of Okee-Chobee are described by 
Taylor in equally graphic terms. Of the six weeks to which he 
alludes in the following extract, four transpired previous to the conflict, 
and two subsequent. " In six weeks," he says," we penetrated one 
hundred and fifty miles into the enemy's country, opened roads, and 
constructed bridges and causeways, when necessary, on the greater 



ZACHARY TAYLOR. 149 

portion of the route, established two depots, and the necessary de- 
fences for the same, and finally overtook and beat the enemy in his 
strongest position. The results of which movement and battle have 
been the capture of thirty of the hostiles, the coming in, and sur- 
rendering of more than one hundred and fifty Indians and negroes, 
mostly of the former, including the chiefs Ou-la-too-chee, Tus-ta- 
nug-gee, and other principal men, the capturing and driving out of 
the country six hundred head of cattle, upwards of one hundred 
head of horses, besides obtaining a thorough knowledge of the coun- 
try through which we operated, a greater portion of which was en- 
tirely unknown, except to the enemy." Taylor remained at the 
head of the army in Florida until 1S40, when he was relieved at his 
own request. He was never, however, able to bring the savages to 
a second battle. The recollection of Okee-Chobee, as long as he re- 
tained the supreme command, restrained the foe from hazarding 
aught except desultory engagements, though with the vindictiveness 
of his mixed African and Indian blood, he seized every occasion to 
murder unarmed fugitives, the atrocity of these, assassinations in- 
creasing as years rolled on. We gladly turn aside from the often 
repeated story of fathers slaughtered in the midst of their children, 
of infants stabbed at the breast,, and of whole households consumed 
in their burning tenements, while the murderers danced and yelled 
around. We leave the story of the Florida war to be narrated in a 
more appropriate place. If the Seminoles had been less of assassins 
they would have been more of heroes. 

The interval that elapsed between his retirement from the army 
of Florida and his elevation to the responsible post of General of the 
army of the Rio Grande, was spent by Taylor chiefly at Forts Jes- 
sup and Gibson, as commandant of the first military department in 
the south-west. His prudence, not less than his skill, recommended 
him in 1S45, on the annexation of Texas to the United States, as a 
suitable person to take charge of the force which the President 
resolved to send into the new state. His instructions were to ob- 
serve the Mexicans, and check any hostile demonstrations they 
might make. Accordingly General Taylor, with about two thousand 
men. repaired to Corpus Christi in August of that year, at which 
place he remained until the 8th of March, 1846, when he advanced 
to the Rio Grande. This movement was, on his part, purely a 
military one. The President had directed him to consider the Rio 
Grande as the boundary between Mexico and the United States, 
and to defend it as such : on which Taylor expressed his opinion, 
that the line of the Rio Grande was not possible to be maintained 



1.50 ZACHARY TAYLOR. 

by a post at Corpus Christi. In pursuance of these views he broke 
up his encampment, and, on the 28th of March, took a position 
opposite Matamoras. He had already seized Point Isabel on the 
J4th, by which he was enabled to command the mouth of the Rio 
Grande. The events that followed, and which led directly to the 
war, have been detailed in another place, and, consequently, we 
shall not recapitulate them. Throughout the whole of the transac- 
tions that occurred between the 8th of March and the battle of the 
8th of May, General Taylor displayed the utmost forbearance 
toward the Mexicans, while he yet maintained to its fullest extent, 
the honor and dignity of the United States. Firm, yet prudent ; 
conciliatory, but not cringing ; neither seeking to intimidate, nor 
allowing intimidation, he did all that could be done to avert a war, 
though holding himself ready for it if it should come. When ac- 
cordingly the folly of the Mexicans led them to attack him at Palo 
Alto and Resaca de la Palma, he dealt them such staggering blows, 
and in such quick succession, that they reeled blindly before him, 
and, from that hour to the end of the war, never recovered their 
confidence. 

The lustre of the battles of the 8th and 9th of May has been 
dimmed in a measure by the brilliancy of subsequent combats. But 
it was in them that the prestige of victory was first obtained for the 
Americans, and the oppressive consciousness of defeat first affixed 
to the foe. It was Palo Alto that originally established the effi- 
ciency of our light artillery, to which we have since been indebted 
for so many successes. It was at Resaca de la Palma that the 
renowned Tampico regiment, which had been victorious on twenty 
fields ; which had never met a foe but to conquer ; and which was, 
therefore, considered the Palladium of the Mexican army, was 
totally destroyed after a struggle whose heroic character was worthy 
of its ancient fame. The splendor of these two victories can only 
be adequately understood by those who remember the excitement 
of the public mind, between the receipt of intelligence of Captain 
Thornton's capture and that of the glorious days of the 8th and 9th 
of May. During that gloomy and oppressive interval of suspense 
but one voice was heard ; it was that of lamentation for our army 
supposed to be sacrificed to an overwhelming force. It was known 
that Taylor had scarcely two thousand soldiers : it was believed, 
and the belief was correct, that the Mexicans had ten. The ruin of 
our little army was considered inevitable. Men did not hesitate to 
reproach the President for thus wantonly throwing away the lives 
of brave men. The sympathies of the nation were enlisted for Tay- 



ZACHARY TAYLOR. 151 

lor. The arrival of the mail was watched with intense anxiety. 
The suspense was protracted from day to day, by the most exciting, 
but uncertain intelligence : it was told that Taylor's communication 
had been cut oft'; that he had marched to Point Isabel ; that the 
garrison left opposite Matamoras had been bombarded. The anguish 
of the public mind rose to an intolerable pitch. But suddenly came 
intelligence of the victory of Palo Alto, and following close on its 
heels, the news of Resaca de la Palma. The nation passed at once 
from despondency to joy. The bulletins of the conquering General 
were read again and again, for at first they could scarcely be cre- 
dited. When the conviction, at last, became fixed that Taylor had 
indeed repulsed the hosts of Arista, and that the Mexican army, 
collected with such care, was reduced to a crowd of disorderly 
fugitives, a delirium of exultation took possession of the public mind. 
It was not only over a mere victory that the people rejoiced : it was 
over a gallant leader saved from sacrifice ; it was over an army 
preserved from massacre. The government immediately sent him 
the brevet of Major-General ; and, shortly after, on the passage of 
the act increasing the army, a full commission. Taylor at once 
rose to the proud eminence of a hero, and was assigned the first 
place in the people's hearts. By exalting his genius they vindica- 
ted their own alarm. 

The occupation of Matamoras followed, and the advance on 
Monterey. During the whole of these transactions Taylor labored 
under great disadvantages. The government of the United States 
furnished him troops without adequate supplies, thus rendering 
nugatory with one hand what they tendered with the other. But 
the patience, tact, and skill of the General triumphed over all diffi- 
culties. Ordered to penetrate into the interior, he advanced to 
Monterey, the siege of which, a walled town, he began with a single 
mortar. Monterey fell after a most desperate contest : no struggle 
so fierce had, up to that period, ever been known on this continent. 
The armistice that followed was a wise and necessary measure, 
notwithstanding the exceptions urged against it at the time. Taylor 
had just received orders to terminate this armistice, and was fortu- 
nately at last in a condition to move forward, when he was una- 
voidably stripped of the flower of his forces by Scott, then on his 
way to Vera Cruz. Nothing illustrates the equable character of the 
General better than the familiar anecdote told of him on this occasion. 
The despatch, calling on him to surrender Worth's division, was 
received by Taylor when at supper: he read it, his brow clouded, 
but he did not utter a word : the only way in which his chagrin was 



152 ZACHARY TAYLOR. 

betrayed was by his excessive nervousness, displayed in peppering 
his coffee, and in similar mistakes during the meal. The circum- 
stances which led subsequently to the battle of Buena Vista have 
been detailed, at sufficient length, in preceding pages. That 
remarkable battle had its origin as much in Taylor's foresight, as 
the victory which crowned it owed its existence to his indomitable 
courage. To illustrate Taylor's clear and transparent style, as well 
as to present the story of that day in the most authoritative shape, 
we quote the chief portion of his despatch relative to this victory. 
The narrative begins with the preliminary reconnoisance. 

" The information which reached me of the advance and concen- 
tration of a heavy Mexican force in my front, had assumed such a 
probable form as to induce a special examination far beyond the 
reach of our pickets to ascertain its correctness. A small party of 
Texan spies, under Major McCullough, despatched to the hacienda 
of Encarnacion, thirty miles from this, on the route to San Luis 
Potosi, had reported a cavalry force of unknown strength at that 
place. On the 20th of February, a strong reconnoisance, under 
Lieutenant-Colonel May, was despatched to the hacienda of Hecli- 
ondo, while Major McCullough made another examination of 
Encarnacion. The result of these expeditions left no doubt that the 
enemy was in large force at Encarnacion, under the orders of General 
Santa Anna, and that he meditated a forward movement and attack 
upon our position. 

" As the camp of Agua Nueva could be turned on either flank, 
and as the enemy's force was greatly superior to our own, particu- 
larly in the arm of cavalry, I determined, after much consideration, 
to take up a position about eleven miles in rear, and there await the 
attack. The army broke up its camp and marched at noon on the 
21st, encamping at the new position a little in front of the hacienda 
of Buena Vista. With a small force I proceeded to Saltillo, to make 
some necessary arrangements for the defence of the town, leaving 
Brigadier-General Wool in the immediate command of the troops. 

" Before these arrangements were completed, on the morning of 
the 22d, I was advised that the enemy was in sight, advancing. 
Upon reaching the ground it was found that his cavalry advance 
was in our front, having marched from Encarnacion, as we have 
since learned, at eleven o'clock the day previous, and driving in a 
mounted force left at Agua Nueva to cover the removal of public 
stores. Our troops were in position, occupying a line of remarkable 
strength. The road at this point becomes a narrow defile, the valley 
on its right being rendered quite impracticable for artillery by a 



ZACHARY TAYLOR. 



153 



succession of deep and impassable gullies, while on the left a suc- 
cession of rugged ridges and precipitous ravines extends far back to- 
wards the mountain which bounds the valley. The features of the 




MAJOR M'CULLOUGH. 



ground were such as nearly to paralyze the artillery and cavalry of 
the enemy, while his infantry could not derive all the advantage of 
its numerical superiority. In this position we prepared to receive 
him. Captain Washington's battery (fourth artillery) was posted 
to command the road, while the first and second Illinois regiments, 
under Colonels Hardin and Rissell, each eight companies, (to the 
latter of which was attached Captain Conner's company of Texas 
volunteers,) and the second Kentucky, under Colonel McKee, occu- 
pied the crests of the ridges on the left and in rear. The Arkansas 



154 ZACHARY TAYLOR. 

and Kentucky regiments of cavalry, commanded by Colonels Yell 
and H. Marshall, occupied the extreme left near the base of the 
mountain, while the Indiana brigade, under Brigadier-General Lane, 
(composed of the second and third regiments, under Colonels 
Bowles and Lane,) the Mississippi riflemen, under Colonel Davis, 
the squadrons of the first and second dragoons, under Captain 
Steene and Lieutenant-Colonel May, and the light batteries of 
Captains Sherman and Bragg, third artillery, were held in reserve. 
" At eleven o'clock I received from General Santa Anna a sum- 
mons to surrender at discretion, which, with a copy of my reply, I 
have already transmitted. The enemy still forebore his attack, evi- 
dently waiting for the arrival of his rear columns, which could be 
distinctly s^eu by our look-outs as they approached the field. A 
demonstration made on his left caused me to detach the second Ken- 
tucky regiment and a section of artillery, to our right, in which position 
they bivouacked for the night. In the mean time, the Mexican light 
troops had engaged ours on the extreme left, (composed of parts of 
the Kentucky and Arkansas cavalry, dismounted, and a rifle 
battalion from the Indiana brigade under Major Gorman, the whole 
commanded by Colonel Marshall,) and kept up a sharp fire, climb- 
ing the mountain side, and apparently endeavoring to gain our 
flank. Three pieces of Captain Washington's battery had been de- 
tached to the left, and were supported by the second Indiana regiment. 
An occasional shell was thrown by the enemy into this part of our 
line, but without effect. The skirmishing of the light troops was 
kept up with trifling loss, on our part, until dark, when I became 
convinced that no serious attack would be made before the morning, 
and returned, with the Mississippi regiment and squadron of second 
dragoons, to Saltillo. The troops bivouacked without fires, and laid 
upon their arms. A body of cavalry, some fifteen hundred strong, 
had been visible all day in rear of the town, having entered the 
valley through a narrow pass, east of the city. This cavalry, com- 
manded by General Minon, had evidently been thrown in our rear, 
to break up and harass our retreat, and perhaps make some attempt 
against the town, if practicable. The city was occupied by four 
excellent companies of Illinois volunteers, under Major Warren, 
of the first regiment. A field-work, which commanded most of the 
approaches, was garrisoned by Captain Webster's company, first 
artillery, and armed with two twenty-four pound howitzers, while 
I he train and head-quarter camp was guarded by two companies of 
Mississippi riflemen, under Captain Rogers, and a field-piece, com- 
manded by Captain Shover, third artillery. Having made these 



ZACHAKV TAYLOR. 1 j.5 

dispositions for the protection of the rear, I proceeded on the morn- 
ing of the 23d, to Buena Vista, ordering forward all the other avail- 
able troops. The action had commenced before my arrival on the 
field. 

" During the evening and night of the 22d, the enemy had thrown 
i body of light troops on the mountain side, with the purpose of 
outflanking our left; and it was here that the action of the 23d com- 
menced, at an early hour. Our riflemen, under Colonel Marshal!. 
who had been reinforced by three companies under Major Trail, 
second Illinois volunteers, maintained their ground handsomely 
against a greatly superior force, holding themselves under cover, and 
using their weapons with deadly effect. About eight o'clock, a 
strong demonstration was made against the centre of our position, a 
heavy column moving along the road. This force was soon dis- 
persed by a few rapid and well-directed shots from Captain Wash- 
ington's battery. In the mean time, the enemy was concentrating 
a large force of infantry and cavalry under cover of the ridges, with 
the obvious intention of forcing our left, which was posted on an 
extensive plateau. The second Indiana, and the second Illinois 
regiments formed this part of our line, the former covering three 
pieces of light artillery, under the orders of Captain O'Brien — Briga- 
dier-General Lane being in the immediate command. In order to 
bring his men within effective range, General Lane ordered the ar- 
tillery and second Indiana regiment forward. The artillery ad- 
vanced within musket range of a heavy body of Mexican infantry, 
and was served against it with great effect, but without being able 
to check its advance. The infantry ordered to its support had fallen 
back in disorder, being exposed, as well as the battery, not onlv to a 
severe fire of small-arms from the front, but also to a murderous 
cross-fire of grape and canister, from a Mexican battery on the 
left. Captain O'Brien found it impossible to retain his position 
without support, but was only able to withdraw two of his pieces, 
all the horses and cannoniers of the third piece being killed or 
disabled. The second Indiana regiment, which had fallen back as 
stated, could not be rallied, and took no farther part in the action, 
except a handful of men, who, under its gallant Colonel Bowles, 
joined the Mississippi regiment, and did good service, and those 
fugitives, who, at a later period in the day, assisted in defending the 
train and depot at Buena Vista. This portion of our line bavin? 
given way, and the enemy appearing in overwhelming force against 
our left flank, the light troops which had rendered such good service 
on the mountain were compelled to withdraw, which they did, for 



156 ZACHARY TAYLOR. 

the most part, in good order. Many, however, were not rallied 
until they reached the depot at Buena Vista, to the defence of 
which they afterwards contributed. 

" Colonel Bissell's regiment, (second Illinois,) which had been 
joined by a section of Captain Sherman's battery, had become com- 
pletely outflanked, and was compelled to fall back, being entirely 
unsupported. The enemy was now pouring masses of infantry and 
cavalry along the base of the mountain on our left, and was gaining 
our rear in great force. At this moment I arrived upon the field. 
The Mississippi regiment had been directed to the left before reach- 
ing the position, and immediately came into action against the Mexi- 
can infantry which had turned our flank. The second Kentucky 
regiment, and a section of artillery, under Captain Bragg, had pre- 
viously been ordered from the right to reinforce our left, and arrived 
at a most opportune moment. That regiment, and a portion of the 
first Illinois, under Colonel Hardin, gallantly drove the enemy, and 
recovered a portion of the ground we had lost. The batteries of 
Captains Sherman and Bragg, were in position on the plateau, and 
did much execution, not only in front, but particularly upon the 
masses, which had gained our rear. Discovering that the enemy 
was heavily pressing upon the Mississippi regiment, the third Indi- 
ana regiment under Colonel Lane, was despatched to strengthen that 
part of our line which formed a crotchet perpendicular to the first 
line of battle. At the same time Lieutenant Kilburn, with a piece 
of Captain Bragg's battery, was directed to support the infantry 
there engaged. The action was for a long time warmly sustained 
at that point — the enemy making several efforts both with infantry 
and cavalry, against our line, and being always repulsed with heavy 
loss. I had placed all the regular cavalry, and Captain Pike's 
squadron of Arkansas horse under the orders of Brevet Lieutenant- 
Colonel May, with directions to hold in check the enemy's column, 
still advancing to the rear along the base of the mountain, which 
was done in conjunction with the Kentucky and Arkansas cavalry, 
under Colonels Marshall and Yell. 

" In the mean time, our left, which was still strongly threatened by a 
superior force, was farther strengthened by the detachment of Cap- 
tain Braggs, and a portion of Captain Sherman's batteries to that 
quarter. The concentration of artillery-fire upon the masses of the 
enemy along the base of the mountain, and the determined resistance 
offered by the two regiments opposed to them, had created confu- 
sion m their ranks, and some of the corps attempted to effect a 
retreat upon their main line of battle. The squadron of the first 



ZACHART TAFLOit. 157 

dragoons, under Lieutenant Rucker, was now ordered up the deep 
ravine which these retreating corps were endeavoring to cross, in 
order to charge and disperse them. The squadron proceeded to the 
point indicated, but could not accomplish the object, being exposed 
to a heavy fire from a battery established to cover the retreat of those 
corps. While the squadron was detached on this service, a large 
body of the enemy was observed to concentrate on our extreme left, 
apparently with the view of making a descent upon the hacienda of 
Bnena Vista, where our train and baggage were deposited. Lieu- 
tenant-Colonel May was ordered to the support of that point, with 
two pieces of Captain Sherman's battery under Lieutenant Reynolds. 
In the mean time, the scattered forces near the hacienda, composed 
in part of Majors Trail and Gorman's commands, had been, to some 
extent, organized under the advice of Major Munroe, chief of artil- 
lery, with the assistance of Major Morrison, volunteer staff, and 
were posted to defend the position. Before our cavalry had reached 
the hacienda, that of the enemy had made its attack ; having been 
handsomely met by the Kentucky and Arkansas cavalry under 
Colonels Marshall and Yell. The Mexican column immediately 
divided, one portion sweeping by the depot, where it received a 
destructive fire from the force which had collected there, and then 
gaining the mountain opposite, under a fire from Lieutenant Rey- 
nolds' section, the remaining portion regaining the base of the moun- 
tain on our left. In the charge at Buena Vista, Colonel Yell fell 
gallantly at the head of his regiment ; we also lost Adjutant Vaughan, 
of the Kentucky cavalry — a young officer of much promise. Lieutenant- 
Colonel May, who had been rejoined by the squadron of the first dra- 
goons and by portions of the Arkansas and Indiana troops, under Lieu- 
tenant-Colonel Roane and Major Gorman, now approached the base of 
the mountain, holding in check the right flank of the enemy, upon 
whose masses, crowded in the narrow gorges and ravines, our artil- 
lery was doing fearful execution. 

" The position of that portion of the Mexican army which had 
gained our rear was now very critical, and it seemed doubtful 
whether it could regain the main body. At this moment I received 
from General Santa Anna a message by a staff officer, desiring to 
know what I wanted. I immediately despatched Brigadier-General 
Wool to the Mexican General-in-chief, and sent orders to cease 
firing. Upon reaching the Mexican lines, General Wool could not 
cause the enemy to cease their fire, and accordingly returned with- 
out having an interview. The extreme right of the enemy con- 
tinued its retreat along the base of the mountain, and finally, in spite 
m — o 



158 ZACHARY TAYLOR. 

of all our efforts, effected a junction with the remainder of the army. 
" During the day the cavalry of General Minon had ascended the 
elevated plain above Saltillo, and occupied the road from the city to 
the field of battle, where they intercepted several of our men. Ap- 
proaching the town, they were fired upon by Captain Webster, from 
the redoubt occupied by his company, and then moved off towards 
the eastern side of the valley, and obliquely towards Buena Vista. 
At this time, Captain Shover moved rapidly forward with his piece, 
supported by a miscellaneous command of mounted volunteers, and 
fired several shots at the cavalry with great effect. They were 
driven into the ravines which lead to the lower valley, closely pur- 
sued by Captain Shover, who was farther supported by a piece of 
Captain Webster's battery, under Lieutenant Donaldson, which had 
advanced from the redoubt, supported by Captain Wheeler's com- 
pany of Illinois volunteers. The enemy made one or two efforts to 
charge the artillery, but was finally driven back in a confused mass, 
and did not again appear upon the plain. 

" In the mean time, the firing had partially ceased upon the prin- 
cipal field. The enemy seemed to confine his efforts to the protec- 
tion of his artillery, and I had left the plateau for a moment, when 1 
was recalled thither by a very heavy musketry fire. On regaining 
that position, I discovered that our infantry (Illinois and second 
Kentucky) had engaged a greatly superior force of the enemy — 
evidently his reserve — and that they had been overwhelmed by 
numbers. The moment was most critical. Captain O'Brien, with 
two pieces, had sustained this heavy charge to the last, and was 
finally obliged to leave his guns on the field— his infantry support 
being entirely routed. Captain Bragg, who had just arrived from 
the left, was ordered at once into battery. Without any infantry to 
support him, and at the imminent risk of losing his guns, this officer 
came rapidly into action, the Mexican line being but a few yards 
from the muzzle of his pieces. The first discharge of canister caused 
the enemy to hesitate ; the second and third drove him back in disorder, 
and saved the day. The second Kentucky regiment, which had ad- 
vanced beyond supporting distance in this affair, was driven back 
and closely pressed by the enemy's cavalry. Taking a ravine which 
led in the direction of Captain Washington's battery, their pursuers 
became exposed to his fire, which soon checked and drove them 
back with loss. In the mean time, the rest of our artillery had taken 
position on the plateau, covered by the Mississippi and third Indi- 
ana regiments, the former of which had reached the ground in time 
to pour a fire into the right flank of the enemy, and thus contribute 



ZACHARY TAYLOR. 159 

to his repulse. In this last conflict, we had the misfortune to sustain 
a very heavy loss. Colonel Hardin, first Illinois, and Colonel 
McKee and Lieutenant-Colonel Clay, second Kentucky regiment, 
tell at this time, while gallantly leading their commands. 

" No farther attempt was made by the enemy to force our position, 
and the approach of night gave an opportunity to pay proper atten- 
tion to the wounded, and also to refresh the soldiers, who had been 
exhausted by incessant watchfulness and combat. Though the night 
was severely cold, the troops were compelled for the most to bivouac 
without fires, expecting that morning would renew the conflict. 
During the night the wounded were removed to Saltillo, and every 
preparation made to receive the enemy, should he again attack our 
position. Seven fresh companies were drawn from the town, and 
Brigadier-General Marshall, with a reinforcement of Kentucky 
cavalry and four heavy guns, under Captain Prentiss, first artillery, 
was near at hand, when it was discovered that the enemy had 
abandoned his position during the night. Our scouts soon ascertained 
that he had fallen back upon Agua Nueva. The great disparity of 
numbers, and the exhaustion of our troops, rendered it inexpedient 
and hazardous to attempt pursuit. A staff officer was despatched to 
General Santa Anna, to negotiate an exchange of prisoners, which 
was satisfactorily completed on the following day. Our own dead 
were collected and buried, and the Mexican wounded, of which a 
large number had been left upon the field, were removed to Saltillo, 
and rendered as comfortable as circumstances would permit." 

Such was the great battle of Buena Vista. Taken all in all it was, 
perhaps, the most glorious ever fought by an American army. It 
furnished the climax to Taylor's renown. At Resaca de la Palma 
he had defeated the enemy in the open field. At Monterey he had 
stormed an almost impregnable walled town, and carried it, after a 
bloody conflict of three days. On both these occasions the regulars 
had been considered the operative causes of the victory. But at 
Buena Vista he was not only pitted against far greater odds than 
he had ever before had to contend against, but his army, with the 
paltry exception of five hundred, was composed entirely of volun- 
teers, many of whom had never seen an enemy. To win a victory 
under such circumstances appeared little short of miraculous. In 
the United States, the same alarm for this gallant soldier which had 
preceded the battles of the 8th and 9th of May was again expe- 
rienced ; and the intelligence of the victory was hailed with a 
like delirious enthusiasm and joy. In Europe, wonder and admi- 
ration possessed all men : the name of Taylor was coupled with that 
of the most renowned commanders : the highest Generals followed 



IGO ZACHARY TAYLOR. 

his career on the map from the Rio Grande to Buena Vista; and 
kings despatched emissaries across the Atlantic to unriddle the 
mystery by which raw soldiers could be made to repulse five times 
their own number of regulars. Subsequent victories have, in their 
immediate results, rivalled, perhaps exceeded that of the 23rd of 
February, 1847 ; but none have approached its remote consequences, 
for it was the parent of them all. Had the army which Taylor 
defeated at Buena Vista, been added to that which Scott subsequently 
repulsed at Cerro Gordo, it would have been impossible even for the 
hero of Lundy's Lane, vast as is his genius, to have cut his way to 
Mexico, unless with a column of twenty thousand men. It was on 
the torrent of victory which Taylor let loose, that the flag of 
America was borne onward to the capital of Mexico. 

The subsequent career of Taylor in Mexico was comparatively 
destitute of interest. The destruction of Santa Anna's army left the 
country between Saltillo and the Rio Grande in undisputed posses- 
sion of the Americans, so that no work remained for Taylor's army 
except the suppression occasionally of a guerilla force, or the 
convoying a train. In the autumn of 1S47, Taylor resigned his 
command in|o the hands of General Wool, and returned to the 
United States on leave of absence for six months. His reception at 
New Orleans was enthusiastic in the extreme. Various invitations 
were extended to him from legislatures and other bodies to visit 
their localities, but he modestly declined all such ostentatious visits, 
and during his presence in the United States lived retired with his 
family. f 

Taylor is affable, though somewhat taciturn. He is fond of humor ; 
has a benevolent heart; and possesses a rare faculty of attaching 
strangers to him. In the army he is idolized by the soldiers, both 
regulars and volunteers. He is lenient even to great offences, as in 
the case of the captured deserters, whom, instead of hanging, he 
ordered to be driven from the camp with every mark of obloquy. 
Wise and prudent to both officers and men, he has scarcely an 
enemy, and no open rival. All who have served under him, while 
thev know he is not unduly exacting, know also that, when once 
aroused, his determination becomes terrible. 

In person Taylor is of medium height, broad-set, and unusually 
short-limbed. His face is expressive of great resolution and energy. 
It is bronzed and wrinkled by constant exposure to all weathers ; 
and has, consequently, an expression of hardness, which, at first, 
augurs too great sternness of character. But a closer examination 
discovers in the eye that love of humor and that sterling benevolence 
which are prominent traits of this General. 




SAMUEL RINGGOLD 



HE first martyr of the 
Mexican war was Major 
Samuel Ringgold, who 
fell at Palo Alto, on the 
8th of May, 1846. In his 
death on that glorious 
field there seemed a pecu- 
liar fitness, the victory 
being won principally by 
the lightartillery,abranch 
of the service of which he 
was almost the parent. 
Ringgold was born at Front Park, near Hagerstown, Md., in the 
near 1S00, and was the oldest son of General Samuel Ringgold, 




^y^i. imi 



162 SAMUEL RINGGOLD. 

formerly a United States Senator. His mother was a daughter of 
General John Cadwalader, of Philadelphia, who devoted his sword 
and fortune to his country in the darkest hours of 1776. The child, 
thus inheriting on both sides the blood of patriots, was early des- 
tined for the pursuit of arms. At the age of fourteen he entered the 
Military Academy at West Point, where he graduated in 1818, at 
the head of his class. He was now commissioned as Second-Lieu- 
tenant of artillery, and in 1S22 advanced to a First-Lieutenancy. In 
this capacity he served for several years, at Fort Moultrie, S. C. In 
1834, he received the brevet of Captain, dating from May Sth, 1832. 
In 1836 he was raised to the rank of full Captain, with the command 
of a company in the third artillery. In the Florida war, his health, 
naturally delicate, became considerably impaired. To restore it, he 
visited Europe, and here, ever anxious to perfect himself in his pro- 
fession, he studied for awhile at the Polytechnique in Paris, and at 
the Military Institution in Woolwich, England. His company having 
been disbanded in 1838, Ringgold, on his return to the United States, 
was ordered to organize a company of light artillery. 

The light artillery was, at that time, a novelty in the service. 
Strictly speaking, it does not even yet exist as a distinct corps ; but 
each regiment of heavy artillery has one company, furnished with 
lighter pieces and equipped with horses. The bill, authorising the 
equipment of four companies of light artillery, was first passed in 
1816, but was not acted upon until Mr. Poinsett became Secretary 
of War, when Ringgold, as we have seen, was selected to organize 
the corps. He established himself at Carlisle, Pennsylvania, where, 
by constant practice, he brought both horses and men to such a 
state of perfection, that, when drilling they seemed to move by voli- 
tion alone. The soldiers would advance at full gallop with their 
battery, unlimber, fire, re-mount, and whirl of! to another position, 
where the same process would take place, and this with such rapid- 
ity that the eye could scarcely follow their movements. A memory 
of a cloud of dust, of the ringing report of guns, of the thunder of the 
carriages and horses over the hard plain, would frequently be the 
only distinct images which a spectator carried away from these ex- 
hibitions. The whole scene appeared like some wild and inexpli- 
cable phantasmagoria. On one occasion we beheld this corps drilling. 
The scene was two hills, nearly half a mile apart, with a gently sloping 
vale between. Now the batteries could be discerned on the brow 
of the furthest hill, half concealed in the white vapor that floated 
back after the explosion ; now they would be seen, for an instant's 
transit, smoking through the valley; then they were visible swinging 



SAMUEL KIN'GGOLD. 163 

around and unlimbering on the neighboring crest; and next, after an- 
other stunning explosion, and before we could recover sight of the 
guns, the whole corps would go thundering back to its first position, 
a confused mass of horsemen, caissons, and artillery vanishing 
through clouds of dust, and amid a shaking of the ground, as if an 
earthquake was passing. 

While occupied at Carlisle, Ringgold received the brevet of Major, 
for his services in the Florida war. When Texas was annexed to 
the United States, Ringgold was ordered to join the army of obser- 
vation. He immediately repaired to Corpus Christi, and subsequent- 
ly accompanied Taylor to the Rio Grande. In the battle of Palo 
Alto the practical efficiency of his corps was first tested and estab- 
lished : without exaggeration, it may be said that the light artillery 
on that occasion, won the day ! The engagement was begun, on the 
side of the Americans, by Lieutenant Churchill, with two eighteen- 
pounders. Ringgold, being ordered into action, galloped past 
Churchill, and taking up a position within seven hundred yards of 
the enemy, opened with terrible effect on the masses of Arista. The 
precision and rapidity of his fire astonished friend and foe alike 
Whole companies went down before his batteries, and when, next 
day, the Americans traversed the position of the enemy, the course 
of Ringgold's shot could be detected by the lanes of dead. After 
the battle had raged for some time, an immense body of Mexican 
lancers was seen advancing at full speed, to charge the American 
right; Lieutenant Ridgely, with a detachment of Ringgold's artil- 
lery, assisted by the filth infantry, and by Walker's volunteers, was 
ordered to repel its assault. This left Ringgold himself with but 
two guns. Undismayed, however, he seized every opportunity to 
push forward, and, by successive advances at last placed his little 
battery within a hundred yards of the foe. At this distance he 
maintained a murderous fire, frequently pointing the guns himself, 
and often at particular individuals, whom he always hit. The scene 
approached the sublime. The grass was on fire all around, and the 
smoke that rose in thick volumes at times entirely concealed the 
Mexicans. Occasionally a puff of wind would blow aside the cur- 
tain of battle, and then the enemy was visible, almost within pistol- 
shot, his whole front a blaze of fire. The rushing of the round shot 
through the grass, the rattling of musketry, the roar of the conflag- 
ration, and the other confused noises of the combat, produced a scene 
of maddening excitement. For the most part the infantry remained 
inactive spectators of the combat, yet cheering continually at the 
terrible havoc of Ringgold's battery. 



164 



SAMUEL RINGGOLD. 



Suddenly, while all eyes were turned on the hero of the fight, he 
was observed to fall, with his horse, to the ground. The artillerists 
who were nearest rushed to his side. A cannon-shot had passed 
through both his thighs, and through the shoulders of his horse. He 
lay extended on the prairie, his dying steed partially upon him. 




i'ALL OF MAJOR RTNGGOLD. 



Lieutenant Sherer offered to raise him. " No," said the fainting 
hero, "let me stay — go on — you have enough to do." Dr. Byrne, 
however, hurried up, and had him carried from the field ; but his 
wounds were seen, at once, to be mortal. Though no bones were 
broken, nor any important artery divided, nearly all the anterior 
muscles had been torn from each thigh. He lingered until the 10th, 
when he died at Point Isabel. He suffered little or no pain, and con- 
versed cheerfully on the incidents of the battle up to the hour of his 
decease. His remains were interred, first, at the Point, but subse- 
quently at Baltimore, in his native state. 

Thus perished, at the age of forty-six, the Bayard of the American 
army. Accomplished as a gentleman ; affable as a man ; thoroughly 
educated as a soldier, he left few rivals, and no superiors behind him. 
He was the first graduate of West Point who perished in battle in 
the Mexican war; and he died in a conflict the glory of which be- 
longed entirely to the regular army. The popular mind will always 
consider him as the hero of Palo Alto. 




CHARLES MAY, 



S RINGGOLD may be considered, in 
one sense, the hero of Palo Alto, so May, 
following the same rule, is to be regarded 
as that of Resaca de la Palma. Unlike 
most inferior officers, who wait in vain for 
an opportunity to distinguish themselves 
above the crowd, May had presented to him 
bne of those chances, which, rightly im- 
35ISP" proved, render a man famous. He seized 
the happy moment, and by his dashing charge on the Mexican bat- 
tery, linked his name indissolubly with the victory of the 9th of May. 
This young officer is the son of Dr. May, of Washington, D. C, 
and was born, we are informed, in the year 1812. He was educated 
for civil pursuits, but during the administration of Jackson, sought 
1 16.5 




16G CHARLES MAY. 

and obtained a commission in the dragoons, an arm of the service 
then lately re-organized. There is a current anecdote, which is 
generally considered authentic, that May obtained his Lieutenancy 
by a personal application to the President, in which his tall and sol- 
dierly person, his frank address, and his splendid horsemanship, 
secured the desired commission. He was appointed to the second 
dragoons, and immediately departed for Florida. He served through 
the Seminole war in a manner to win the highest encomiums of his 
superiors; but found no opportunity for especial distinction, except 
in the capture of the Indian chief Philip. But a more glorious field 
awaited him. 

It is somewhat singular that the two first victories of the Mexican 
war should have been gained principally by the light artillery and 
dragoons, both of which were comparatively new branches of the 
service. In the sketch of Ringgold, we have traced the rise of the 
light artillery. The permanent introduction of dragoons into the 
American army, dates no further back than the Black Hawk war. 
Cavalry had proved of the greatest service in the War of Indepen- 
dence, and a species of dragoons had been maintained by the United 
States until 1S16. But in that year the last troop was disbanded. 
During the progress of the Black Hawk war, however, it became 
obvious that a small force of dragoons would be invaluable for pur- 
suing the enemy. Accordingly, Congress passed an act for the 
equipment of a corps of mounted rangers to serve during the war. 
The success of this new species of force so far exceeded the most 
sanguine expectations, that, when the term of service of the rangers 
expired, a permanent regiment of dragoons was organized. In 1836, 
a second regiment was ordered to be raised ; and it was in this that 
May received a commission. In 1S39, he was made First-Lieuten- 
ant, and in 1841, a Captain. 

May joined Taylor while at Corpus Christi, but found no oppor- 
tunity to be useful until after the march from Fort Brown to Point 
Isabel. When, however, on the morning after Taylor arrived at the 
latter place, the sound of heavy cannon in the direction of Matamo- 
ras, announced the attack on Fort Brown, May was sent out, with 
one hundred dragoons, to open a communication with the garrison. 
He left the point about 2, P. M., and proceeded to some distance, 
when he thought it advisable to halt until night. At dusk he again 
advanced, until about 9, P. M., when the Mexican fires were 
observed in the distance, and a reconnoisance betrayed their whole 
army stretched asleep on the plain. Passing round their front in 
silence, May succeeded in gaining a chapparal hedge near the fort. 



CHARLES MAY. 167 

He now despatched Captain Walker, who had volunteered for this 
purpose, to open a communication with the garrison. May waited 
until nearly morning for the return of Walker, when, concluding that 
the adventurous ranger had been captured, he started to return to 
the point. About sunrise he passed within half a mile of the Mexi- 
can army without molestation. Soon after he met a body of lancers, 
over one hundred strong, these he charged and scattered, but owinu r 
to the exhausted condition of his horses, the enemy finally escaped. 
At 9, A. M., on the morning of the 4th, May reached Point Isabel. 
Captain Walker returned that night, having evaded the Mexican 
patroles. He brought the intelligence so earnestly desired of the 
ability of the fort and garrison to hold out. 

At the battle of Palo Alto, the dragoons of May were compelled 
to remain inactive. But this was atoned for on the succeeding day. 
The conflict at Resaca de la Palma had raged about three quar- 
ters of an hour, with great fury, when Taylor perceived that a bat- 
tery in front, forming the key to the Mexican position, was the chief 
obstacle to victory. He immediately ordered up May's dragoons, 
which had been hitherto posted in the rear, where the men, chafing 
at the inaction to which they were condemned, indulged in audible 
murmurs. The signal to advance was accordingly received with 
exultation ; every rein was tightened, and with clattering hoofs and 
jingling sabres, the troop swept to the front. They approached 
Taylor at a round trot, their gallant leader at their head. Reining 
up in front of the General, May inquired, with a look, what was 
desired of him. " Captain May," said Taylor, pointing with his 
sword, down the ravine, "you had no chance yesterday, but I offer 
you one to-day — do you see that battery ? — you must charge and 
take it !" May turned instantly to his men. " We are ordered to 
take that battery," he said, " follow me !" As he spoke, he spurred 
his steed, and the dragoons, following with a hurrah, the whole 
corps went thundering down the road. 

When within about one hundred yards of the foe, May reached a 
turn in the highway, where Ridgely's battery was posted. The 
fiery young officer checked himself for a moment, and asked his 
friend where the enemy were, for the smoke was so thick that the 
Mexicans were concealed from view. Ridgely pointed out their po- 
sition, but desired May to wait while he drew their fire. This was 
done, and then May dashed forward, Lieutenant Inge following 
close after, and the men pressing behind in columns of four. It was 
scarcely a minute before he reached the ravine. Mounted on Ins 
powerfulcharger,his tall form conspicious above all others, and Ins long 
hair streaming in the wind, he presented a spectacle, that, for a 






168 CHARLES MAY. 

second, appalled the Mexicans. But speedily recovering themselves, 
they poured in a fatal fire. One third of May's command was cut 
off by the discharge. Lieutenant Inge fell dead beside May. But 
the survivors, with a wild hurrah, cleared the ravine, charged 
through the battery of seven field pieces, and driving the panic- 
struck Mexicans before them, did not check their career until they 
had gained a rising ground behind the foe. Here May attempted to 
rally his men, but could only find six of them. Observing the enemy 
returning to the guns, he wheeled, and retracing his track, discovered 
General La Vega about to discharge one of the pieces. May aimed 
a blow at this officer, to cut him down, when he surrendered, a pri- 
soner of war. The American infantry now came running up, ac- 
companied by Ridgely's artillery, at full gallop, and, after a short, 
but decisive struggle, the enemy broke and fled in confusion. " After 
the unsurpassed, if not unequalled charge of Captain May's squad- 
ron," says General Twiggs, in speaking of this battle, "the enemy 
was unable to fire a gun." The Commander-in-chief also referred 
to the charge in terms of the highest praise. At once, May became 
famous ; for the exploit reminded the popular mind of the knightly 
deeds of old. The President conferred on May two brevets : that of 
Major, for Palo Alto, and that of Lieutenant-Colonel, for Resaca de 
la Palma. 

May continued with the army of Taylor until after the battle of 
Buena Vista. He was consequently at Monterey, and also in the 
terrible action of the 23d of February. At Monterey there was no op- 
portunity for the dragoons to achieve any thing brilliant. At Buena 
Vista he led the detachment that defeated the attack on the camp ; 
and he also contributed essentially to the repulse of the Mexican 
columns on the American left. Indeed, during the whole campaign 
May was of the greatest service to the Commander-in-chief. He 
suffered but one disaster during all this period, which was the sur- 
prise of a portion of his command in a mountain pass, by which he 
lost several men. Generally, his activity, caution, and experience, 
were of the most signal benefit to the army. 

Not long after the battle of Buena Vista, May perceiving the war 
over on the Rio Grande, returned to the United States on leave of 
absence. 







KNGR/IVF,! 




"1^-zrr^^^Z 







GKNEKAX BUTLER WOUNDED AT MoNTKKKY. 



WILLIAM O. BUTLER. 




F the many heroes at Monterey, 
Major-General Butler deserves par- 
ticular notice, both from his high 
rank and the wound he received in 
that struggle. On the first, and most 
murderous day of the siege, he led 
his division in person into action, 
covering himself with a glory which 
subsequent events have not dimin- 
ished. Brave as an Ajax, yet cir- 
cumspect as a Nestor, he has proved 
himself alike superior in leading a 
division or controlling an entire army. 
William 0. Butler was born in Kentucky about the year 1793, of 
a family memorable for its military renown. His grandfather was 
a native of Ireland, who, having emigrated to America about the 
middle of the last century, settled in Pennsylvania. When the war 
m— p 22 169 



170 WILLIAM O. BUTLER. 

/ 

of independence broke out, the whole male portion of his descen- 
dants, five stalwart sons, entered the army. The patriotism of the 
sire and his children became so celebrated that Washington once 
gave, as a toast — " The Butlers and their five sons." La Fayette 
was accustomed to say of them — " When I wanted a thing well done, 
I ordered a Butler to do it." 

The subject of this sketch was the second son of Percival Butler, 
the fourth in order of these five revolutionary brothers. William 0. 
Butler had just finished his collegiate course, and was preparing to 
study law, when the war of 1812 began. The surrender of Detroit 
having aroused the patriotism of every Kentuckian, a large force 
immediately volunteered to march on Canada and chastise the enemy. 
Among those who enlisted was young Butler ; he entered as a pri- 
vate in Captain Hart's company of infantry ; but, before the army 
inarched, was elected a Corporal. Soon after he was made an 
Ensign in the 17th infantry. This wing of the army, under General 
Winchester, advanced on the river Raisin, which they reached after 
a toilsome march in the dead of winter. Butler was present at both 
the actions on the Raisin, and on each occasion displayed great 
intrepidity. In the first battle, which was fought on the 18th of 
January, 1814, the Americans were victorious. In the second and 
. more memorable one, which occurred four days later, they were 
defeated. 

In this latter battle Butler distinguished himself in the most heroic 
manner. At a critical portion of the conflict a body of the enemy 
was beheld advancing to seize a large double barn, which completely 
commanded the position of the Kentuckians. Major Madison im- 
mediately asked if there was no one who would volunteer to run 
the gauntlet of the British and Indian marksmen in order to set fire 
to this barn. Butler promptly offered himself for the perilous 
enterprise. Snatching some blazing sticks from a fire at hand, he 
leaped the pickets, crossed an intervening field under a shower of 
balls, and thrust the brands among the straw of the barn. The 
British beheld this daring exploit with amazement ; while the 
Americans enthusiastically cheered the young hero. Butler had 
already retraced a portion of his steps, when looking back and not 
perceiving any blaze, he coolly returned to see that the fire took 
effect. All this while the riflemen of the enemy were in vain aim- 
ing at him ; for, like Washington at Monongahela, he seemed to 
bear a charmed life. He finally regained the pickets in safety, but 
not until the barn was a mass of flame. Here a spent ball struck 
him in the breast, from the effects of which he suffered for weeks. 



WILLIAM O. BUTLER. [71 

By this act of personal heroism he laid the foundation of that popu- 
larity which led to his appointment, thirty-four years later, as a 
Major-General in the American army. 

Butler was one of the few wounded who escaped the massacre 
that followed the defeat ; but he was not allowed to pass entirely 
without suffering : he was marched through Canada to Fort Niagara, 
enduring pain, hunger, fatigue and the worst inclemencies of the 
weather. His natural buoyancy of spirit did not, however, desert 
him, even under these discouraging circumstances ; and he whiled 
away his leisure by cultivating poetry, for which he had some tal- 
ent. In 1814 he was exchanged, and joined General Jackson in 
the south, with the rank of Captain. He arrived at head-quarters 
in time to assist in the attack on Pensacola, being the only officer 
present, at the head of the new Tennessee levies. Following General 
Jackson to New Orleans, he participated in the action of the 23rd of 
December, 1814. During the conflict, the commander of the regi- 
ment became lost in the darkness, when Butler as senior officer 
placed himself at the head of the men, and led them to repeated 
charges. He also fought at the more decisive battle of the 8th. 
For his meritorious conduct in this campaign he was made a Major 
by brevet. Soon after, General Jackson appointed him Aid-de-camp, 
in which situation he continued until he retired from the army. 

In 1817, with the rank of Colonel, Butler retired to private life. 
He now resumed the study of the law, married, and settled on his 
patrimonial possessions at the confluence of the Ohio and Kentucky 
rivers. Here, for twenty-five years, he resided in comparative re- 
tirement, a mode of life admirably suited to his refined tastes and 
his fondness for domestic life. Without a particle of what is usually 
called ambition, he had no desire for popular office, except so far as 
he believed he could, by holding public trusts, conduce to the 
common weal. At last, in what he considered an important political 
crisis, he was induced by his friends to become a candidate for 
Congress. Twice he was elected, and would have been a third time 
perhaps, had he not declined a re-nomination. In 1844 he became 
an unsuccessful candidate of his party for Governor of Kentucky. 
Butler belongs to the democratic side in politics. He has never, 
however, been considered a violent partizan. 

When, after the battles of Palo Alto and Resaca de la Palma, 
Congress authorized the President to call out fifty thousand volun- 
teers, and also to appoint the requisite number of Major-Generals 
and Brigadiers for this imposing array, Butler was immediately 
selected by the executive as one of the Major-Generals. The 






172 WILLIAM O. BUTLER. 

commission was accepted, and Butler promptly joined the army. 
On the 5th of September, at the head of Harney's and Quitman's 
volunteers, he began his march from Camargo, his division compris- 
ing twenty-seven hundred men, the largest in the army. On the 
18th he came in sight of Monterey. Situated in the lap of hills, 
surrounded with apparently impregnable defences, and presenting 
in its flat-roofed stone houses a fort for every dwelling, this town 
seemed to defy assault. Its garrison was composed of eight thousand 
regulars, beside nearly three thousand other troops; while the num- 
ber of the Americans did not exceed six thousand four hundred 
men. A single mortar and two twenty-four pound howitzers 
composed the entire battering train of Taylor. The assault of 
Monterey under such circumstances, would have appeared madness 
to an ordinary commander with ordinary troops; but the American 
General, confident alike in his own resources, and in the spirit of 
his officers and men, promptly resolved on a storm. His dispositions 
for the attack were skilfully made. Worth was detached with his 
division to assault the town on the right and rear ; while Twiggs 
and Butler were retained, with their divisions, for the attack on the 
front and left. 

In the attack on the left, where Taylor personally commanded, 
the division of Twiggs led the way, and was supported by Butler 
with the volunteers. The regulars had been in action an hour before 
the volunteers were allowed to advance; and during this interval 
the latter exhibited the greatest uneasiness to be engaged. They 
had seen the division of Twiggs approach the city under a murder- 
ous fire, and plunge boldly into the labyrinth of lanes and streets 
in front, until lost to sight. But every moment, clouds of sulphurous 
smoke rising thicker and faster above the house-tops in the distance, 
proclaimed how fiercely the fight raged below. The crash of mus- 
ketry, the pent-up roar of artillery, and the shouts of combatants 
wafted continually to their anxious ears, excited and maddened the 
volunteers, as when a noble stag-hound, restrained by the leash, hears 
afar the bay of his fellows. At last the welcome command to 
advance was given. The men were already formed in lines, so that 
not a moment was lost, and with one simultaneous hurrah the Ohio, 
Tennessee and Mississippi regiments went careering over the plain. 
The latter two were directed to diverge to the left in order to support 
the regulars of Twiggs; while the former was sent in front to the 
succor of Bragg's battery, which had already lost twenty horses. 
For a full mile,belore they reached the suburbs, the volunteers were 
exposed to the batteries of the enemy. 



WILLIAM O. BUTLER. 173 

On approaching the outskirts of the town, the Ohio regiment, at 
the head of which Butler had heroically placed himself, was greeted 
with a tremendous cross fire of musketry and artillery. Raked by- 
batteries in front, and torn by others on each flank, his soldiers ad- 
vanced, nevertheless, with the firmness of veterans, and buffeting 
the iron whirlpool, struggled manfully to gain a foothold in the 
town. But the Mexicans, posted behind house-walls and barriers, 
possessed every advantage, and could, unseen, pick off their as- 
sailants. In vain the volunteers passed garden after garden, and 
surmounted ditch after ditch, hoping, finally, to gain some open space, 
where they could at least behold their enemy ; that withering cross- 
fire from concealed marksmen still continued, the soldiers falling 
beneath it like rye beaten down by hail. Yet still the officers, 
pressing to the front, cheered on the men ; still, as they dropped 
dead, or wounded, other leaders sprang to their places ; and still the 
men, answering their superiors with hurrahs, rushed on, firing where- 
ever they supposed a foe to be hidden, resolute to conquer or die. 
At last, some of the foremost, mounting a wall, perceived a corps of 
the enemy just in front, and bursting upon it like tigers, first mad- 
dened, and then let loose from their dens, they drove it before them 
until it sought shelter behind an impregnable battery. For a few 
minutes there succeeded a tremendous conflict between the volun 
teers and the occupants of this battery ; the Mexicans firing grape 
and canister, as well as musketry, and the Americans replying with 
the latter. But a contest so unequal in the arms employed, and one 
moreover, in which one party was sheltered, and the other exposed, 
could not continue with any prospect of success. Yet Butler would 
still have endeavored to advance, if Major Mansfield, of the regulars, 
had not come up at this crisis, and informed him that if he attempted 
it, the advance of a few paces would bring him into the focus of a 
concentric fire from the batteries of several streets. Butler, how- 
ever, was still unwilling to retire, until Taylor, hearing the result of 
Mansfield's observation, ordered the volunteers to fall back, and this 
command they were preparing to execute, when circumstances arose 
which induced him to revoke his order. 

The brigade of Quitman, as we have seen, had entered the town 
to the left of the Ohio regiment, when it flung itself into the vortex 
of the conflict, which, for more than an hour, had raged around 
a strong fort in this quarter. The first and third infantry, led by 
Lieutenant-Colonel Garland, had passed, under a murderous fire 
into the rear of this fort, but were finally forced to retrace their 
steps, after a slaughter the more appalling, because it fell unequally 



174 



WILLIAM O. BUTLER. 



on the officers. A portion of the first, however, had climbed to the 
roof of a tannery which overlooked the fort, and soon the tremen- 
dous rolling of its musketry, followed by the shrieks of the garrison, 
announced the success of this movement. Yet the Mexicans in the 
fort had no thought of yielding ; with shouts they reanimated each 
other; and when the fourth mounted to assault them in front, that 
regiment was hurled back, deprived of one-third of its number. It 
was at this crisis that Quitman's brigade came up. The prospect 
presented to that General was a field covered with a canopy of 
smoke, in the centre of which rose the Mexican fort, belching fire on 
every side, like a volcano. As he approached, Quitman saw the 
fourth reeling from the attack ; but it did not induce him to hesitate; 
he ordered his men instantly to advance with levelled bayonets; and 
closing up the line as fast as it was torn asunder by the iron tor- 
rents it encountered, the gallant Tennesseeans and Misiissippians 
pressed on over the open space, gained the foot of the intrenchments, 
and, with a deafening cheer, that drowned for an instant all the 
uproar of the fight, rushed up the ascent, engaged the defenders 
hand to hand, and planted the American flag triumphantly on the 
wall. At the same time a strong stone building in the rear was captured. 
At the intelligence of this splendid exploit, Taylor countermanded 
the order for Butler's retreat. 

Accordingly, the Ohio regiment was commanded to enter the 
town further to the left, in order to attack a second fort, which 
frowned in that direction, crowded with defenders. It required half 
an hour to approach within range of this work, and during the whole of 
this interval, the regiment was exposed to a concentric fire from these 
batteries. Butler found the fort, after a hasty reconnoisance, stronger 
than he had suspected, it being flanked by a stone wall, ten feet 
high, with a deep ditch in front, besides being covered by other 
works within musketry range in its rear. He had, however, deter- 
mined on an assault, when he received a severe wound in his leg, 
which, bleeding profusely, incapacitated him for further service. He 
reluctantly left the ground, advising, as he retired, the abandonment 
of the attack. General Hamer, who succeeded to the command 
acknowledged the wisdom of this suggestion, for the hundred 
yards which intervened between the Americans and the fort, was 
swept by continual cross-discharges ; and to have entered those 
opposing blasts of fire, would have involved the loss of half of his 
men, even if the survivors could have breasted the scorching hur- 
ricane, and gained the safe ground beyond. Accordingly, he moved 
the regiment to a less exposed situation, within sustaining distance 



WILLIAM O. BUTLER. 175 

of the American field-batteries on the left, and here maintained it for 
the residue of the day, under a continual fire from the enemy, which 
was borne without shrinking. Thus, after an unintermitted struggle 
of nearly three hours' duration, Butler retired from the field. In that 
short space he had lost one-fifth of his command. 

His own account of the reasons that induced him to fall back is as 
follows : — " The men Avere falling fast under the converging fire of 
at least three distinct batteries, that continually swept the intervening 
space through which it was necessary to pass. The loss of blood, 
too, from my wound, rendered it necessary that I should quit the 
field ; and I had discovered at a second glance that the position was 
covered by a heavy fire of musketry from other works directly in its 
rear, that 1 had not seen in the first hasty examination. Under all 
these discouragements, I was most reluctantly compelled, on surren- 
dering the command, to advise the withdrawal of the troops to a less 
exposed position. There is a possibility that the work might have 
been carried, but not without excessive loss, and if carried, I feel as- 
sured it would have been untenable." 

In the same official despalch, Butler thus compliments the volun- 
teers : — " It is with no little pride and gratification that I bear testi- 
mony of the gallantry and good conduct of my command. Were 
proof wanting, a mournful one is to be found in the subjoined return 
of the casualties of the day. That part of my division properly in 
the field did not exceed eleven hundred, of which number full one- 
fifth were either killed or wounded. The fact that troops for the 
first time under fire should have suffered such loss without shrinking, 
in a continuous struggle for more than two hours, and mainly against 
a sheltered and inaccessible foe, finds but few parallels, and is of 
itself an eulogium to which I need not add. That there were some 
more prominent for skill and gallantry than others, even in a contest 
where all were brave, there can be no doubt: and I leave to those 
better qualified from their situations than myself the pleasing though 
delicate task of reporting upon their respective merits." 

Butler's wound was not considered dangerous at first. A musket 
ball had struck him below the knee in front, grazing the bones 
without appearing to injure them, and after ranging round through 
the flesh, coming out on the opposite side. He would not, probably, 
have left the field, but that he became faint from loss of blood. In 
a few weeks he was able to resume active duty- But, in the end, 
the wound proved more serious than it had been at first considered ; 
and finally, after some months delay, Butler returned to the United 
States to seek surgical advice. When he left the army, it was be- 



176 



WILLIAM O. BUTLER. 



lievedthat no further hostilities would take place on the Rio Grande. 
The battle of Buena Vista, however, subsequently occurred, invited 
by the withdrawal of Taylor's regulars ; but Butler's wound, even 
if he had continued in Mexico, would not, probably, have allowed 
him to participate in the glories of that day. 

Butler remained at home until towards the close of 1847, when he 
joined the army of General Scott, in the capital of Mexico. Soon 
after, Scott being recalled, Butler, by right of seniority, succeeded to 
the chief command. 

In person, Butler is tall and straight ; his movements are alert and 
active; his face is thin, with aquiline features, and not unlike that 
of Jackson was, though less stern. 





BATTLE OF PALAKLAKLAIIA. 



WILLIAM J. WORTH. 



HE Murat of the army of Mexico is 
Major-General William J. Worth. His 
handsome person, his dashing courage, 
and the prestige which surrounds his 
name forcibly recall that impetuous 
prince,the Roland of Napoleon's army. 
Few Americans have participated in 
so many battles as Worth : none, per- 
haps, in such numerous victories. — 
Prominently distinguished in the war 
of IS 12 ; then in that of Florida ; then 
under Taylor at Monterey ; and finally 
in the campaign of Scott, he has run 
a career alike fortunate and brilliant, 
in which glory and promotion have followed hand in hand. 

Worth claims descent from one of the earliest Puritan settles. 
He was born in the year 1794, received a plain but substantial 
education, and began life as a trader's clerk in Hudson, N. Y. lfte 
war of 1812 breaking out, he joined the army as a private soldier, 

177 




178 WILLIAM J. WORTH. 



but did not long remain in the ranks. A fellow clerk had enlisted 
with him, who soon after, for some indiscretion, was placed under 
arrest. In this emergency he applied to Worth, who undertook to 
write a petition for him to the Colonel. This officer happened to be 
Scott, who, struck with the elegant style of the memorial, inquired 
the name of the writer, and sending for him, constituted him his 
private secretary. Scott did not stop here. He procured for Worth 
the commission of a Lieutenant in the twenty-third regiment of 
infantry. From that hour, up to the unhappy difference in Mexico, 
the closest intimacy existed between Worth and Scott. 

In the battle of Chippewa, Worth proved the correctness of Scott's 
estimate of character, by signalizing himself especially ; and was con- 
sequently rewarded with the rank of Captain. In the battle of 
Lundy's Lane, Worth, after several hours of severe fighting, received 
a dangerous wound. In consideration of this, he was raised to the 
rank of Major. After the peace, he was, for a period, superinten- 
dent of the West Point Military Academy ; a post which is always a 
guarantee of high ability on the part of the occupant. It was here 
also, that Worth laid the foundation of those numerous friendships 
which have since rendered him so popular in the service. In 1824, 
he was appointed a Lieutenant-Colonel ; in 1832, a Major of 
ordnance ; and in 1838, Colonel of the eighth regiment of infantry, 
which is the rank he still holds in the line. 

After this last promotion, Worth was occupied for awhile, on the 
northern frontier, and subsequently, in the west. In 1840, he was 
detached to Florida. In 1841, on the retirement of General Armis- 
tead, Worth succeeded to the chief command. Marching westward 
from Tampa Bay, he sought every occasion to bring the Indians to 
battle, but for a long time they evaded all his attempts. At last, on 
the 17th of April, 1842, he overtook them at Palaklaklaha, near the 
St. John's, and a terrible action ensued. The result was a decisive 
victory for Worth. In recompense for his gallantry on this day, the 
President conferred on him the brevet of a Brigadier. Worth re- 
mained in Florida for a considerable period, but was never able to 
bring the savages to a pitched field again. On his retirement from 
his southern command, he was, for awhile, inactive ; but in 1845, 
when Taylor was sent to Corpus Christi, Worth was ordered to 
join him. While the army lay opposite Matamoras, prior to the com- 
mencement of hostilities, a difficulty arose between Worth and 
Twiggs, in reference to seniority, which led to the temporary retire- 
ment of the former from the service. 

The controversy had its origin in the claim of Worth to take com- 



WILLIAM J. WORTH. 17<) 

niand of the army, in the event of Taylor's absence or death, by 
virtue of his brevet of Brigadier. This claim Twiggs resisted. At 
that period, the line of the army contained but eight Colonels of in- 
fantry, and two of cavalry. Each of these took rank from the date 
of his commission. The commission of Twiggs was dated the 8th 
of June, 1836, and that of Worth, the 7th of July, 1S38; hence, 
unless Worth's brevet of Brigadier operated as a commission, Twiggs 
would command as senior, in case of Taylor's death or absence. 
The dispute was referred to Taylor for adjustment, when the Com- 
mander-in-chief gave his decision in favor of Twiggs. This he did 
because, when Scott, several years before, had applied to Congress 
for the passage of a law, declaring a brevet a commission, that body 
had refused the application ; and Taylor accordingly considered the 
question as settled by authority. Worth, however, believing himself 
aggrieved, hurried to Washington, and resigned. Meantime, the 
battles of the 8th and 9th of May were fought. Chagrined that he 
had lost two such brilliant fields, Worth asked leave to resume His 
commission, and return to the seat of war. This wish being granted, 
he hastened to rejoin Taylor. 

There can be no doubt that brevet rank places the holder in 
an anomalous position, where he is apt to exact too much, or obtain 
too little. According to the rights now declared to attach to brevet 
rank, Worth, though nominally a Major-General, and serving through 
the last campaign in that capacity, is, in reality, but a Colonel in the 
line, and outranked by four or five others, comparatively unknown 
to fame. Yet there are advantages, nevertheless, in brevet rank, 
since it enables government to reward a meritorious officer with a 
quasi promotion, when, if brevets were not in use, such promotion 
could only come by seniority. Brevet rank was first introduced into 
the American service by Washington, but fell into disuse until the 
war of 1812, when President Madison conferred the brevet of Major 
on Taylor, for the latter's gallant defence of Fort Harrison. After 
this, brevets were of frequent occurrence. Every Colonel of ten 
years standing, is made a brevet Brigadier-General, by a rule of the 
army. In England, brevet rank is different from what it is here. 
There, the highest rank in the line, is that of Colonel ; all the supe- 
rior appointments being held by brevet. Consequently, no collisions 
arise from it in the British service. 

The first opportunity Worth had of distinguishing himself, after 
rejoining the army, was at Monterey. Sympathizing with his 
feelings, the General-in-chief resolved to give him a separate com- 
mand, in order that he might the more signally distinguish himselt. 



180 WILLIAM J. WORTH. 

Accordingly, Taylor, on the 20th of September, detached Worth, 
with his division, reinforced by Hay's mounted Texans, to the gorge 
of the Saltillo road, with instructions to seize it, and, if possible, carry 
the heights by which it was commanded. These heights were two 
in number. The first was on the opposite side of the San Juan, and 
was called Federation hill ; the second was on the hither side, and 
bore the name of Independence hill. As the road ran along the side 
of the river in a narrow valley between these hills, the forts erected 
upon them completely commanded it. Without they were captured, 
it would be impossible to enter Monterey from the west. Their fall, 
on the contrary, would open a way immediately to the heart ot the 
town, besides affording a diversion in favor of Taylor, who proposed 
assaulting the city on the east, from the Seralvo road. Hence, the 
service on which Worth was detached, possessed the highest 
importance. He felt this, and, as he leaped into the saddle, to place 
himself at the head of his division, exclaimed, " a grade or a grave !" 
It was 2, P. M., when Worth left the main army, and began his 
march to the Saltillo road. He had to make a circuit of ten miles, 
to attain his object, and hence, except for a short time on the follow- 
ing day, he was out of communication with Taylor until the fall of 
Monterey. Thus he was thrown entirely on his own resources. His 
friends, judging from the impetuosity of his character, and his 
eagerness to atone for his absence on the Sth and 9th of May, had 
feared he would unnecessarily expose his troops, but with a pru- 
dence only equalled by his skill, he achieved such brilliant results, 
with a loss of life so small, as to fully exonerate himself from the 
imputation of temerity, and almost to divide the glory of the siege 
with Taylor. A reconnoisance, on the afternoon of the 20th, con- 
vinced him that the enemy were reinforcing Federation and Indepen- 
dence hills; he despatched a note to the Commander-in-chief early 
on the following morning, soliciting a diversion in his favor, 
by an attack from the Ceralvo road. Taylor was already preparing 
to begin the battle in this quarter, but, on receipt of the message, 
he sent May's dragoons, and Wood's mounted Texans, to support 
Worth Before these arrived, however, Worth had come into 
collision with the enemy. Early on the morning of the 21st, just as 
he turned an angle of the mountain, which led him into the Saltillo 
road, he suddenly saw before him, half concealed among some corn 
on the slope of Independence hill, about a thousand of the renowned 
Mexican lancers. Instantly the enemy raised a wild hurrah, and 
galloped to the charge. Disregarding the Texan skirmishers who 
lined the road in advance, and who poured on them a murderous 



WILLIAM J. WORTH. ]S1 

fire as they passed, these gallant troops bore right down on the main 
body, their Colonel lending the advance. Their scarlet and green 
pennons fluttered above them ; their long lances flashed back the 
sunbeams; and the clatter of their thousand horses rose up like the 
hammering of incessant anvils ! A portion of McCullough's men, 
headed by Captain Walker, dashed forward to meet them, but were 
swept back towards the main body again, though struggling vehe- 
mently in the torrent. The fire of the regulars now opened, and 
the eighth infantry gallantly charged. Still the lancers came on, 
while the earth shook beneath their terrible tread. But, at this crisis, 
Duncan thundered into position with his light artillery, and opened, 
with grape and canister, over the heads of our men. The road in 
an instant was covered with the dead and wounded, the latter strug- 
gling amid bleeding horses, who frequently dragged them over the 
neighboring steeps. The enemy faltered, wheeled, and retraced their 
steps, receiving the fire of the Texans, and of the infantry of the first 
brigade, which had been pushed forward along the sides of the hills. 
The chivalrous Colonel was the last to retire. Disdaining to show 
fear, he reined in his horse, and rode leisurely down the road. A 
Texan raised his rifle, and the cavalier fell, to the regret of all who 
witnessed his noble bearing. The whole action did not last fifteen 
minutes. The Americans lost but one man ; the enemy not less than 
a hundred. The quickness with which this splendid body of lancers 
had been repulsed, inspired the men with confidence, and, from that 
moment, Worth had not a doubt of ultimate success. 

The enemy was pursued until the American General entered the 
gorge where all the roads leading from Monterey on the west, unite. 
He thus excluded the defeated troops from the city, and cut off the 
possibility of its receiving supplies or reinforcements. Finding him- 
self, however, directly under the fire of the batteries on Independence 
and Federation hills, he moved on towards the city, along the Saltillo 
road, until out of range. Here he halted, to consider what was his 
best course. To leave the batteries in his rear, would be to place 
his communications in the enemy's power ; and, accordingly, he 
resolved to storm the heights as a preliminary to any further advance. 
It was high noon when he came to this decision. The sun poured 
down its vertical rays. The men had already been in action once 
that day, and, in addition, were more or less exhausted by their 
march. But, when the intentions of the General were known, all 
became anxious to partake in the assault ; and those that were left 
behind could scarcely conceal their chagrin. 

Federation hill, which, as we have said, was on the opposite Bide 

M— Q 



182 WILLIAM J. WORTH. 

of the San Juan, was the first point selected for attack. This eleva- 
tion was crowned by a battery, and, on the same ridge, about six 
hundred yards eastward, was another, called Soldado. The fire 
from this point was incessant. By it, Captain McKavett, of the 
eighth, had already been shot through the heart, and a private mortally 
wounded. Four companies of the fourth artillery, and six compa- 
nies of Texan riflemen, the whole numbering three hundred men, 
were selected to storm this work. The command was given to 
Captain C. F. Smith. Taking a circuitous route, to avoid the fire 
of the enemy, Captain Smith forded the San Juan ; but, before he 
reached the foot of the hill, Worth, perceiving the Mexicans 
descending to meet him, despatched Captain Miles, with the seventh, 
to his support. Miles forded the river directly in front of the battery, 
under a tremendous discharge of musketry, grape, and round shot, 
and reaching the foot of the ascent before Captain Smith, coolly 
formed his men there without cover, the plunging fire continuing. 
Both these detachments were hidden from the sight of the anxious 
groups at head-quarters for nearly an hour, during which the crest 
and slopes of the hill were seen crowded with the enemy, who, all 
the while, rained down his iron sleet into the chapparal below. At last 
Captain Smith reached the foot of the ascent, and placed himself in 
front. At first a rattling fire was heard from below, then puffs of 
white smoke broke from the chapparal, and finally, a wreath of 
vapor circled around the hill, and began steadily to ascend its sides. 
Occasionally a soldier was seen leaping from rock to rock, as he 
climbed the acclivity. The sharp, irregular crack of the Texan 
rifles could be distinguished from the solid vollies of the regulars. 
Steadily that girdle of smoke mounted the hill, the enemy retiring 
before it, and the rocks below, so lately hidden by the vapor, 
emerging slowly to sight. At last the assailants reached the crest 
of the hill ; there were a few moments of terrible suspense ; and then 
the stars and stripes were seen soaring above the white canopy of 
battle, and a gun, reverberating through the gorges of the mountains, 
announced that the height was won. 

While the combat yet hung in suspense, the unexpected numbers 
of the enemy appearing on the slopes, induced Worth to despatch 
the fifth infantry, and Blanchard's Louisiana volunteers, the whole 
commanded by Colonel P. F. Smith, to the succor of the storming 
party. Colonel Smith, however, had barely forded the river, and 
met the advanced parties of the enemy, when he perceived the 
capture of the battery. He immediately turned his attention to the 
Soldado fort, and pressing obliquely up the mountain side, strove to 



WILLIAM J. WORTH 



183 



reach his prize before the conquerors of the Federation. These last, 
detecting his design, labored to anticipate him. The race was gal- 
lantly contested. The Mexicans fought desperately, discharging 
grape and balls incessantly. But their heroism was in vain. Stimu- 
lated by being in sight of head-quarters, and by the natural rivalry 
between the two commands, the separate parties of the Americans 
rushed headlong on, and finally mingled together in entering the 
battery. The colors of the fifth were the first to supplant the Mexi- 
can flag; those of the seventh, however, floated on the walls a 
moment afterwards. A huzza rent the air at this sight, which was 
heard far across the valley below. Immediately the guns in both 
the captured forts were turned on Independence hill, only six 
hundred yards distant ; and night closed in to the wild music of this 




bishop's PALACE, MONTERET. 



iron hail singing across the gathering rain and gloom. The troops 
lay down to sleep without having tasted food for thirty-six hours. 
An icy wind sweeping down from the mountains, chilled them in 
their wet garments. They consoled themselves, however, with 
reflecting on the glory they had won, and in anticipating new victo- 
ries on the morrow, when Independence hill was to be stormed. 



184 WILLIAM J. WORTH. 

The structure of this hill was peculiar. Ou the side looking 
towards the mountains, it was nearly precipitous; hut on the side 
towards the city, the descent was gradual to the suburbs, which 
encroached upon its base. Midway up the slope, on this side, was 
the Bishop's Palace, a strongly built structure, capable of being 
rendered almost impregnable against assault. On the crest of the 
hill, a quarter of a mile further up, was a battery of sand bags, 
which could only be reached by ascending a wall of rock, nearly 
sixty feet in perpendicular height. Worth, however, resolved to carry 
this battery as a preliminary to his attack on the castle. To effect 
this, he detached Colonel Childs, at the head of three companies of 
artillery, three of infantry, and two hundred Texan riflemen. A 
dark mist which wrapped the mountain, facilitated the movements 
of the storming party. When half way up the ascent, however, 
the assailants were bstrayed by the breaking of day, and immedi- 
ately the Mexicans, who had been on the look-out, opened a destruc- 
tive fire. But the Americans, climbing by the brush that grew out 
of fissures in the rocks, forced their way to the summit, where, rushing 
forward to the base of the fort, they made good their entrance, the 
Texans clubbing their rifles, and the regulars charging with the 
bayonet. The Mexicans retreating in confusion down the mountain, 
took shelter in the Bishop's Palace. As day dawned, the victorious 
Americans forgot all their toils in the view that opened before them 
from this dizzy height. Below them nestled the cluster of white 
houses, forming Monterey. Looking northward, up the valley of 
the San Juan, innumerable corn-fields were seen emerging from the 
mists, while far in the distance, the picturesque town of Merine, 
shone like a pearl amid green waters. Southward, the river wound 
through mountain defiles, here appearing, there disappearing, as if a 
thread of silver twisting in and out. 

The Mexicans having removed the guns from this battery, and 
the assault on the palace promising to be very sanguinary unless 
aided by artillery, Worth ordered a twelve-pound howitzer from 
Duncan's battery to be hoisted up the steep. With incredible toil, 
and after two hours of labor, the piece was elevated to the desired 
position, when it opened with shell and shrapnel on the outworks 
of the palace, distant only four hundred yards. The bombs bounding 
and hissing around the building, soon drove the enemy into cover. 
Worth now prepared for a grand assault. The eighth and fifth 
infantry, with Blanchard's volunteers, were brought over from the 
opposite heights, and formed into columns in sheltered ravines and 
hollows, principally on the north side of the mountain. At the same 



WILLIAM J. WORTH. 185 

time, Colonel Childs was moved down from the top of the hill, and 
formed on the southern face. The Mexicans, perceiving the 
detachment on the summit weakened, made a sally from the palace 
with a large body of cavalry, and being joined by another corps, 
heretofore hidden behind the hill, spurred vigorously up the ascent. 
The Americans in front, being instructed, fell back. At this, the 
enemy pressed on with renewed animation. The Mexicans were 
soon beyond the protection of the palace, when our concealed columns 
emerged from their coverts, and closed in the rear of the foe. Simul- 
taneously, the detachment which had been retiring up the hill, 
halted, and threw in a withering fire. The Mexicans now saw the 
stratagem of which they were the victims. Before was a girdle of 
fire ; behind a wall of steel. They wheeled, and fled in confusion. 
With loud shouts and rattling volleys, the Americans pursued, while 
the consternation and speed of the foe increased every minute. The 
ijreat body of the cavalry rushed frantically down the hill, carrying 
their alarm into the city itself; a few, however, made for the sally 
port of the palace, which they entered, but pell-mell with their 
pursuers. The victory was soon decided by the death, or expulsion 
of the Mexican garrison. A salvo of cannon and small arms, accom- 
panying the hoisting of the American flag, announced that Indepen- 
dence hill was won. The guns of the captured place were promptly 
turned on the suburbs, and Duncan, arriving soon after, added his 
terrific artillery. 

The remainder of the 22d passed without any further demonstra- 
tion. But on the 23d, the heavy firing on the east of the town, 
announced that Taylor had resumed the attack, on which Worth 
proceeded to co-operate, by advancing with all his disposable strength 
against the western side of the city. Two columns of attack were 
organized to move along the two principal streets, in the direction 
of the great square. Their orders were to reach a small square 
called Capella, with as little loss as possible. Here they were to 
leave the street, break into the dwellings, and cutting through the 
partition walls of the houses, work their way along. As soon as 
each fresh house was gained, they were to ascend to the roof, from 
which they were to open a fire on the next house. The light artil- 
lery was to follow, at a safe distance, and, while the men were thus 
engaged burrowing from dwelling to dwelling, was to sweep the 
streets with canister and grape. By these means the cross-batteries 
and barricades, a complete net-work of which the enemy had woven 
around every approach to the great square, were skilfully turned. 
The attack of Worth had scarcely begun, when that of Taylor 

M— Q* 24 



1S6 WILLIAM J. WORTH. 

ceased, so that the former General had now the enemy almost 
entirely on his hands. He worked on, however, with equal perse- 
verance and resolution. Before sunset the enemy had been driven 
so far, that a ten-inch mortar was safely mounted in the square 
Capella,andsoonopened with terrible effect, throwing its shells into the 
great square beyond. By dark, the troops had cut their way to 
within a single block of the grand plaza, leaving a covered way in 
their rear. They also had carried a large building which towered 
over the principal defences, and this, during the night, they sur- 
mounted with two howitzers and a six-pounder. All things were 
prepared to renew the assault at the dawn of day. But this was 
prevented by the arrival of a flag of truce, asking a suspension of 
arms, in order to treat for a surrender. The capitulation of Monte- 
rey followed. 

For his conduct on this occasion, Worth received the brevet of 
a Major-General. Taylor having fixed his head-quarters at 
Monterey, despatched Worth against Saltillo, with twelve hundred 
men, and eight pieces of artillery. In December, Taylor was about 
to move against Victoria, when Worth, learning that Santa Anna 
contemplated an attack on Saltillo, sent an express, which induced the 
Commander-in-chief to countermarch on Monterey. Soon after Worth 
was ordered to join Scott with his division. Accordingly, he marched 
from Saltillo to the rendezvous on the coast, and thence sailed with 
the expedition against Vera Cruz. On the landing of the troops, 
Worth was the first general officer to spring on shore, where he 
drew up his troops to cover the disembarkation of the remaining 
divisions. When the city of Vera Cruz fell, Worth was appointed 
its Military Governor. On the advance of the army into the interior, 
he commanded the rear until the battle of Cerro Gordo, but subse- 
quently, the van was entrusted to him, at the head of which he 
captured Perote on the 22d of April. He entered Puebla in 
triumph, on the 15th of May, marching at once to the great square, 
where his little band, at his directions, fearlessly stacked their arms 
in the heart of a hostile city of sixty thousand souls. 

The army remained at Puebla until the Sth of August, when it 
began its memorable march on the capital. Worth was now again 
in the rear, where he remained until Scott, finding the approaches 
to Mexico impracticable by the Vera Cruz road, turned off around 
the southern side of Lake Chalco, and threw himself on the great 
Acapulco highway, where the defences were slighter. The practi- 
cability of this movement, it is said, was first suggested by Worth, 
who had instituted a thorough reconnoisance of the ground to be 



WILLIAM J. WORTH. 1S7 

traversed. The result proved the accuracy of his observations, for 
the road, though difficult, presented no insuperable obstacles. Once 
on the Acapulco road, Scott lost no time in advancing on the capital. 
While, with great skill, he made a flank movement on Contreras, 
which opened to him the rear of the strong works at San Antonio, 
Worth was directed to push along the road in front, drive in the 
enemy, and pursue him as far as possible. Worth accordingly, on 
the 20th of August, within an hour after the victory of Contreras, 
put his columns in motion, and brushing the enemy from his path, 
moved up as far as Churubusco. Here the Mexicans made a stand, 
and a terrible battle ensued. In this sanguinary conflict, Worth 
commanded the right wing of the American army, and driving the 
enemy from the tete du point, pursued him to the gates of 
Mexico. 

When the attempt of Mr. Trist to negotiate a peace had failed, and 
Scott had resolved to renew the war, the execution of his first hostile 
movement, the destruction of Molino del Rey, was entrusted to 
Worth. This terrible battle, fought on the 8th of September, has 
been generally considered the masterpiece of Worth. We do not 
regard it as such. The skill evinced by Worth at Monterey, was 
far greater than that displayed at Molino del Rey. The latter was 
a desperate, protracted, and sanguinary battle, in which the Ameri- 
cans triumphed more through sheer courage than generalship. A 
fatal mistake in reconnoitreing Casa Mata, led to the most terrihle 
slaughter of our troops. The day would, probably, have been lost, 
moreover, but for Cadwalader, who, when the assaulting columns 
were beginning to shake, brought up his reserves, and carried the 
enemy's lines in the most brilliant manner. Nevertheless, the action 
will always reflect glory on Worth. In the storming of Chapultepec, 
Worth did not directly participate, though a forlorn hope of two 
hundred and fifty men was selected from his division. After the 
fall of the castle, however, he commanded the assault on the San 
Cosmo gate, and would have been the first to enter the city, if Quit- 
man had not converted his attack on the Belen gate, which was to 
have been a feigned, into a real one. Throughout the whole cam- 
paign, Worth had played the most prominent part of any General 
in the army, after the Commander-in-chief. Able, courageous, 
popular with the soldiers, with a name which carried the prestige of 
victory with it wherever it came, he seems always to have been the 
one selected when any very difficult enterprise was to be undertaken, 
or when glory was to be won, literally, at the cannon's moutlL 

An unfortunate difficulty arose between Scott and Worth at 






188 



WJLLIAM J. WORTH. 



Puebla, which, though smothered at the time, broke out anew after the 
fall of the capital, and led to the latter being placed under arrest. 
The decision of Worth's fellow officers, was unanimously against 
him, and it is impossible, therefore, to exonerate him from the charge 
of disrespect. On Scott's part, perhaps, there was irritation and 
haste ; but he was the less censurable of the two. The request of 
the General-in-chief to have Worth tried, was rejected by the Presi- 
dent ; a court of inquiry, however, was ordered ; but before this body 
Scott refused to lay his charges. The proceeding, accordingly, was 
dropped. The whole affair is to be regretted the more, as it inter- 
rupted a friendship of thirty -five years duration between Scott and 
Worth. 

On Worth's restoration to rank, he was assigned the command of 
the first division, at the head of which he remained until the decla- 
ration of peace. 





JOHN E. WOOL 




HAT Worth was to Taylor at Monterey, that 
Wool was to him at Buena Vista ! We may 
venture further and say that without Wool the 
battle of Buena Vista would probably have 
been lost. It was Wool who originally pointed 
out the great strength of the pass of Angostura : 
it was Wool who disciplined the volunteers 
until they almost rivalled regulars: and it was 
Wool, who, on the eventful 23rd of February, animated and directed 
the troops for two hours of almost hopeless struggle, prior to the 
arrival of Taylor from Saltillo. 

Wool was born in Orange county, New York, of a family which 
had been whigs in the Revolution. His father dying at an early 
age, he was taken by his grandfather, a respectable farmer of Rens- 
selaer county, who placed him, while a boy, as clerk in a store in 

1S9 



190 JOHN E. WOOL. 

Troy. Wool rose, in time, to be a merchant, and was on the high- 
way to success, when a fire, in one night, reduced him to beggary 
and induced him to turn his attention into other channels. The war 
of 1812 had just begun, and some influential friends offering to 
procure him a commission of Captain, he embraced the opportunity, 
enlisted a company, and at once entered on his military career. 

His first battle was that of Queenstown heights. On that occa- 
sion, though wounded in both thighs, he led the assault on the 
British position, and put the enemy to flight. The foe being 
reinforced by a detachment under General Brock in person, the tide 
of battle turned ; but Wool, rallying his forces, renewed the assault 
and drove the English a second time from their batteries. It was 
ill this action that Brock was slain. Wool, in 1813, was promoted 
to the rank of Major. Throughout the war he continued to be 
distinguished for alacrity, courage and ability ; but enjoyed no second 
opportunity to distinguish himself until the battle of Pittsburgh. 
For his conduct in that action Macomb recommended him particu- 
larly to the notice of government, in consequence of which he 
received the brevet of a Lieutenant-Colonel, to date from September 
1 1th, 1814. 

Wool remained in the army at the expiration of the war, deter- 
mining to make the military career his permanent profession. In 
1816 he was commissioned Inspector-General, with the rank of 
Colonel. In 1826 he received the brevet of a Brigadier. He con- 
tinued to act as Inspector-General until 1841, when, in consequence 
of the elevation of Scott to the post of Commander-in-chief, he 
succeeded to the vacant Brigadiership. At that time he and Gaines 
were the only full Brigadiers in the army, as Scott was the only full 
Major-General. His services as Inspector-General had been arduous, 
his annual tour to the different military posts requiring him to tra- 
verse nearly ten thousand miles. He was also employed on three 
special missions by the President. The first was the suppression of 
the Canadian outbreak ; the second was the carrying out the treaty 
with the emigrating Cherokees ; and the third was a tour of exami- 
nation through Europe, to learn the state of military improvements 
abroad. It was while engaged in this last duty that he had the good 
fortune to be present at the siege of Antwerp. 

When the war with Mexico began, Wool solicited an active com- 
mand. He was accordingly despatched to the west, to organize 
and muster into the service the twelve months volunteers of Ohio, 
Indiana, Illinois, Kentucky, Tennessee, and Mississippi. In six 
weeks he had completed this task, and despatched ten thousand men 



JOHN E. WOOL. . ] .01 

to succor Taylor. Three thousand he reserved for himself, in com- 
pliance with the orders of the President, who, having projected an 
expedition against Coahnila, had assigned the command of it to 
Wool. His force was first concentrated at San Antonio de Bexar. 
It consisted of the first and second Illinois infantry, under Colonels 
Hardin and Bissel ; the Kentucky and Arkansas mounted regiments, 
led by Colonels Marshall and Yell ; Washington's flying artillery ; 
Benneville's battalion of regular infantry ; and Colonel Harney, with 
four companies of his dragoons. The whole of the division numbered 
two thousand six hundred men. 

Wool set his little army in motion for the Rio Grande towards the 
latter part of September, 1846 ; and, on the 12th of October, crossed 
the dividing; line between Mexico and the United States. Prosecu- 
tin? his march he reached the city of Parras on the 6th of December, 
having traversed a hostile region of more than four hundred miles, 
and captured on his route five considerable cities, with populations 
numbering from five to fifteen thousand souls. In this journey he 
traversed sterile wastes, crossed mountain ranges, and endured, with 
his troops, privations that would have subdued any men less ener- 
getic. At Parras, which lies on the south-western confines of the 
state of Coahuila, Wool remained for eleven days, recruiting hi? 
troops with the abundant supplies furnished by the neighboring 
region. The inhabitants received him with friendly feelings, many 
of them being admirers of the government of the United States. 
Wool's original destination had been Chihuahua, the capital of 
Coahuila, but he had long since doubted the policy of prosecuting 
the expedition. While lying at Parras he received an express from 
Worth, then stationed at Saltillo, and who, alarmed by Santa Anna'-. 
threatened advance, had despatched a messenger to recall Taylor 
from Victoria, and another to bring up Wool from Parras. The 
courier reached the latter General on the 17th of December, and in 
two hours the army was ready to march. 

Saltillo, where Worth was encamped, was one hundred and twenty 
miles from Parras, north by east. W T orth had written that Santa 
Anna was within three days' march of him at the head of thirty 
thousand men, while he had but one thousand ; yet he engaged to 
hold out for a day, and urged Wool to succor him on the fourth day. 
Accordingly, on the 21st, the latter reached Saltillo. He had made 
a forced march, rousing his men every morning at one o'clock, and 
completing the whole journey in less than three days and a half. 
Fortunately the alarm of Santa Anna's approach proved false. But 



1 92 JOHN E. WOOL. 

the arrival of Wool was of the utmost importance, for when, a few 
days later, Worth was summoned to join Scott, the army of Taylor 
would have been reduced to a few regiments only but for this rein- 
forcement. Moreover, the long experience of Wool, his tried courage, 
and the high state of discipline to which he brought the volunteers, 
proved of the most vital assistance to the Commander-in-chief on the 
sanguinary field of Buena Vista. 

As early as the 23rd of December, two days after his arrival at 
Saltillo, Wool, while riding through the pass of Angostura, perceived 
the advantages it afforded. "This is the very spot of all others I 
have yet seen in Mexico," he said, halting and surveying the ground, 
" which I should select for battle, were I obliged with a small army 
to fight a large one." He pointed out the net-work of deeply worn 
channels on the right, which, he declared, would completely protect 
that flank. The heights on the left, he said, would command the 
road, while the ravines in front of them, and which extend back to 
the mountain on that side, would cripple the movements of the foe 
should he attempt to turn that flank. These predictions were veri- 
fied by the result. General Butler, then in command at Saltillo, 
disagreed with Wool, however, and preferred, as a battle-field, the 
broad plain in front of the city. But General Taylor, on arriving at 
the advanced posts, concurred in Wool's opinion, and the pass of 
Angostura in consequence became the scene of the eventful struggle 
of the 22nd and 23rd of February ! 

Wool's conduct in the battle of Buena Vista cannot be too highly 
estimated. He was continually present at the most exposed points, 
particularly on the left flank, which was under his especial command. 
After the disastrous charge of Clay, McKee and Hardin, when the 
Mexicans, turning, like wounded tigers, on their too presumptuous 
assailants, almost annihilated them, Wool threw himself into the 
midst of the peril, and rallied the fugitives by his voice and example. 
Among other regiments extirpated, for the time, by that terrible 
attack, was the second Illinois. Six companies of that gallant body 
had, in the morning, withstood, for a time, the whole Mexican line; 
but, after this sanguinary onslaught, only four men of them could 
be collected by Wool. Galloping to the front, the General shouted, 
" Illinois, Illinois, to the rescue : out, my brave boys, out and defend 
our batteries !" These few men, with others of the first Illinois, and 
a few Kentuckians, rallied to his voice. For a moment the little 
band stood almost unsupported, in full view of the victorious columns 
of the enemy. But soon others of Wool's followers, hearing his 



JOHN E. WOOL. 193 

shrill, trumpet-like tones, and inspired by his recklessness of danger, 
gathered around him; and the battery of Bragg simultaneously 
opening its tremendous fire, they had the joy speedily of beholding 
the enemy in full retreat. 

There is one feature in the conduct of the two principal heroes of 
this battle, which will always endear them to the popular heart : 
we allude to the sincere co-operation which they afforded each other, 
and the frankness with which they mutually admitted obligations. 
Taylor, in his first despatch, written hurriedly on the field, says: — 
"I may be permitted here, however, to acknowledge my great ob- 
ligations to General Wool, the second in command, to whom I feel 
particularly indebted for his valuable services on this occasion." In 
his subsequent and more detailed account, he remarks : — " To Briga- 
dier-General Wool my obligations are especially due. The high 
state of discipline of several of the volunteer regiments was attained 
under his command ; and to his vigilance and arduous service before 
the action, and his gallantry and activity on the field, a large share 
of our success may justly be attributed. During most of the engage- 
ment he was in immediate command of the troops thrown back on 
our left flank. I beg leave to recommend him to the favorable 
notice of government." On his part, Wool, in his official report 
speaks as follows of Taylor : — " I cannot close without expressing, 
officially and formally, as I have heretofore done personally to the 
Major-General commanding, the feelings of gratitude I have for the 
confidence and extreme consideration which have marked all his 
acts towards me ; which have given me additional motives for exer- 
tion and increased zeal in the execution of the responsible duties 
with which I have been charged." How much more noble the 
spectacle of such generosity of soul than that of the enmity and 
rancor which too often disgraces the relations of the commanding 
General and his inferiors ! 

Wool's soubriquet in the army is " the old war-horse," a title 
eloquent of his high courage, tireless perseverance, and energy in 
battle. He is not only a strict, but a severe disciplinarian. An 
anecdote is told of him which places him in striking contrast with 
Taylor in this respect. A portion of the troops, desirous to compli- 
ment their Generals, undertook to serenade Taylor, and, after him, 
Wool. The movement was scarcely military, but Taylor overlooked 
this, and is even said to have expressed his thanks to the serenaders. 
Wool, however, ordered them all under arrest, for breaking the 
regulations of the camp. Notwithstanding his rigid notions, however, 
he is generally beloved by his men. 

M — R " ° 






194 



JOHN E. WOOL. 



On the return of Taylor to the United States, Wool succeeded to 
the command of the army of the Rio Grande, in which capacity he 
remained until the peace. 

For his services at the battle of Buena Vista, Wool received the 
brevet of Major-General. 





STEPHEN W. KEARNEY. 



HE conquest of California 
was the work, partly of .Fre- 
mont and partly of Kearney. 
The latter was born in New- 
ark, New Jersey, about (lie 
year 1793, and was pursu- 
ing his studies at Columbia 
College, New York, when 
the war of 1812 broke out. 
He immediately left the in- 
stitution, and entered the 
army as First-Lieutenant of the thirteenth infantry, then commanded 
by Wool. Under this heroic leader he marched to the Canada fron- 
tier; fought at Queenstown heights; and was taken prisoner with 
Scott and other officers. Being soon after exchanged, he rejoined 

his old regiment, and served through the war with credit. 

55 195 




196 STEPHEN W. KEARNEY. 

On the conclusion of peace, Kearney remained in the army. The 
next twenty years of his life were spent chiefly at frontier posts, 
but the time was not wasted, for Kearney being a close student, was 
daily perfecting himself in the knowledge of his profession. He soon 
acquired the reputation of being one of the most rigid disciplinarians 
and best tacticians in the service. His coolness in difficult emer- 
gencies passed into a proverb. No man could be braver when 
danger was abroad. His rise was slow, however, the result of a 
long peace. A Major in 1S24, he became a Lieutenant-Colonel in 
1833, and a full Colonel in 1836. When the first regiment of dra- 
goons was organized in 1S33, he was charged with its discipline, a 
task which he executed in the ablest manner ; indeed, the cavalry 
arm of the service may be considered as indebted to Kearney for 
all that it is. He prepared a system of tactics, instructed the 
officers, and inspired the corps with his own heroism. 

In 1S39, when a frontier war was anticipated, Kearney was 
ordered to Fort Wayne, to overawe the Cherokees. He had now 
under his command, for the first time, a full regiment of ten compa- 
nies. He subsequently made many long marches through the 
various Indian territories, acquiring a fund of valuable information 
for the government, and disseminating a wholesome respect for the 
flag which he represented. He had, during the years 1835 and 1836, 
penetrated to the head of the Mississippi, and to the Rocky Moun- 
tains, on which occasions, also, he had left a strong impression 
among the savages of the power and energy of the United States. 
The Indians called him the " horse-chief of the long knives." These 
journeys materially assisted to improve the condition and discipline 
of his dragoons. 

When the war with Mexico began, the President determined to 
send an expedition against New Mexico and California, and 
Kearney was selected to command the troops raised for this enter- 
prise. Accordingly, he assembled his forces, principally consisting 
of volunteers, at Fort Leavenworth, in June, 1846, and, on the 30th 
of that month, began his march for Sante Fe, at the head of about 
sixteen hundred men. For six weeks he traversed the vast wilder- 
ness which stretches between the last civilized settlement on the 
Missouri, and the first one of a similar character in New Mexico. 
He reached his destination in August, without opposition. Having 
formally taken possession of Santa Fc, he proceeded to declare New 
Mexico annexed to the United States. He next drew up a form of 
government for it, and superintended the election of a Governor and 
proper authorities. He now considered his work in this province 



STEPHEN W. KEARNEY. 197 

finished, and prepared to advance on California, pursuant to his 
instructions, only waiting for the arrival of Colonel Price from Fort 
Leavenworth, with the thousand volunteers, whom Kearney had 
left behind in his eagerness to advance. At last, on the 25th of 
September, he moved from Santa Fe for California, with about four 
hundred dragoons, but, after having marched one hundred and 
seventy-five miles, he met an express, with the news of Fremont's 
conquest of that country. He now sent back most of his little army, 
retaining only one. hundred dragoons as an escort. 

When Kearney reached the river Gila, in California, he learned 
that the province had revolted, and that the Americans had been 
expelled from Los Angelos, the principal city in the south. On the 
2nd of December he arrived at the first settlement in California, where 
the news of the insurrection was confirmed. Four days afterwards, 
he fell in with a body of the enemy, somewhat superior in numbers, 
whom, after a sharp action, he totally routed. In this skirmish, 
Kearney was wounded severely, and would have been killed, but 
for Lieutenant Emory, who shot his antagonist just as he was about 
to make a second thrust with the lance. Kearney advanced about 
nine miles, when, being assailed by the Californians again, he seized 
a neighboring hill, and held it until Commodore Stockton, four days 
after, sent him a reinforcement of seventy-five marines, and one 
hundred seamen. In these two skirmishes Kearney fought under 
great disadvantages, his men being mounted on broken down 
mules, while the enemy had superb horses. Two days after being 
succored, Kearney reached San Diego, where he found Commodore 
Stockton. 

Having ascertained that the insurgents were still at Los Angelos, 
where they numbered seven hundred, under the command of General 
* Flores, the two American leaders resolved to march, with their com- 
bined forces, and dislodge him. Accordingly, with about seven 
hundred men, and six pieces of artillery, they left San Diego, and 
proceeded to meet the enemy, the united force being under com- 
mand of General Kearney. On the 6th of January Kearney came 
up with the Californians, who, with four guns, were drawn up on a 
height on the opposite side of the river. He instantly formed his troops 
in order of battle, and placing himself dauntlessly at their head, 
forded the stream, stormed the height, and gained a complete 
victory. The action lasted about an hour and a half. By the fol- 
lowing day, however, the Californians had recovered their spirits, 
and, on Kearney's resuming his advance, showed themselves in his 
front and on his flanks. When he had descended from the heights, 

M R* 



198 



STEPHEN W. KEARNEY. 



and reached the plains of the Mesa, the artillery opened upon him, 
and soon after, concentrating their columns, the Californians furi- 
ously assailed his left flank. Their charge, however, was decisively 
repulsed, on which they took to flight. The next day Kearney 
entered los Angelos in triumph. 

A difficulty now arose between Commodore Stockton and General 
Kearney in reference to the civil authority in California. Kearney 
produced the commission of the President of the United States, 
authorizing him to act as Commander of the country and Governor ; 
and claimed submission from Stockton in consequence of this docu- 
ment. Stockton, however, asserted that, as the country had been 
conquered before Kearney's arrival, a condition of affairs had arisen 
which the President had not foreseen, and in consequence, it could 
not be expected that he and Fremont, the real conquerors, should be 
deprived of their power by an authority virtually abrogated. Fre- 
mont took the same view of the question as Stockton, and refused 
obedience to Kearney. Unfortunately, however, Kearney was Fre- 
mont's superior officer, and hence entitled to the latter's obedience, 
irrespective of the special commission. Of this he was soon remind- 
ed, for when Commodore Shubrick arrived with the California volun- 
teers, Kearney, finding himself with a superior force, deposed Fre- 
mont, ordered him to the United States, and, on his arrival there, 
placed him under arrest. 

Kearney did not continue long in California after the arrival of 
Commodore Shubrick. He remained, however, until he considered 
the province pacified and secure from further insurrection. He 
then returned to the United States, accompanied by Fremont. 

Firm, skilful, and brave as a lion, Kearney is one of the most 
valuable officers in the line of the army. His country acknowledged 
this, through the President, by conferring on him, on the 30th of 
June, 1S46, the rank of a full Brigadier. 







V 







% 



JOHN C. FREMONT. 



HE prominent part played by Fre- 
mont in the conquest of California 
entitles him to a place in this series. 
He was born in South Carolina, in 
the year 1811. In 1838, was appoint- 
ed a Second-Lieutenant in the corps 
of topographical engineers, and from 
that period up to the Mexican war, 
was principally engaged in expedi- 
tions to explore the country around 
the Rocky Mountains. He visited Oregon and subsequently Cali- 
fornia on this duty, and published two volumes of great interest, the 

result of his discoveries 

199 




200 JOHN C. FREMONT. 

When the Mexican war began, Fremont was engaged, under or 
ders from the War Department, in exploring a new and shorter route 
from the western base of the Rocky Mountains to the month of the 
Columbia. In fulfilling his task it became necessary to enter Cali- 
fornia. De Castro, Commandant-General of that province, aware of 
the threatened hostilities between Mexico and the United States, 
became suspicious that Fremont, under cover of a scientific expedi- 
tion, intended to excite the American settlers to revolt, and accord- 
ingly he displayed such a hostile attitude that Fremont, taking posi- 
tion on a mountain overlooking Monterey, at the distance of thirty 
miles, prepared to die, if necessary, for the honor of his flag. From 
the 7th to the 10th of March, 1846, Fremont remained fortified here, 
but finding De Castro did not attack him, finally continued his march 
towards Oregon. Some of his men desiring to remain in the province, 
he consented to their discharge, but refused to enlist others in their 
places, so anxious was he not to compromise the United States. He 
made but little progress, however, in consequence of the difficulties 
of the country, and by the middle of May he had only reached the 
greater Tlamath Lake, lying just within the southern boundary of 
Oregon. Here he unexpectedly found his further advance obstructed 
by the snow which still lingered on the mountains, and also by the 
Indians who had been excited against him by emissaries from De 
Castro. In this emergency he came to the bold resolution of retracing 
his steps and subjugating California. When he adopted this deter- 
mination his whole force numbered less than sixty men ; yet with 
this army he undertook the conquest of fifty thousand souls ! 

Other considerations assisted to induce the return of Fremont. 
De Castro, it was said, was pursuing him at the head of five hundred 
men, and comprehended in his scheme of vengeance the American 
settlers in California. Fremont considered that the best way to 
save these innocent emigrants, as well as himself, was to assume a 
bold front, and, by a rapid countermarch, unite with his countrymen, 
and face the foe. As yet, no intelligence of the war had reached 
Fremont. He promptly put his heroic design into execution. On the 
11th of June he cut off a valuable convoy from De Castro's camp, 
and four days afterwards, surprised the military post of Sonoma. 
He next pushed on for the valley of the Sacramento, to arouse the 
American settlers there ; but he had scarcely reached his destination, 
when he was overtaken by an express, announcing that De Castro 
was in full march on Sonoma, with the intention of re-capturing it. 
Fremont immediately made a forced journey to the threatened point, 
where he arrived in time to cut off the vanguard of the enemy, by 



JOHN C. FREMONT. OQl 

which bold stroke he disconcerted the attack. The country on the 
north side of the Bay of San Francisco being now cleared of the 
foe, Fremont assembled the settlers of the vicinity at Sonoma, on the 
5th of July, and recommended them to declare an independent com- 
monwealth. His advice was taken, and himself chosen Governor. 

Fremont now determined to pursue De Castro, who had estab- 
lished a camp at Santa Clara, an intrenched post on the southern 
side of the Bay of San Francisco. The distance around the bay was 
about one hundred miles. On the 6th of July, Fremont set forth, 
accompanied by one hundred and sixty mounted riflemen. As the 
Americans advanced, the Californians fled. De Castro retreated on 
los Angelos, the seat of the Governor-General of the province, 
distant four hundred miles. Thither Fremont determined to follow 
him. His resolution was fortified by learning that war had broken 
out between Mexico and the United States ; that Commodore Stockton 
had arrived on the coast with a fleet; and that the flag of the United 
States was already flying over Monterey, which had surrendered to 
Stockton. At Fremont's suggestion, the settlers immediately substi- 
tuted for their flag of independence, that of America. A junction 
was formed with Stockton, and the pursuit of De Castro renewed. 

On the 12th of August, the combined forces of Stockton 
and Fremont entered los Angelos without resistance, the Governor 
Pico, and the Commandant-General, De Castro, having fled still 
further south. Stockton now took possession of the province as a 
conquered territory, and appointed Fremont Governor. For a few 
months the utmost quiet prevailed on the part of the subjugated 
Californians, but finally, in November, they rose in insurrection, 
drove the Americans from los Angelos, and resumed the government 
of the country. Their triumph, however, was not of long duration. 
Stockton, who had sailed for Monterey, immediately returned, and 
forming a junction with General Kearney, who arrived at this crisis 
from New Mexico, completely defeated the insurgents in two battles 
of the 8th and 9th of January, 1847. Fremont was not present in 
either of these actions. He had been absent since September, at 
Monterey, employed in enlisting and organizing men, and was now 
on his way to los Angelos, at the head of four hundred and fifty 
recruits. His journey, being performed in the dead of winter, was 
full of privations. On Christmas day, in crossing the Santa Barbara 
mountains, he lost from one hundred and fifty to two hundred horses. 
When within a short distance of the capital, he met the retreating 
army of the insurgents, and, ignorant of Stockton's refusal to grant 
them terms, concluded with them a capitulation. On the 14th oi 

26 



202 JOHN C. FREMONT. 

January he entered los Angelos. He now first met Kearney, and 
began that series of mistakes which finally led to his trial by a court 
martial, and his retirement from the service. 

In the sketch of Kearney, we have explained the origin of the 
difficulty between him and Fremont. The offence of the latter in 
refusing to obey his superior officer, was of the most glaring kind in the 
eye of discipline ; but the circumstances in which Fremont found 
bimself, were so peculiar, that his insubordination has some excuse. 
He was removed from his post of Governor by Kearney, as soon as 
the arrival of reinforcements gave the latter the ascendancy ; and 
subsequently, when the General returned to the United States, 
Fremont accompanied the escort. On reaching Fort Leavensworth, 
Kearney placed his junior under arrest. A court martial was 
promptly summoned to meet at Washington city, for the trial of 
Fremont. The result was his conviction. The court sentenced him 
to be suspended from the service, but the President, in consequence 
of the mitiga ting circumstances of the case, remitted the punishment. 
Fremont, however, declined to accept the clemency of the executive, 
declaring, that as he had committed no offence, he required no pardon. 
He accordingly resigned. 

He had attained the rank of Lieutenant-Colonel in the new regi- 
ment of mounted rifles, before his retirement. This promotion was 
owing, in part, to his services, but in part, also, to the influence of 
Senator Benton, his father-in-law. The elevation of so young an 
officer, from a Lieutenancy to a Lieutenant-Colonelcy, overleaping at 
a single step the intermediate grades, gave great offence in the army, 
especially to the numerous seniors of Fremont, who, by this promo- 
tion, considered themselves aggrieved. 

Whatever opinion may be formed of his resignation, or of the 
exact amount of his culpability towards Kearney, all men must 
unite in admiring the spirit and ability which he exhibited in Cali- 
fornia. In undertaking the conquest of that province, at the head 
of less than sixty men, he displayed the attributes of a true hero. 
Such, we are confident, will be the verdict of posterity 




DONIPHAN CROSSING THE DESERT OF DEATH. 



A. W. DONIPHAN 



HE march of Doniphan from Santa 
Fe to Chihuahua, and the victory of 
Sacramento which attended it, have 
been compared, and not inaptly, to 
the celebrated retreat of Xenophon 
with the ten thousand. But the ex- 
ploit of the American surpasses that 
of the Greek. The one was a pro- 
fessed soldier, at the head of veteran 
troops; while the other was a mere 
civilian, fortuitously in command of 
a few volunteers. Both traversed 
distant and inhospitable regions; both 
penetrated hundreds of miles through a hostile ; PoP^tio.i: bn« the 
inarch of the ancient was that of a fugitive, while the progress ot the 
modern was everywhere that of a conqueror ! 

Doniphan was born in the year 1807 ; but of ins early hie we 




204 A. W. DONIPHAN. 

know little. At the time the Mexican war broke out he was a law- 
yer of eminence in St. Louis, Missouri. Inspired, like many of his 
fellow-citizens at that time, with a sudden thirst for military adven- 
ture, he offered himself as Colonel of a regiment of volunteers, 
raised to accompany Kearney's expedition against Santa Fe. His 
almost gigantic stature, his affable manners, and the respect in 
which his abilities were held procured for him the command he 
sought, and, on the 30th of June, 1846, he set out with Kearney for 
Fort Leavensworth, his regiment numbering about a thousand strong. 
It was composed generally of young men, most of them from the 
best families of the state, who sought to gratify the restless longings 
of their natures, in the wild adventure which the conquest of New 
Mexico promised to afford. This impulse of a high organization 
has been common to all ages. The spirit which actuated the Mis- 
souri volunteers was the same that propelled the Normans upon 
France ; that sent forth the Spaniards of the fifteenth century on 
voyages of discovery ; that annually moves thousands in the direc- 
tion of the setting sun, there to seek a virgin soil, and exult in the 
perils of border life. Doniphan himself was but the type of this 
class. After the astonishing victories gained in his expedition, it 
might have been supposed that neither he nor his men would have 
been willing to lay down their arms ; but the thirst for excitement 
which had impelled them, had been exhausted in a thousand perils ; 
and they returned to private life not without a certain zest perhaps 
for its quiet and repose, like men who, after long bufietting a wintry 
tempest, gladly find themselves housed at last. 

In the narrative of the Mexican war, which precedes these 
sketches, we have already detailed at sufficient length the journey of 
Doniphan. The insertion of his own graphic, but modest account 
of the battle of Sacramento would, however, seem to be due to the 
hero, for it is eminently characteristic. This wonderful victory was 
achieved on the 28th of February, 1847, with a force of but nine hun- 
dred and twenty-four effective men, against more than four thousand 
Mexicans, half of whom were regulars. Having, early after sunrise, 
formed his troops in expectation of a battle, by arranging the long 
train of wagons in four columns, between which the soldiers were 
placed for the purpose of masking them, he advanced in the direction 
of the foe, and, when within three miles of him, made a reconnoisance. 

" This we could easily do," says Doniphan in his despatch, " for 
the road led through an open prairie valley between the sterile 
mountains. The Pass of the Sacramento is formed by a point of the 
mountains on our right, their left extending into the valley or plain 



A. W. DONIPHAN. 205 

so as to narrow the valley to about one and a luilf miles. On our 
left was a deep, dry, sandy channel of a creek, and between these 
points the plain rises to sixty feet abruptly. This rise is in the form 
of a crescent, the convex part being to the north of our forces. 

"On the right, from the point of mountains, a narrow part of the 
plain extends north one and a half miles farther than on the left. 
The main road passes down the centre of the valley and across the 
crescent, near the left or dry branch. The Sacramento rises in the 
mountains on the right, and the road falls on to it about one mile 
below the battle-field or intrenchment of the enemy. We ascertained 
that the enemy had one battery of four guns, two nine and two six- 
pounders, on the point of the mountain on our right, at a good ele- 
vation to sweep the plain, and at the point where the mountains 
extended farthest into the plain. 

" On our left they had another battery on an elevation command- 
ing the road, and three intrenchments of two six-pounders, and on 
the brow of the crescent near the centre another of two six and two 
four and six culverins, or rampart pieces, mounted on carriages ; and 
on the crest of the hill or ascent between the batteries, and the right 
and left, they had twenty-seven redoubts dug and thrown up, ex- 
tending at short intervals across the whole ground. In these their 
infantry were placed, and were entirely protected. Their cavalry 
was drawn up in front of the redoubts in the intervals, four deep, and 
in front of the redoubts two deep, so as to mask them as far as 
practicable. 

" When we had arrived within one and a half miles of the intrench- 
ments along the main road, we advanced the cavalry still farther, 
and suddenly diverged with the columns to the right, so as to gain 
the narrow part of the ascent on our right, which the enemy disco- 
vering endeavored to prevent by moving forward with one thousand 
cavalry and four pieces of cannon in their rear, masked by them. 
Our movements were so rapid that we gained the elevation with 
our forces and the advance of our wagons in time to form before 
they arrived within reach of our guns. The enemy halted, and we 
advanced the head of our column within twelve hundred yards of 
them, so as to let our wagons attain the high lands and form as be- 
fore. 

" We now commenced the action by a brisk fire from our battery, 
and the enemy unmasked and commenced also ; our fires proved 
effective at this distance, killing fifteen men, wounding several more, 
and disabling one of the enemy's guns. We had two men slightly 
wounded, and several horses and mules killed. The enemy then 

M — S 



206 



A. W. DONIPHAN. 



slowly retreated behind their works in some confusion, and we re- 
sumed our march in the former order, still divergingmore to the right 
to avoid their battery on our left, and their strongest redoubts, which 
were on the left near where the road passes. After marching as far 
as we safely could, without coming within range of their heavy bat- 




pEve*** 



DONIPHAN'S CHARGE AT SACRAMENTO. 



tery on our right, Captain Weightman, of the artillery, was ordered 
to charge with the two twelve-pound howitzers, to be supported by 
the cavalry under Captains Reid, Parsons and Hudson. 

" The Howitzers charged at speed, and were gallantly sustained 
by Captain Reid ; but, by some misunderstanding, my order was not 
given to the other two companies. Captain Hudson, anticipating my 
order, charged in time to give ample support to the howitzers. Cap- 
tain Parsons, at the same moment, came to me and asked permission 
for his company to charge the redoubts immediately to the left of 
Captain Weightman, which he did very gallantly. The remainder 
of the two battalions of the first regiment were dismounted during 
the cavalry charge, and following rapidly on foot, while Major 
Clarke advanced as fast as practicable with the remainder of the 



A. W. DONIPHAN. 207 

battery, we charged their redoubts from right to left, with a brisk 
and deadly fire of riflemen, while Major Clarke opened a rapid and 
well-directed fire on a column of cavalry attempting to pass to our 
left so as to attack the wagons and our rear. 

" The fire was so well directed as to force them to fall back ; and 
our riflemen, with the cavalry and howitzers, cleared the parapets 
after an obstinate resistance. Our forces advanced to the very brink 
of their redoubts and attacked the enemy with their sabres. When 
the redoubts were cleared, and the batteries in the centre and on our 
left were silenced, the main battery on our right still continued to 
pour in a constant, and heavy fire, as it had done during the heat of 
the engagement; but as the whole fate of the battle depended upon 
carrying the redoubts and centre battery, this one on the right re- 
mained unattacked, and the enemy had rallied there five hundred 
strong. 

" Major Clarke was directed to commence a heavy fire upon it. 
Lieutenant-Colonels Mitchell and Jackson, commanding the first 
battalion, were ordered to remount and charge the battery on the 
left, while Major Gilpin passed the second battalion on foot up the 
rough ascent of the mountain on the opposite side. The fire of our 
battery was so effective as to completely silence theirs, and the rapid 
advance of our column put them to flight over the mountains in great 
confusion. 

" The loss of the enemy was his entire artillery, ten wagons, and 
about three hundred killed and the same number wounded, many 
of whom have since died, and forty prisoners. The field was lite- 
rally covered with the dead and wounded from our artillery and the 
unerring fire of our riflemen. Night put a stop to the carnage, the 
battle having commenced about three o'clock. Our loss was one 
killed, one mortally wounded, and seven so wounded as to recover 
without any loss of limbs. I cannot speak too highly of the coolness, 
gallantry and bravery of the officers and men under my command. 
I was ably sustained by field officers Lieutenant-Colonels Mitchell 
and Jackson of the first battalion, and Major Gilpin of the second 
battalion ; and Major Clarke and his artillery acted nobly, and did 
the most effective service in every part of the field. It is abundantly 
shown, in the charge made by Captain Weightman, with the section 
of howitzers, that they can be used in any charge of cavalry with 
great effect. Much has been said, and justly said, of the gallantry 
of our artillery, unlimbering within two hundred and fifty yards of 
the enemy at Palo Alto ; but how much more daring was the charge 



20S 



A. W. DONIPHAN. 



of Captain Weightman, when he unlimbered within fifty yards of 
the redoubts of the enemy !" 

The battle of Sacramento was fought immediately in front of Chi- 
huahua, and the next day the Americans entered that city in triumph. 
When we consider that this victory was won against four times the 
numbers of Doniphan, and that his soldiers were nearly all volun- 
teers, it appears to be scarcely less remarkable than Buena Vista ! 
It must be remembered also that the conquerors at Sacramento knew 
nothing of the success of Taylor, who was hundreds of miles distant, 
and had only defeated Santa Anna the preceding week. The conse- 
quences resulting from this victory were not so great, nor was the 
inequality of the two armies in it quite so excessive as at Buena 
Vista ; but it is nevertheless a victory that recalls, in all their vivid- 
ness, the heroic ages of antiquity. 

The volunteers being enlisted for twelve months only, were, on 
their return to the United States, mustered out of the service. Doni- 
phan retired to private life simultaneously with his soldiers. Resu- 
ming the quiet routine of his profession he appeared to forget that 
he had ever been a hero. But history, engraving his deeds on her 
tablets with a pen of iron, will preserve his name to latest posterity ; 
and ofteti, in future generations, his wonderful expedition will be 
cited as a proof of what Americans were " in the brave days of old." 







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REPt'LSE OF THE MEXICAN LANCERS AT PALO ALTO, 



SAMUEL H. WALKER 



HE Mexican war brought into public 
notice a class of men, who, though cel- 
ebrated in Texas, and even on our 
south-western frontier, were less known 
in the northern and eastern states. — 
These were the rangers, a species of 
scouts. Their most prominent leaders 
were Walker, Hays, and Carson. This 
series would be incomplete without a 
notice of at least one of these heroes. 
We shall select Walker, both on account 
of his superior renown, and his un- 
timely death. 

Samuel Hamilton Walker was a native of Prince George county, 
Maryland, where he was born in the year 1S15. At an early period 
of the Florida war he enlisted as a private in the army, and was 
one of Colonel Harney's picked men ; for with that daring soldier 
his boldness and energy soon rendered him a favorite. At the close 
m— n* 27 209 




210 SAMUEL H. WALKER. 

of the war he repaired to Texas and enlisted in the rangers com- 
manded by Colonel Harney. In 1844, with fourteen others, he at- 
tacked and defeated eighty Camanche Indians, leaving thirty-three 
of their number dead on the field. During the battle Walker was 
pinned to the ground by the spear of a savage, but after the action 
it was found no vital part had been touched. He was also one of 
Fisher's expedition against Mier ; and being captured, was marched 
to the castle of Perote with other prisoners. During the journey 
they suffered incredible privations, and finally made their escape ; 
but, being re-taken, were decimated, those to be shot being selected 
by lot. Walker was one of those who drew a white bean. He 
subsequently made a more successful attempt at flight, with eight 
others ; and reaching Texas, after almost incredible sufferings, en- 
tered the revenue service of that state. 

When Taylor marched to the Rio Grande, Walker, at the head of 
a company of rangers, offered his services to the United States and 
was accepted. Being left to keep open the communications between 
Fort Brown and Point Isabel, he brought intelligence to Taylor, on 
the 30th of May, 1S45, of the intention of the Mexicans to surround 
that General's camp. This information led to the famous march on 
Point Isabel. When the bombardment of Fort Brown began, Walker 
volunteered to penetrate through the Mexican army and bring intel- 
ligence from the besieged, a duty which he executed with his accus- 
tomed skill and energy. In the battles of the 9th and 10th of May 
he performed signal service, and was mentioned in such flattering 
terms by General Taylor, that the President, on the formation of the 
regiment of mounted rifles, gave him unsolicited a Captain's com- 
mission. 

He now repaired to the United States, where he enlisted about 
two hundred and fifty men, principally from Maryland and Ken- 
tucky. With these he greatly distinguished himself in keeping the 
guerrillas at bay and opening the communications between Vera 
Cruz and the capital. One of his most brilliant actions was at Hoya, 
on the 20th of September, 1S47. He did not long survive this. On 
the 8th of October, at the battle of Huamantla, he received a mortal 
shot, and died in about thirty minutes afterwards. When he fell, his 
men burst into tears, so greatly was he beloved by them. No more 
heroic soul adorned the war ! 

The personal appearance of Walker was mild and unpretending. 
He was modest, like most truly great men. 




CHAPKLTEPEC AND MOLINA DEL KEY. 



W INFIELD SCOTT 



F we consider only the splendor of his mili- 
tary achievements, Winfield Scott is the 
greatest General the United States has yet 
produced. He may be said to belong to 
two generations, and to have won two repu- 
tations entirely distinct. In his youth he 
: conquered the veterans of Great Britain at 
Chippewa and Lundy's Lane ; in his old age 
"^ he defeated the myriads of Mexico, and 
entered the Capital of the Montezumas in triumph. Hundreds born 
in the last century yet live, who can remember the astonishment 
with which in 1814, they hailed the exploits of the then stripling 
General, and hundreds still survive to tell, in the next century, that 
they fought by his side, when he was grey-headed, at Churubusco, 

Chapultepec and San Cosmo. Cotemporary witnesses will thus carry 

211 




212 



WINFIELD SCOTT. 



his renown through nearly twice the usual term allotted to man. 
Nor will his fame diminish when his last cotemporary shall have 
died ; for true glory, like the shade of the Brocken, grows more 
colossal as it recedes ! 

The military achievements of his youth were gained principally 
by daring, resolution, and tenacity of purpose. It is true that he 
introduced the strictest discipline into his brigade, and that he was 
not destitute of military knowledge ; but the profound science, the 
skill in combination which have distinguished his career in Mexico, 
were but little perceptible in the war of 1S12. The soubriquet then 
bestowed on him of the " fighting General," expresses the verdict 
of that generation. His chief quality, at that day, was his readiness 
for combat and his recklessness as to odds. He gained the battle of 
Chippewa against superior numbers, with his single brigade. At 
Lundy's Lane he began the attack against overwhelming forces, and 
maintained the contest unflinchingly for two hours without assist- 
ance. He was subsequently reinforced, when the battle ended 
triumphantly for the Americans. On both these occasions it was 
his impetuosity of attack, combined with his resolute front, which 
won the day. He united the French gallantry in a charge, with 
the English obstinacy in resisting it. " Hard pounding, this, gentle- 
men, but we will see who can pound the longest," said Wellington 
at Waterloo. It was this tenacity of purpose which was the secret 
of Scott's success in the war of 1S12. The quality was the more 
valuable then, because it was a novelty in the American service. 
The imbecile Generals of the earlier years of that war, the Hulls, 
Dearborns, and Wilkinsons, were haunted by defeat wherever they 
went, and thought more of securing a means of escape than of plan- 
ning a victory. Scott, on the contrary, held that an American soldier 
should never contemplate the possibility of a repulse. 

In this Mexican campaign we see equal resolution, equal obsti- 
nancy of purpose, but far greater skill. The capture of Vera Cruz, 
with the loss of but two officers and a few private soldiers, will be 
referred to in history as one of the most astonishing exploits of the 
century. The city might have been taken sooner, if assault had 
been resorted to ; but how fearful would have been the slaughter ! 
By girdling it with trenches, Scott secured its fall with the sacrifice 
of comparatively little blood; and the town, with its impregnable 
castle, like a strong man in the embraces of an Anaconda, sank 
exhausted. So, in the valley of Mexico, the skill with which he 
turned the approaches to the capital on the east, is only equalled by 
his boldness in advancing when his communications were cut off. 



WINPIELD SCOTT. 21 ) 

His confidence appalled the Mexicans as much as his strategy 
disconcerted them. 

Had Santa Anna been an ordinary General, Scott, on crossing to 
San Antonio, would have found the road to the city almost unde- 
fended ; and would have gained an easy entrance to the capital. 
But the Mexican commander had provided even for this contingency. 
Yet, as he considered it a remote one, his works on the Acapulco 
road were less strong than those in front of El Penon. This alone 
saved Scott. It is questionable, even, if he could have carried the 
gates in which the Acapulco road terminates; he seems to have 
doubted it, at least ; for he turned aside and attacked the San Cosmo 
and Belen gates, which were not so impregnable. It is not certain 
that he would have forced an entrance even here, if the enemy had 
not expected him at the southern gates, where, accordingly, the 
mass of the Mexican artillery was collected. Even after the fall of 
Chapultepec, this delusion on the part of Santa Anna continued, 
that officer still believing that the assault on the San Cosmo and 
Belen gates was a feint, and that the real attack was to be on the 
south, where Twiggs, to maintain the error, thundered incessantly 
with his guns. Mexico fell, therefore, because her Generals were 
out-manoeuvred. The bravery of our troops would, perhaps, have 
been thrown away if it had not been guided by the skill of the 
Commander-in-chief. 

Scott was born near Petersburg, Va., on the 13th of January, 1786. 
His ancestors on both sides were respectable. He lost his father 
while yet a child, and his other parent when he was not quite seven- 
teen. He had been destined for the bar, and for this purpose had 
pursued the usual academical studies. Having spent a year at the 
Richmond High School, he was transferred to William and Mary 
College, where he continued more than eighteen months, chiefly 
occupied in legal studies. He next spent a year in the office of 
David Robertson, Esq., after which he was admitted to practice 
at the bar. The competition in his native state induced him to turn 
his eyes abroad, and he visited Charleston, S. C, with the intention 
of settling there; but this purpose was frustrated by learning that 
he could not practice in that city until after a year's residence. He, 
therefore, returned to Virginia. He had never, however, entertained 
any very strong liking for the dry technicalities, the assiduous labor, 
and the years of unrewarded toil that are inevitable to the li gal 
profession. He believed himself better qualified to succeed as a 
soldier. Fortune soon interposed to assist, him. The attack on the 
frigate Chesapeake had aroused the indignation of the nation ; and 



214 WINFIELD SCOTT. 

a large force of volunteers had been called out. Among these was 
the Petersburg troop of horse, in which Scott hastened to enroll 
himself. His soldierly person, his evident taste for arms, and his 
military abilities which already began to display themselves, attracted 
the attention of influential friends, among others of the Hon. William 
B. Giles; and as Congress had just authorized an increase of the 
army, that gentleman asked one of the new commissions for Scott. 
Accordingly, on the 3rd of May, 1808, Scott was created a Captain 
of light artillery. 

He immediately proceeded to recruit his company, and, in 1809, 
was ordered to Louisiana. Here he made himself an enemy in 
Wilkinson, by freely stating his opinion respecting some portions of 
that General's conduct, and the consequence was that Hampton, the 
successor of Wilkinson, became also prejudiced against the young 
Captain. It is probable that Scott was indiscreet. In the end he 
was brought to trial before a court martial, charged with keeping 
back his men's pay, and with being guilty of nn officer-like conduct 
by calling Wilkinson a traitor. He was found guilty and suspended 
for one year. The only important accusation was the first ; and 
that arose from Scott's negligence in not taking proper receipts. 
The whole amount of the alleged delinquency was but fifty dollars. 
Even the court, which was manifestly hostile to him, acquitted Scott 
of all fraudulent intention. The inhabitants of the neighborhood 
shewed their estimate of the case by tendering Scott a public dinner, 
which he accepted. The year of his suspension he spent in Virginia 
occupied in the study of his profession : in one sense, therefore, his 
temporary dismissal proved fortunate ; since it fitted him more 
speedily than he otherwise could have been, for the responsibilities 
of the approaching contest with Great Britain. 

In June, 1812, war was declared. Scott's sentence had only ex- 
pired towards the close of 1811 ; yet his suspension did not affect his 
position ; for, within eight months, in July, 1812, he was made Lieu- 
tenant-Colonel, overleaping the intermediate grade of Major. He 
immediately proceeded to the Niagara frontier, in command of the 
companies of Towson and Barker ; and was stationed at Black Rock 
to protect the navy-yard established there. It was while here that 
he detached Towson, with a portion of his company, to assist Lieu- 
tenant Elliott of the navy in cutting out two British armed brigs 
from under the guns of Fort Erie. This was on the 8th of October, 
1812. A few days afterwards, General Van Renssalaer made his 
unfortunate attack on Queenstown. Scott arrived by a forced march 
to participate in this battle, and was one of the few who succeeded 



WINFIELD SCOTT. 215 

in crossing into Canada. He fought at the head of about five hun- 
dred men. with great intrepidity, and for a long time after resistance 
seemed vain. Having finally surrendered he was carried to Quebec 
with his troops. Here, being in the cabin of a transport, he heard 
an uproar on deck, and, hastening up, found the British officers 
mustering his men, and separating from the rest such as confessed 
themselves to be Irishmen, with the intention of sending them to 
England to be tried for bearing arms against their country. Twenty- 
three had been selected when Scott appeared ; and there were at 
least forty more liable to be taken. He immediately ordered the 
remainder of the men not to answer questions, which effectually 
concealed their origin and frustrated the aim of the enemy : then, in 
spite of the threats of the British officers, he addressed the twenty- 
three selected, telling them not to be alarmed, and pledging himself 
that the United States would make their cause her own, and retaliate 
for any injury they might suffer. He kept his word, moreover; and 
though the men were carried to England, the attitude assumed in 
their behalf by the United States was so threatening and firm, that 
the contemplated proceedings against them were finally dropped. 
The prisoners returned to their adopted country, in 1815, after an 
absence of three years ; for so long had the controversy been pro- 
longed. By one of those coincidences which sometimes make real 
life more improbable than fiction, Scott happened to be passing 
along the quay at New York, when they landed, and being recog- 
nized, was greeted with loud and continued cheers. 

Scott was not long in being exchanged after his capture, and in 
May, 1S13, joined the army at Niagara, with the titular rank of 
Adjutant-General. On the 27th of that month he participated in 
the attack on Fort George, leading the forlorn hope, and scaling the 
bank on landing, in face of the enemy's bayonets. When the fort 
fell he hauled down the British flag with his own hands. He after- 
wards pursued the enemy for several miles, and would probably 
have captured most of the fugitives, but that he was recalled by his 
superior, General Boyd, at the very moment he had overtaken the 
British rear. Scott could not conceal his chagrin. He had already 
neglected two successive orders sent him to return, saying to the 
messengers, " Your General does not know I have the enemy in my 
power; in twenty minutes I shall capture his whole force." The 
ardor of the young soldier was wiser, as subsequent events proved, 
than the temerity of his old superiors ; and the war never prospered 
until he, and others like him, had supplanted the imbecile old Mar- 
tuiets who were, for two years, the curse of the army. 



216 WINFIELD SCOTT. 

In July, 1312, Scott was elevated to the command of a double 
regiment, on which occasion he resigned his place as Adjutant-General. 
In the autumn of that year, Wilkinson undertook his descent of the 
St. Lawrence, which ended so disgracefully. Scott, at that time in 
command of Fort George, was eager to participate in the expedition, 
and having obtained permission, joined the main army at Ogdens- 
burg on the 6th of November. He was placed in the advance, and 
consequently was not present at the battle of Chrystler's Fields, 
which was fought, by the rear, on the 11th of November. The 
indecisive character of this conflict, the illness of Wilkinson, and the 
failure of Hampton to reach the rendezvous at St. Regis in season, 
induced the Commander-in chief to abandon the enterprise : a most 
unfortunate decision, since Scott, on the very day Chrystler's Fields 
was fought, had routed the British at Loop-Hole Creek, and was 
confident that with a regiment of dragoons and a flying battery, he 
could have pushed on and entered Montreal in triumph. But, though 
forced to retire by the commands of Wilkinson, Scott had won the 
plaudits of the country by his daring bravery in this campaign. 
Accordingly, in March, 1S14, he was elevated to the rank of Briga- 
dier-General, and made second in rank on the Niagara frontier. 

The campaign that followed was the most brilliant of the war. 
In another place we have described it at length. Preparatory to it, 
Scott thoroughly drilled his brigade : and the beneficial consequences 
were seen at the battle of Chippewa. Here many of his men met 
the foe for the first time. The British were mostly veterans, and 
had the confidence arising from former victories. Yet so thoroughly 
did Scott infuse his own heroic spirit into the soldiers, that the ene- 
my was routed by inferior numbers. In this battle McNeil's batta- 
lion marched steadily forward, in the face of a withering fire, until 
within eighty paces of the foe, when Scott calling on the men to 
charge with the bayonet, they rushed on the hostile ranks and swept 
them from the field. A few days after, Scott participated in the bat- 
tle of Lundy's Lane, the most fiercely contested struggle of the war. 
On this field, both he and the Commander-in-chief were wounded, 
the former dangerously so. In consequence of his wound he was 
disabled from service until the close of the war ; and for a month, 
during which he lay at Buffalo and Williamsville, his recovery was 
considered doubtful. As soon as his strength would allow, he pro- 
ceeded to Philadelphia to complete his cure under the eminent sur- 
geons of that city. For his services at Chippewa he was brevetted 
a Major-General, the only instance in this country where that rank 
has been earned in battle at the early age of twenty-eight. He was 



WINFIELD SCOTT. 



217 



subsequently complimented with a vote of thanks from Congress, for 

his skill and gallantry at both Chippewa and Lundy's Lane, and 
also for his general good conduct throughout the war. By the same 





:EMBEia.3. HEM. : H} 

k ©f onnpiKBWA Vi ;: 

JLX5. 18114. 
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COI'Y OF A GOLU MEDAL PRESENTED BY CONGRESS TO GENERM- HCOTT 



vote, on the 3rd of November, 1814, a gold medal was ordered to 
be struck and presented to him. The rapid rise of Scott is without 
a parallel in American military history. It is understood that Madi- 
son at first objected to his promotion to a Lieutenant-Colonelcy over 
the heads of his numerous seniors ; but the sagacity of those officers 
who recommended him was, as events proved, superior to that of 
the President. Next to Brown, the Commander-in-chief, Scott con- 
tributed most to trie victories of 1814. He won those victories by 
thoroughly drilling his troops; by inspiring them with confidence in 
their own powers; and by leading them, in the hour of battle, with 
an intrepidity that shamed cowardice into bravery, and exalted 
courage into heroism. 

After the declaration of peace, Scott was offered the post of Secre- 
tory of War. Many reasons, however, induced him to decline it. 
His youth was a prominent one, but he was also influenced by the 
consideration that both Jackson and Brown, who were bis seniors, 
m — t 28 



218 WINFIELD SCOTT. 

would be compelled to serve under him. He was then solicited to 
take the post, ad interim, until Mr. Crawford, who was subse- 
quently appointed, could return from Paris. This also he declined, 
and on the same grounds. He now visited Europe, under secret 
orders from the government, his mission being to ascertain the views 
of England with respect to Cuba and the revolted colonies of Spain. 
While abroad he devoted all his leisure time to professional im- 
provement. His reputation had preceded him, and he was every- 
where received with distinction. He had thus an opportunity of 
prosecuting his studies to great advantage. On his return to the 
United States, he was assigned the command of the sea-board, and 
fixed his head quarters at New York. In that city, or near it, at Eliza- 
bethtown, N. J., he resided until the Black Hawk war broke out iu 
1832. During the interval, by authority of government, he published 
a system of military discipline, known as the general regulations of 
the army, embracing the whole routine of our army in peace or war. 
He also published a system of infantry tactics, believed to be the 
most perfect in the world. 

It was during this interval also, that a controversy arose between 
him and General Gaines, in reference to brevet rank. Brevet rank 
has always, since its first introduction by Washington, been a source 
of trouble in the army. It affords but a doubtful grade at best, and 
ought either to be abolished or enlarged. We shall reserve a full 
explanation of this difficult subject to our biography of Worth. Scott, 
in his dispute with Gaines, assumed nearly the same ground as 
Worth subsequently took against Twiggs ; and, as in the latter case, 
the decision of the executive was adverse to the claim of brevet 
rank. Scott, on this, tendered his resignation. Jackson was at that 
time President, and unwilling that the army should lose Scott, 
offered the latter a year's furlough, in order to allow him time for 
mature consideration, before taking the final step. Scott availed 
himself of this leave of absence to revisit Europe. On his return, 
finding that public opinion was against him, he withdrew his resig- 
nation. 

When the Black Hawk war devastated the western frontier in 
1832, he was ordered to that quarter from his command in the east. 
This is not the place to narrate the history of that war, and we only 
refer to it for the purpose of illustrating Scott's character. Having 
embarked from Buffalo for Chicago, in the beginning of July, with 
about one thousand soldiers, the cholera suddenly broke out among 
the troops. The consternation immediately became general. Men 
who would have rushed to the cannon's mouth undaunted, shrank from 



WINFIELD SCOTT. 210 

encountering death in this new and terrible snape. Of less than two 
hundred and fifty persons on board the steamboat in which General 
Scott had embarked, fifty-two died before reaching Chicago, and eighty 
were landed sick at that place. In a word, the boat had become a 
lazar house. In this awful crisis, Scott laid aside his rank, and 
taking his life, as it were, in his hand, went from cot to cot, person- 
ally ministering to the invalids, and encouraging others by his calm 
confidence. There are two sorts of heroism. The first is active^ 
like that which we see on the battle-field : it is the heroism of excite- 
ment, impetuosity, enthusiasm. This Scott had evinced at Lundy's 
Lane. But there is another kind of heroism, that which is merely 
passive ; which calmly looks death in the face, when tbere is noth- 
ing but duty to spur us on ; and it was this more glorious heroism 
which Scott now displayed ! 

Of nine hundred and fifty men who left Buffalo, but four hundred 
remained for actual service when the army began its advance into 
the Indian country. On joining General Atkinson at Prairie du 
Chien, Scott learned that Black Hawk had already been defeated. 
The cholera now broke out afresh, and raged with awful violence. 
Its ravages were not confined to the Americans, but extending to the 
savage tribes in their neighborhood, carried terror and death every- 
where. It was as when the angel of the pestilence went through 
Egypt, destroying the first born. Scott, on the occasion, acted with 
the same quiet heroism as during the voyage to Chicago. Not con- 
tent with providing for the comfort of the soldiers, he visited them 
in person, in their sick-beds, and by cheering their drooping spirits, 
contributed as much as the medicine, to their recovery. At last, in 
September, the cholera disappeared. Scott now proceeded to complete 
his duties prior to his returning eastward. Black Hawk had fallen 
into the hands of the Americans in the preceding month, and nothing 
remained for the termination of all difficulties, but to conclude a 
treaty with the Indians. Accordingly, conferences were opened at 
Rock Island, with the Sacs, Foxes, Winnebagoes, and other tribes, 
the commissioners, on the part of the United States, being General 
Scott and Governor Reynolds of Illinois. In a short time the 
treaties were negotiated. For his conduct in tbese transactions. 
Scott was complimented by the Secretary of War, who declared thai 
be had overcome a series of dilliculties requiring higher mora] 
courage than the operations of the most active campaign. The 
verdict of popular opinion was to the same effect. 

Scott returned to New York in October of the same year. In a 
few davs lie was summoned to Washington, where he received an 



220 WINFIELD SCOTT. 

order to repair to Charleston, on a highly important and delicate 
mission. It was the period when South Carolina threatened nullifi- 
cation. Scott was instructed to inspect the forts in Charleston harbor, 
and to reinforce them with troops, as prudence and precaution might 
require. He was also directed to confer with the collector of the 
port, and with the United States District Attorney, and take such 
other steps as they, in concurrence with himself, might think advi- 
sable to maintain the authority of the federal government. He was 
told to leave the execution of the laws to the civil power, unless it 
should prove insufficient, in which case he was to report to the 
President, and await his orders. Scott immediately repaired to 
Charleston, where he acted with a caution and discretion that was 
crowned with the happiest results. Without forgetting his position 
as a United States officer, he omitted no opportunity to conciliate the 
inhabitants of the city. He directed his officers and soldiers to give 
way, on all occasions, to the towns-people, and not even to resent an 
indignity, should one be offered. A fire happening to break out in 
Charleston, Scott despatched the principal portion of his troops to 
the succor of the citizens. By this wise course of conciliation, he 
assisted materially to the pacification of South Carolina. Had a 
single drop of blood been shed in any chance collision between his 
soldiers and the people of Charleston, a civil war would have been 
inevitable, and such a collision would have been the certain conse- 
quence, if any General of less tact and moderation had been sent to 
South Carolina. 

In December, 1S35, Major Dade's command was massacred by 
the Seminole Indians, and the Florida war immediately broke out. 
Scott was ordered to take command of the troops destined to operate 
against the Indians. He left Washington on the 21st of January, 
1836, the day after he received his appointment, and, on his arrival 
in Florida, promptly began active measures to reduce the savages. 
While thus engaged, however, he learned that the Creek Indians 
in Georgia and Alabama, were exhibiting symptoms of disaffection, 
and, accordingly, on the 20th of February, he hastened to this new 
scene. His command was shortly after brought to a close by his 
recall. The causes of this require some explanation. General 
Jessup, his second in command, disapproving of Scott's mode of 
fighting the savages, disobeyed his orders, on which Scott com- 
plained to the department. Jessup, in turn, defended himself. The 
President decided against Scott, ordered his recall, and directed an 
inquiry to be had into the delays and failures of the campaign. 
Scott, on his part, hastened to Washington, and boldly demanded a 



WIXFIELD SCOTT. 22\ 

court-martial. The court was accordingly ordered, with General 
Macomb as President. The result, after a long and elaborate in- 
quiry, was the acquittal of Scott. The Seminole campaign was pro- 
nounced to have been well devised, and to have been ably, steadily, 
and prudently prosecuted. The plan of the Creek campaign was 
declared well calculated to lead to successful results, and to have been 
prosecuted by Scott, as far as practicable, with zeal and ability, 
until his recall. The court did not terminate its sittings until Mr. 
Van Buren had succeeded General Jackson in the executive chair, 
and the new President immediately confirmed its decision. The 
original difficulty between Jackson, and Scott arose chiefly from the 
very opposite notions held by them as to the best method of waging 
an Indian war. The President's views were, perhaps, correct on 
this occasion. Certainly, if any man knew how to fight savages, it 
was the conqueror of the Creeks. 

In 1837, when the insurrection broke out in Canada, Scott was 
deputed to the northern frontier. His task here, as in Charleston, 
was a delicate one. The Americans generally were favorable to 
the revolters, and lost no occasion of displaying their sympathy, or 
affording aid. The relations between the United States and Great 
Britain were placed in continual jeopardy. The prudence of Scott, 
however, averted a collision. His duties on the border had scarcely 
ceased, when he was ordered to superintend the removal of the 
Cherokees from Georgia and the neighboring states, beyond the Mis- 
sissippi. This also was a mission of exceeding difficulty. The 
Cherokees were averse to a removal, declaring that the treaty pro- 
viding for their emigration had been surreptitiously obtained. An ap- 
peal to arms seemed inevitable. So mild and conciliatory, however, 
was the course of Scott, and yet so firm, that the Indians yielded in 
the end, and their removal was effected without any of the alarming 
results which had been foreboded. Scott next served on the north- 
eastern frontier, where the disputes about the Maine boundary ren- 
dered the presence of a General of tact and prudence peculiarly ne- 
cessary. The friendship existing between Scott and the Governor of 
New Brunswick, and which dated back to the war of 1S12, when 
Scott had saved Sir John Harvey's life, contributed, in no slight de- 
gree, to maintain peace between Great Britain and the United 
States at this critical juncture. Scott having first soothed the feelings 
of the people of Maine, proposed frankly to Harvey a mutual with- 
drawal of troops from the disputed territory. Sir John Harvey im- 
mediately acceded to this request. " My reliance on you, my deal 
General." he said in his reply to Scott, "has led me to give my willing 

W. T * 



222 WINFIELD SCOTT. 

assent to your proposition." This was the first step towards healing 
the breach. Subsequently, as is well known, all difficulties between 
the two countries were compromised, and the boundary definitely 
adjusted by the Ashburton treaty. 

On the death of General Macomb, in 1S41, Scott was made a full 
Major-General, and appointed Commander-in-chief of the army. 
When Texas was annexed to the United States, and it was purposed 
to send an army of occupation into the new state, Scott recommended 
that the command of this force should be confided to Brevet-Briga- 
dier-General Taylor, a choice whose wisdom subsequent events have 
fully justified. When the war with Mexico began, Scott was desir- 
ous of joining Taylor with large reinforcements and advancing on 
the capital. In arranging the march of the volunteers, called out 
under the act of Congress, he displayed a mastery over details, 
which, though scarcely appreciated at the time, has since become the 
admiration of the country. A hasty expression in a letter to the Se- 
cretary of War, insinuating a doubt of the government's sincerity 
towards him, induced the President to revoke his original intention 
of entrusting the Mexican war to Scott. Accordingly Scott remained 
at Washington, attending to the ordinary routine of his office, while 
Taylor was marching from victory to victory. At last the public 
opinion, which had at first run strongly against Scott, began to turn. 
His predictions, which had been scoffed at, were verified by events. 
His past services, his eminent ability, and the claims of his rank, 
finally triumphed, and obtained for him the command of the expedi- 
tion against Vera Cruz. He sailed from New York on the 30th of 
November, 1S46, and arrived on the Rio Grande about the close of 
the year. Here he found the troops collected for the siege of Vera Cruz 
less numerous than he had demanded, or than he had been led to 
expect ; and accordingly, the unpleasant alternative was cast upon 
him of delaying the expedition, or stripping Taylor of the remainder 
of the army of the Rio Grande. Scott chose the latter alternative. 
Having collected the divisions of Twiggs, Worth, Patterson, Pillow 
and Quitman, he sailed with them to Cape Antonio Lizardo, where, 
on the 7th of March, the whole invading force was concentrated to 
the number of twelve thousand men. 

The brilliant campaign that followed belongs rather to history 
than to the biography of Scott ; and we have accordingly narrated 
it already in another portion of this work. Never, on this continent, 
were such splendid results reaped in so short a time. On the 10th 
of March the army disembarked near Vera Cruz, and on the 29th 
the city and castle surrendered. On the 18th of April the victory 



WINFIK1.D SCOTT. 2-3 

of Cerro Gordo was won. On the 15th of May Puebla fell into the 
hands of the Americans. A pause of nearly three months now en- 
sued, induced by the necessity of waiting for reinforcements. Scott 
occupied this interval in thoroughly drilling his troops, and in endeav- 
oring to conciliate the leading men among the Mexicans. At last, 
on the 7th of August, having been joined by a sufficient number of 
recruits to raise his effective force to eleven thousand men, he began 
his march on the capital. The battles of Contreras and Churubusco 
followed on the 20th of August ; when the enemy, being defeated 
on both occasions, sued for peace. The negotiations, however, ter- 
minated unfavorably. On the 9th of September hostilities were re- 
sumed by assaulting Molino del Rey, where the Mexicans were 
driven from the field, though fourfold the number of the Americans. 
On the 13th, Chapultepec was stormed and carried. On the 14th, 
Scott entered the city of Mexico in triumph, and took up his quar- 
ters as a conqueror in the national palace. We search in vain for a 
parallel to these astonishing successes, except in the career of Napo- 
leon, or the fabulous legends of old. 

Too much cannot be said of the skill of Scott in this short cam- 
paign of six months. In turning the enemy's position at Cerro Gor- 
do, and thus rendering useless the batteries Santa Anna had erected, 
the American Commander evinced the most consummate generalship. 
So, in his manoeuvres in front of Mexico, he continually rendered 
the preparations of the Mexicans abortive by some skilful move- 
ment, that, evading their stronger positions, precipitated his army 
where it was least expected. There has been an attempt made to 
depreciate the merit of Scott by assigning to various officers import- 
ant suggestions. But a Commander-in-chief should be censured for 
neglecting, rather than for adopting wise counsel. He assumes the 
responsibility of all measures, and as he would be blamed for iheir 
miscarriage, he should be entitled to the glory of their success. Pos- 
terity is always just in this respect. The reputations of the great 
Turenne, of Marlborough, and of other eminent Generals of the past, 
have swallowed up the lesser renown of the many able commanders 
who fought under them, and to whom perhaps, they were indebti d 
for important suggestions. A great General is he who works out 
successes from the resources of others as well as of himself. 

The care with which Scott husbanded his forces, while he main- 
tained also a daring front towards the foe, is another proof of his 
genius. That military commander is the most worthy of applause 
who achieves the largest results with the smallest means. Tried by 
this standard, Scott is one of the greatest commanders of modern 



224 WINFIELD SCOTT. 

times. At Cerro Gordo he overthrew more than twice his own 
numbers. At Churubusco he defeated thirty thousand troops with 
less than nine thousand. At Chapultepec, with even a smaller num- 
ber, he conquered twenty thousand, part of whom were strongly 
fortified on the hill. Molino del Rey was the only battle in the 
whole campaign which was not cheaply earned, and the immense 
slaughter of the Americans there arose from the impossibility of re- 
connoitreing the enemy's position. Another characteristic of Scott, 
was the skill with which he raised his volunteers almost to the level 
of regulars, by disciplining them, by gradually inuring them to com- 
bat, by inspiring them with glorious examples in their officers. 
Always daring, yet never reckless ; always successful, yet rarely 
wasting a single life, Scott, with an army of only eleven thousand 
men, conquered a nation of seven millions, and entered a capital of 
two hundred thousand souls in triumph. The mere announcement 
of such brilliant achievements will hereafter be sufficient for his fame. 
It will be said that the General who could do this, no matter by 
what fortuitous circumstances assisted, was worthy to rank with 
those immortal commanders who fill the Pantheon of military his- 
tory, the Fredericks, Gustavuses and Wallensteins of other days ! 

The assault on Chapultepec, and the subsequent advance to the 
crates of Mexico, are, perhaps, the most brilliant incidents in the war ; 
and the daring, yet prudence of Scott's genius cannot be so well 
understood as by a full comprehension of those decisive affairs. We 
have already narrated, in another place, the fall of Chapultepec, as 
well as the triumphant entry of the Americans into Mexico ; but this 
sketch would be incomplete if we omitted the official despatch, 
describing this latter event. Its narrative is so clear ; its statistics so 
compactly arranged, and its testimony to the general difficulties of the 
campaign so convincing, that it forms a fitting conclusion to this 
rapid summary of the campaign. After describing the fall of Cha- 
pultepec, and the movement of Worth around the foot of the hill, 
where he remained in readiness to follow the enemy along the San 
Cosmo road, Scott continues the animated story thus : — 

" Arriving some minutes later, and mounting to the top of the 
castle, the whole field to the east lay plainly under my view. There 
are two routes from Chapultepec to the capital — the one on the 
right entering the same gate, Relen, with the road from the south, 
via Piedad ; and the other obliquing to the left, to intersect the great 
western, or San Cosmo road, in a suburb outside of the gate of San 
Cosmo. Each of these routes (an elevated causeway) presents a 
double roadway on the sides of an aqueduct of strong masonry and 



WINPIELD SCOTT. 225 

great height, resting on open arches and massive pillars, which 
together afford fine points both for attack and defence. The side- 
ways of both aqueducts are, moreover, defended by many strong 
breastworks at the gates, and before reaching them. As we had 
expected, we found the four tracts unusually dry and solid for the 
season. 

" Worth and Quitman were prompt in pursuing the retreating 
enemy — the former by the San Cosmo acqueduct, and the latter 
along that of Belen. Each had now advanced some hundred yards. 
Deeming it all-important to profit by our successes, and the conse- 
quent dismay of the enemy, which could not be otherwise than 
general, I hastened to despatch from Chapultepec — first Clark's 
brigade, and then Cadwalader's, to the support of Worth, and gave 
orders that the necessary heavy guns should follow. Fierce's brigade 
was, at the same time, sent to Quitman, and, in the course of the 
afternoon, I caused some additional siege pieces to be added to his 
train. Then, after designating the fifteenth infantry, under Lieutenant- 
Colonel Howard — Morgan, the Colonel, had been disabled by a 
wound at Churubusco — as the garrison of Chapultepec, and giving 
directions for the care of the prisoners of war, the captured ordnance 
and ordnance stores, I proceeded to join the advance of Worth, within 
the suburb, and beyond the turn at the junction of the acqueduct 
with the great highway from the west to the gate of San Cosmo. 

" At this junction of roads, we first passed one of those formidable 
systems of city defences, spoken of above, and it had not a gun ! — a 
strong proof, 1. That the enemy had expected us to fail in the attack 
upon Chapultepec, even if we meant any thing more than a feint ; 
2. That, in either case, we designed, in his belief, to return and 
double our forces against the southern gates — a delusion kept up by 
the active demonstrations of Twiggs and the forces posted on that 
side ; and, 3. That advancing rapidly from the reduction of Chapul- 
tepec, the enemy had not time to shift guns — our previous captures 
hud left him, comparatively, but few — from the southern gates. 

" Within those disgarnished works, I found our troops engaged in 
a street fight against the enemy posted in gardens, at windows, and 
on house-tops — all fiat with parapets. Worth ordered forward the 
mountain howitzers of Cadwalader's brigade, preceded by skirmish- 
ers and pioneers, with pickaxes and crowbars, to force windows 
and doors, or to burrow through walls. The assailants were soon in 
an equality of position fatal to the enemy. By eight o'clock in the 
evening, Worth had carried two batteries in this suburb. Accord- 
ing to my instructions, he here posted guards and sentinels, and 

29 



226 WINFIELD SCOTT. 

placed his troops under shelter for the night. There was but one 
more obstacle — the San Cosmo gate, (custom-house.) between him 
and the great square in front of the cathedral and palace, the heart 
of the city ; and that barrier, it was known could not, by daylight 
resist our siege guns thirty minutes. 

"I had gone back to the foot of Chapultepec, the point from which 
the two aqueducts begin to diverge, some hours earlier, in order to 
be near that new depot, and in easy communication with Quitman 
and Twiggs, as well as with Worth. From this point I ordered all 
detachments and stragglers to their respective corps, then in advance ; 
sent to Quitman additional siege guns, ammunition, intrenching 
fools; directed Twiggs' remaining brigade (Riley's) from Piedad, to 
support Worth and Captain Steptoe's field-battery, also at Piedad, 
to rejoin Quitman's division. 

" I had been, from the first, well aware that the western, or San 
Cosmo, was the less difficult route to the centre, and conquest of the 
capital, and therefore intended that Quitman should only manoeuvre 
and threaten the Belen or south-western gate, in order to favor the 
main attack by Worth, knowing that the strong defences at the 
Belen were directly under the guns of the much stronger fortress, 
called the citadel, just within. Both of these defences of the enemy 
were also within easy supporting distance from the San Angel (or 
Nino Perdido) and San Antonio gates. Hence the greater support 
in numbers, given to Worth's movement as the main attack. 

" These views I repeatedly, in the course of the day, communicated 
to Major-General Quitman; but being in hot pursuit — gallant him- 
self, and ably supported by Brigadier-Generals Shields and Smith, 
Shields badly wounded before Chapultepec, and refusing to retire, 
as well as by all the officers and men of the column — Quitman con- 
tinued to press forward, under flank and direct fires, carried an inter- 
mediate battery of two guns, and then the gate, before two o'clock 
in the afternoon, but not without proportionate loss, increased by his 
steady maintenance of that position. 

" Here, of the heavy battery, (4th artillery,) Captain Drum and 
Lieutenant Benjamin were mortally wounded, and Lieutenant Por- 
ter, its third in rank, slightly. The loss of those two most distin- 
guished officers the army will long mourn. Lieutenants J. B. Mo- 
range and William Canty, of the South Carolina volunteers, also of 
high merit, fell on the same occasion, besides many of our bravest 
non-commissioned officers and men, particularly in Captain Drum's 
veteran company. I cannot, in this place, give names or numbers; 
but full returns of the killed and wounded, of all corps, in their 
recent operations, will accompany this report. 



WINFIELD SCOTT. 



227 



" Quitman within the city — adding several new defences to the 
position he had won, and sheltering his corps as well as practicable 
— now awaited the return of daylight under the guns of the formi- 
dable citadel, yet to be subdued. 

"About four o'clock next morning, (September 14,) a deputation 
of the ayuntamiento (city council) waited upon me to report that 
the federal government and the army of Mexico had fled from the 
capital some three hours before; and to demand terms of capitula- 
tion in favor of the church, the citizens, and the municipal authori- 
ties. I promptly replied, tbat I would sign no capitulation ; that the 
city had been virtually in our possession from the time of the lodg- 
ments effected by Worth and Quitman, the day before ; that I re- 
gretted the silent escape of the Mexican army ; that I should levy on 




GRAND PLAZA (OR GRKAT SQUARE) CifY OF MEXICO. 



the city a moderate contribution, for special purposes ; and that the 
American army should come under no terms not self-imposed : such 
only as its own honor, the dignity of the United States, and the 
spirit of the age, should, in my opinion, imperiously demand and 
impose. 



228 WINFIELD SCOTT. 

" At the termination of the interview with the city deputation, I 
communicated, about daylight, orders to Worth and Quitman to 
advance slowly and cautiously (to guard against treachery,) towards 
the heart of the city, and to occupy its stronger and more command- 
ing points. Quitman proceeded to the great plaza or square, planted 
guards, and hoisted the colors of the United States on the national 
palace, containing the halls of Congress and executive departments 
of federal Mexico. In this grateful service, Quitman might have 
been anticipated by Worth, but for my express orders, halting the 
latter at the head of the Alameda, (a green park,) within three 
squares of that goal of general ambition. The capital, however, was 
not taken by any one or two corps, but by the talent, the science, 
the gallantry, the prowess of this entire army. In the glorious con- 
quest, all had contributed, early and powerfully, the killed, the 
wounded, and the fit for duty, at Vera Cruz, Cerro Gordo, Coutreras, 
San Antonio. Churubusco, (three battles,) the Molino del Rey and 
Chapultepec, as much as those who fought at the gates of Belen 
and San Cosmo. 

" Soon after we had entered, and were in the act of occupying the 
city, a fire was opened upon us from the flat roofs of the houses, 
from windows and corners of streets, by some two thousand convicts, 
liberated the night before by the flying government, joined by, per- 
haps, as many Mexican soldiers, who had disbanded themselves, and 
thrown off their uniforms. This unlawful war lasted more than 
twenty-four hours, in spite of the exertions of the municipal autho- 
rities, and was not put down till we had lost many men, including 
several officers, killed or wounded, and had punished the miscreants. 
Their object was to gratify national hatred, and in the general 
alarm and confusion, to plunder the wealthy inhabitants, particularly 
the deserted houses. But families are now generally returning; 
business of every kind has been resumed, and the city is already 
tranquil and cheerful, under the admirable conduct (with exceptions 
very few and trifling) of our gallant troops." 

Scott then contrasts the smallness of his own force compared 
with that of the enemy ; and in a strain of honest exultation, re- 
hearses the disasters he has inflicted on the enemy. "Leaving," 
he says, "as we all feared, inadequate garrisons at Vera Cruz, Pe- 
rote, and Puebla, with much larger hospitals ; and being obliged, 
most reluctantly, from the general paucity of numbers, to abandon 
Jalapa, we marched on the 7th of August, from Puebla, with only 
ten thousand seven hundred and thirty-eight rank and file. This 
number includes the garrison of Jalapa, and the two thousand four 



WINFIELD SCOTT. 22!> 

hundred and twenty-nine men brought up by Brigadier-General 
Pierce, on August the 6th. 

" At Contreras and Churubusco, we had but eight thousand four 
hundred and ninety-seven men engaged — after deducting the garri- 
son of San Augustin, the intermediate sick and the dead; at the 
Molino del Rey, but three brigades, with some cavalry and artillery 
— making in all three thousand two hundred and fifty-one men — 
were in the battle. In the two days, September 12th and 13th, our 
whole operating force, after deducting again, the recent killed, 
wounded and sick, together with the garrison of Miscoac, the gene- 
ral depot, and that of Tacubaya, was but seven thousand one hun- 
dred and eighty ; and, finally, after deducting the new garrison of 
Chapultepec, with the killed and wounded of the two days, we took 
possession of this great capital with less than six thousand men. 
And I re-assert, upon accumulated and unquestionable evidence, that 
in not one of those conflicts was this army opposed by fewer than 
three and a half times its numbers — in several of them, by a yet 
greater excess. 

" I recapitulate our losses since we arrived in the basin of Mexico : 
August 19, 20 — killed, one hundred and thirty-seven, including four- 
teen officers. Wounded, eight hundred and seventy-seven, includ- 
ing sixty-two officers. Missing, (probably killed,) thirty-eight rank 
and file. Total, one thousand and fifty-two. September S — killed, 
one hundred and sixteen, including nine officers. Wounded, six hun- 
dred and sixty-five, including forty-nine officers. Missing, eighteen 
rank and file. Total, seven hundred and eighty-nine. September 
12, 13, 14 — killed, one hundred and thirty, including ten officers. 
Wounded, seven hundred and three, including sixty-eight officers. 
Missing, twenty-nine rank and file. Total, eight hundred and sixty- 
two. Grand total of losses, two thousand seven hundred and three, 
including three hundred and eighty-three officers. 

" On the other hand, this small force has beaten on the same occa- 
sions, in view of their capital, the whole Mexican army, which, at 
the beginning, numbered thirty-odd thousand men. This army was 
posted, always in chosen positions, behind intrenchments, or more 
formidable defences of nature and art. We killed or wounded of 
that number, more than seven thousand officers and men ; took three 
thousand seven hundred and thirty prisoners, one-seventh olficers, 
including thirteen Generals, of whom three had been Presidents of 
this Republic; and captured more than twenty colors and standards, 
seventy-five pieces of ordnance, besides fifty-seven wall pieces, 
twenty thousand small-arms, an immense quantity of shots, shells, 
m — u 



230 WINFIELP SCOTT. 

powder, &c, &c. Of that enemy, once so formidable in numbers, 
appointments, artillery, &c, twenty-odd thousand have disbanded 
themselves in despair, leaving, as is known, not more than three frag- 
ments — the largest about two thousand five hundred — now wander- 
ing in different directions, without magazines or a military chest, 
and living at free quarters upon their own people." 

After his occupation of the capital, Scott proceeded, in compliance 
with the orders of the President, to levy contributions on the differ- 
ent towns in Mexico. He also, sent out detachments to overrun the 
country and complete its conquest in detail. The securing of an 
honorable and lasting peace, was an object never absent from his 
nind ; and he lost no opportunity, therefore, of propitiating the lead- 
ing men of Mexico whom he thought likely to favor his wishes. It 
was in a measure through his exertions that the treaty was subse- 
quently negotiated by Mr. Trist. 

The government of the United States, however, did not agree 
with their General in all particulars, and, after a correspondence 
between Scott and the Secretary of War, which grew warmer 
with each letter, it was determined to deprive him of his com- 
mand and bring his conduct before a court of inquiry. General 
Towson was ordered to Mexico to act as President of this court. 
When the court of inquiry met, however, the charges intended to 
have been made against Scott, were withdrawn. 

Scott took leave of the army in Mexico, his companions in so many 
dangers, in a temperate and appropriate address, in the course of 
which he complimented his successor, General Butler. The parting 
between Scott and his old soldiers was affecting. Even those who 
had been alienated from him forgot, on this occasion, their animosi- 
ties, and saw, with regret, the loss of that profound military genius 
which had sown their path with victories. 

Scott is a severe disciplinarian. The execution of the deserters 
captured at Churnbusco is defended on the ground of necessity ; but 
it is a question whether the ends of justice would not have been 
equally well obtained, if these men had been ignominiously drummed 
out of camp. 

In person Scott is over six feet high ; his bearing is soldierly and 
dignified. 




DAVID E. TWIGGS 




HERE are two classes of men 
who become famous in the mili- 
tary profession. The first are 
those who excel in tactics and 
strategy, but are not remarkable 
for any peculiar heroism of cha- 
racter. The second, with less of 
I scientific knowledge, possess more 
of the true qualities of the soldier, 
and are known, in military phrase, 
«&ilpf|||lf as fighting men. There is still a 
^^i^^X^-^'^^^ third description, though their 

numbers are so lew as scarcely 
to entitle them to be considered a class, who unite heroism of cha- 
racter with the highest intellectual attainments. Of this latter num- 
ber is Scott. Twiggs, the subject of the present sketch, belongs to 
the second class. 

231 



232 DAVID E. TWIGGS. 

David E. Twiggs, a Brigadier-General in the line of the army, is 
the fifth son of General John Twiggs, of revolutionary memory, 
whose services in that stormy era in behalf of his native state, won 
for him the name of the " Saviour of Georgia." The subject of oar 
memoir was born in Richmond county, Georgia, in the year 1790. 
He finished his collegiate course in Franklin College, at Athens : 
and subsquently studied law in Augusta, with the late Thomas 
Flournoy. His mind, however, had more of a military, than a legal 
turn, and hence, when the war of 1S12 broke out, he solicited a 
commission ; and being appointed a Captain of infantry, has served, 
from that time to this, in the army of his country. 

Dunns: the war he was retained on the south-eastern frontier, 
where no opportunity was afforded for signal distinction. He 
fulfilled his duties, however, in so exemplary a manner that, on the 
declaration of peace, he was not only retained in the service, but 
brevetted a Major. In 1S17, when Gaines commanded on the Flo- 
rida border, a body of Indians at a place called Foultown, refused 
to emigrate according to stipulation. In consequence, Major Twiggs 
was sent against them with two hundred and fifty men. On the 
march, the Indians assailed his command. But, after a desperate 
fight, Twiggs came off victorious, killing and wounding a large 
number of the savages. He then pursued his route to Foultown, 
which he found deserted. After destroying the place, he returned 
to head-quarters, where his gallantry was warmly commended by 
General Gaines. Soon after, Jackson was sent to supersede Gaines ; 
and, on the 7th of March, ISIS, under his orders, Twiggs captured 
St. Marks, the first town taken from Spain in this contest. At the 
trial of Arbuthnot and Ambrister, English subjects who were exe- 
cuted by Jackson for abetting the Indians, Twiggs was present, and 
approved of the decision of the Commander-in-chief. 

Many years of peace succeeded these events, during which no 
opportunity for distinction was afforded to the army. Twiggs, 
meantime, rose to be Lieutenant-Colonel of the fourth infantry. 
At last the Black Hawk war occurred. Twiggs was now ordered 
with his regiment to the seat of hostilities, and was on board the 
steamboat Henry Clay when the cholera broke out, during her voy- 
age up the lakes. In the biography of Scott we have described the 
horrors of that fearful time. Twiggs, finding that the boat on which 
he had embarked was become a pest-house, assumed the responsi- 
bility of landing his command at Fort Gratiot, on the lower end of 
Lake Huron. The last person to leave the boat was Twiggs himself. 
But the sufferings of the troops were not yet at an end. The pesti- 



DAVID E. TWIGGS. 233 

Ience followed them, though in a mitigated form, and a large num- 
ber perished of the disease. Others, appalled by the fear of infection, 
deserted, and many of them died miserably in the wilderness, where 
the wolves devoured their bodies. 

The frank, brave character of Twiggs early recommended him to 
Jackson, with whom indeed he possessed many points in common. 
Accordingly the latter, now become President, assigned Twiggs the 
command of the arsenal at Augusta, a gratifying appointment to the 
recipient, since it placed him in a vicinity endeared to him from child- 
hood. The post, at that time, was of great importance, for it was the 
period of the nullification excitement, and, in case of an outbreak, 
the protection of the arms at Augusta would have been of the most 
vital moment. Subsequently, Twiggs was stationed at New Orleans ; 
and in the latter place he continued to reside for a considerable time. 

When the Florida war broke out, Twiggs was ordered to the scene 
of hostilities. The murder of Major Dade and his command had 
exasperated the army, a feeling in which the nation shared at large. 
The desire to meet the Indians burned in every bosom. The battle 
of Withlagoochie, fought by Gaines, and in which Twiggs was second 
in command, gratified in part this desire for revenge. On the eighth 
of June, 1 836, Twiggs was appointed Colonel of the second regiment 
of dragoons, then directed to be raised. The organization of this 
new command had scarcely been completed when he was ordered 
to Florida. The character of the war was now, however, changed. 
The territory was dotted with small posts, which divided the num- 
bers and impaired the strength of the army ; and in consequence no 
more general actions were fought. Besides, the Indians were averse 
to pitched battles, preferring a desultory warfare by ambushes and 
surprises. The services of Twiggs were arduous, but not brilliant. 
He was finally succeeded in his command by Worth, and for several 
years following, owing to family afflictions, remained on furlough. 

When General Taylor was ordered to Corpus Christi, Twiggs, at 
the head of two squadrons of dragoons, was detached to join him. 
Here a difficulty occurred between him and Worth, which led to the 
latter's resignation. We have detailed this affair, at sufficient length, 
in the biography of Worth. At the battle of Palo Alto, Twiggs, as 
second in command, led the right wing of the American army. On 
this occasion, as well as at Resaca de la Palma, he behaved with 
that indomitable bravery which is his characteristic. General Tay- 
lor, in his despatches, compliments Twiggs highly. On the fall of 
Matamoras, Twiggs was appointed Governor of that place. Congress 
having authorised the creation of two new Brigadiers, he was shortly 
m— u* 30 



234 



DAVID E. TWIGGS. 




FIGHTING IN THE STREETS IN MuNTERElf. 



after appointed to one of the commissions. At Monterey, Twiggs 
commanded a division on the eastern side of the town. It was here 
that the most terrible fighting, perhaps, of the whole siege, occurred. 
On the third day he dashed into the city, drove the enemy along the 
streets, and was rapidly approaching Worth, who was advancing from 
the other side, when the capitulation took place. Twiggs was now 
appointed Governor of the town, when, as at Matamoras, his strict 
discipline, combined with impartial justice, maintained order. He 
remained at Monterey until summoned, with his veteran troops, to 
join General Scott, when the latter was about to begin the siege of 
Vera Cruz. 

Vera Cruz fell ; and now began that famous march to Mexico, 
which has had no parallel since the days of Cortez ! On the 17th 
of April the army arrived at the pass of Cerro Gordo, which was 
held by Santa Anna at the head of twenty thousand men. The 
chief work of that bloody day fell on Twiggs. He had been ordered 
to turn the enemy's left, and, by occupying the national road in 
Santa Anna's rear, to cut off all retreat. This duty he performed in 
the most splendid manner. During the advance of Twiggs on this 
occasion, he detacned a part of his division to carry the height of 



DAVID E. TWIGGS. 235 

Cerro Gordo. This acclivity was crowned with a tower, and formed 
the key to the enemy's position. "The brigade," says Scott in his 
despatches, alluding to this movement, " ascended the long and dif- 
ficult slope of Cerro Gordo, without shelter, and under a tremendous 
fire of artillery and musketry, with the utmost steadiness, reached 
the breastworks, drove the enemy from them, planted the colors of 
the first artillery, third and seventh infantry — the enemy's flag still 
flying — and after some minutes of sharp firing, finished the conflict 
with the bayonet." 

Twiggs was not personally present at the decisive struggle at Con- 
treras, on the morning of the 20th of August, though he had been 
engaged in the action of the early part of the preceding afternoon. 
As the ground in the front of the enemy was too broken for horses, 
Twiggs, at that time suffering from lameness, was compelled to re- 
tire to his head-quarters. In the subsequent operations of the 20th, 
however, he played an active part. Marching with his division 
across the country, he was the first to reach Churubusco. The route 
by which he approached the village runs nearly at right angles to 
the Acapulco road, and about, four hundred yards before joining it, 
is defended by a hacienda of great strength. As Worth was advan- 
cing along the Acapulco road, it became necessary to carry the haci- 
enda before a union could be effected with the latter General. 
The share of Twiggs in the battle of Churubusco is thus modestly 
stated in his report to the Commander-in-chief. The narrative takes 
up the thread of events immediately after the victory of Contreras. 
" Pursuing a small retreating force," says Twiggs, " through the 
villages of San Angel and Santa Catarina, we gave them occasion- 
ally a running fire until we arrived in front of Churubusco. Here 
the enemy were in a strongly fortified position, with seven pieces of 
cannon and several thousand bayonets, a large body of lancers 
guarding the approach to the right of their work, which was incom- 
plete. I now came to a halt, by order of the General-in-chief, for 
the purpose of having a reconnoisance made. Lieutenant Stevens, 
of the engineers, was sent forward to look at the enemy's position, 
supported by the company of sappers and miners. He reported a 
good position for Taylor's battery towards the left of the work, from 
which it was practicable to drive from the roof and walls of the 
church such of the enemy as, from their elevated position, could 
annoy my foot-troops destined to storm the work surrounding the 

church. 

"The battery was accordingly ordered up. It opened with great 
spirit, and remained under a most galling and destructive fire of 



236 DAVID E. TWIGGS. 

grape, round-shot, shell and musketry, for an hour and a half; by 
which time, having accomplished the desired object, it was with- 
drawn, much crippled in officers, men and horses. In the meantime, 
Smith's brigade was ordered in the same direction the battery took, 
immediately in front of the work, and Riley's further to our left, 
with a view of turning and gaining entrance to the open portion of 
the intrenchments on the enemy's right. After an uninterrupted and 
severe fire on both sides for two hours my troops entered the work. 
All the regiments were close at hand, and shared equally in the 
dangers and honors of the day. General Rincon, the commander 
of the place, and two other general officers, together with several 
others of rank, in all numbering one hundred and four, and one 
thousand one hundred and fifty five non-commissioned officers and 
privates, prisoners of war, seven pieces of cannon, and a large num- 
ber of small arms, and some ammunition, fell into our hands. This 
closed the operations of my division, which had been under arms in 
the face of the enemy without intermission for thirty hours, and 
achieved one of the most glorious triumphs to the American arms !" 

At Molino del Rey Twiggs was not in action, that battle being 
fought almost entirely by the division of Worth. When, however, 
Scott determined to assault Chapultepec he sent for the veteran di- 
visions of Twiggs and Worth, and from them selected the storming 
party. In the operations that succeeded, to Twiggs was entrusted 
the delicate task of making a false attack on the southern gates, 
while Worth and Quitman assaulted the garitas of Belen and San 
Cosmo. The importance of the services of Twiggs on this occasion, 
may be best understood by imagining what might have been the 
consequences, if, in the ardor for glory, he had converted his feigned, 
into a real attack, and thus, perhaps, prevented the success of the 
whole operations. But cool and circumspect, he admirably executed 
his instructions. He maintained so fierce a cannonade on the gates in 
his front, that the enemy were convinced that this was to be the 
main point of attack ; nor was it until Chapultepec had fallen, when 
it was too late to shift the heavy guns, that the secret was discovered. 

General Twiggs is about six feet high, and stout in proportion. 
He has a fine, soldierly look, though he begins to wear, in his face, 
the marks of hard service and of age. He is a strict disciplinarian, 
but. kind to his men. Perhaps no man in the army, after Taylor, is 
so popular with the soldiers. 

Twiggs received, in May, 1848, the brevet of Major-General, to 
date from the capture of Monterey. 




VERA ClU'Z. 



JOSEPH G. TOTTEN 







entific 



rivers 



HE Military Academy at West Point has 
proved of inestimable service to our army hi 
the war with Mexico. There was a day when 
it was the fashion to decry this institution, and 
to ridicule its graduates as being dandies rather 
than soldiers. But, like the officers of the En- 
glish guards who were the heroes of Waterloo, 
the cadets of West Point have been foremost 
wherever occasion demanded it. At Okee Cho- 
bee, Pelaklaklaha, Fort Fanning, Palo Alto, 
and Resaca de la Palma, every officer who died 
was a graduate, and every one died with a 
wound in his front. In other fields, where 
skill rather than bravery was required, the sci- 
knowledge of the West Point cadets saved the effusion of 
of blood. An instance of this occurred at Vera Cruz, where 

237 



23S JOSEPH G. TOTTEN. 

Colonel Totten, one of the oldest graduates of the academy, had the 
general direction of the siege operations. 

Joseph G. Totten was born in Connecticut, abont the year 17S6. 
He was first appointed to the army in 1805; but for some cause 
unknown to us, he resigned. On the approach of war, he re- 
sumed his old profession. In 1810 he was made a Lieutenant, and 
in 1812 a Captain. On the 6th of June, lS12,he received the brevet 
of Major for meritorious services, and shortly after, at the battle of 
Queenstown, was made a prisoner by the British. Subsequently, 
being exchanged, he was present at Plattsburg, as chief engineer of 
General Macomb's army, on which occasion he was thanked in 
general orders and rewarded with the brevet of Lieutenant-Colonel. 
He continued in the army after the peace. In 1818, he became 
Major of the engineers. In 1824, the brevet of Colonel was bestowed 
on him. He was promoted to be a full Lieutenant-Colonel in 1828; 
and in 1S38 was appointed to his present rank of chief engineer. 

As the head of the corps of engineers Totten had the entire con- 
trol in throwing up the works at Vera Cruz. On this occasion, art 
was carried to its utmost limits. The lines constructed by him were 
the admiration of military men of all countries, and proved that, 
notwithstanding a long peace, the officers of the United States army 
were adepts in their profession. That a city so admirably fortified 
should fall in so short a time must ever redound to the glory of Tot- 
ten. Next to Scott, the head of the engineer corps should enjoy the 
renown of that capture. The Commander-in-chief, in his official 
despatch, says : — " In consideration of the great services of Colonel 
Totten, in the siege that has just terminated so successfully, and the 
importance of his presence at Washington as the head of the engi- 
neer-bureau, I entrust this despatch to his personal care, and beg to 
commend him to the very favorable consideration of the department." 

The engineer corps of the United States army is its vitality. It 
has charge of the preservation of all existing forts, and of the con- 
struction of all new ones. In an active campaign its officers are 
entrusted with the preparation of whatever field-works may be con- 
sidered necessary. All storming parties are generally led by mem- 
bers of this corps. Without the services of the engineers at Monte- 
rey, Vera Cruz, Cerro Gordo, and Chapultepec, those victories would 
have been changed into defeats. The chief of the corps of engineers 
is, ex officio, Inspector of the Academy at West Point. 

In both person and countenance Totten is graceful ; and seems 
younger than he really is. 




ROBERT PATTERSON 




on the 12th of January, 1792. 



NE of the earliest appointments 
to the army, after the Mexican 
war began, was that of Robert 
Patterson, of Philadelphia, to be 
a Major-General. This gentle- 
man had long served as Major- 
General of the first division of 
Pennsylvania militia, and his 
selection by the President was 
a delicate compliment to the 
people of that state, for their 
alacrity in furnishing volunteers. 
Patterson was born near Stra- 
bane, Tyrone county, Ireland. 
His father emigrated to America in 

239 



240 ROBERT PATTERSON". 

1798, in consequence of having been engaged in the Irish Rebellion, 
and settled in Delaware county, Pennsylvania. Young Patterson 
became early engaged in trade, and with such success as ultimately 
to render him one of the wealthiest citizens of Philadelphia. 

His military career began in the war of 1812, when he entered 
the army as a Lieutenant. He served for some time on the staff of 
Brigadier-General Bloomfield, and, on the 19th of April, 1814, was 
commissioned Captain in the thirty-second infantry. On the close 
of the war he retired from the service, but devoting his leisure hours 
to the volunteer service, rose successively to be a Brigadier, and then 
Major-General of the Pennsylvania militia. His appointment to the 
army in Mexico bears date January the 7th, 1846. 

On the Rio Grande, Patterson was, at one time, in command of 
an army of eleven thousand men. He was preparing for a descent 
on Tampico, when he received orders to join Scott in the latter's ex- 
pedition against Vera Cruz. During the action at Madeline river, 
near the latter place, Patterson brought up a reinforcement of Ten- 
nessee volunteers, but generously declined to supersede Colonel 
Harney. At Cerro Gordo sickness prevented his leading his division, 
and the command devolved on Pillow. Soon after this battle he 
returned to the United States, being left without a suitable command 
in consequence of the expiration of the terms of so many volunteers. 
On his retirement Scott complimented him as follows in general 
orders : — " This distinguished general officer will please accept the 
thanks of the General-in-chief, for the gallant, able, and efficient 
support uniformly received from the second in rank in the army." 

In October, 1S47, Patterson returned to Mexico. In person he 
is tall and soldierly. 





BATTLE OF CONTRERAS. 



PERSIFER F. SMITH. 




HE hero of Contreras was Colonel P. F. Smith, 
at that time a Brigadier-General by brevet. On. 
the night preceding that brilliant victory, when 
even the boldest were beginning to despair, his 
heroic spirit was the salvation of his troops. Si- 
lently forming his men before daybreak, he made 
£====_ a short appeal to their courage, and then led 
"them to that immortal charge which decided the 
day. 

Smith was born in Philadelphia, where his connexions still reside. 
His family was highly respectable. At a comparatively early age he 
left his native town and settled in Louisiana. An inclination for arms 
was always a prominent feature in his character. His first appearance 
in the field, however, was in the Florida war, where he commanded 
a body of volunteers, raised by requisition in Louisiana. He ac- 
quitted himself in this first campaign in the most creditable manner. 
Indeed, to his conduct on this occasion, may be attributed the op- 
portunity he has since enjoyed of acquiring rank and fame in (he 
war with Mexico ; for Taylor, having formed a high estimate of his 
abilities in Florida, made it an especial request, when he called on 

31 241 



M — W 



242 PERSIFER F. SMITH. 

the Governor of Louisiana for volunteers in 184G, that Smith should, 
if possible, accompany them. 

The organization of a new regiment, to be composed of mounted 
riflemen, about this time afforded the President of the United States 
an opportunity to place Smith in the regular army, by appointing 
him Colonel of the newly raised regiment. The encomium passed 
on him by Taylor assisted to procure him this appointment. This 
commission bears date the 27th of May, 1847. Smith joined the 
army immediately, and was present at the storming of Monterey. 
In this celebrated siege, he belonged to Worth's division. He was 
the hero of forts Federation and Soldado, which he carried by assault 
on the 21st of September, 1S46. When the town capitulated he was 
appointed to receive the surrender of the citadel. For his manner 
in conducting the attack on the forts, and for his subsequent spirited 
conduct, Worth presented him to the consideration of the General- 
in-chief and through him to the government. The President accord- 
ingly bestowed on him the brevet of a Brigadier-General. 

Smith remained with Taylor until the siege of Vera Cruz was de- 
termined on, when he was among those detached to join General 
Scott. During the investment of that place, however, no opportu- 
nity was afforded hiin to distinguish himself. At Cerro Gordo illness 
confined him to his bed, so that he could not share in the laurels of 
that day. His bold spirit chafed at this forced inaction. The renown 
which he had already won only made him thirst for more. Fortune 
soon gratified his wishes. Scott having determined to turn the works 
at San Antonio, by crossing to Contreras and taking that position, 
which would open a route directly into their rear, despatched, 
on the 19th of September, the two divisions of Pillow and Twiggs, 
for this purpose. After a march of several miles the troops arrived 
in front of the hill at Contreras, which they found strongly fortified. 
A sharp action immediately ensued, which continued until nightfall, 
when the Americans drew off, leaving the enemy still in possession 
of the hill. The General-iu-chief, knowing that it was impossible to 
do anything until morning, returned to head-quarters, leaving Smith's 
and Cadwalader's brigades to watch the foe, with the intention to 
renew the attack on the succeeding day. Pillow accompanied Scott, 
so that Smith remained the highest officer in rank on the field. 

The night that followed may be considered the crisis of the cam- 
paign. The troops left in front of Contreras numbered only three 
thousand three hundred, and were destitute of artillery or cavalry; 
while the enemy were not less than eighteen thousand, and were 
besides fortified in a strong position, with more than twenty pieces 






PERSIFER F. SMITH. 2 13 

of cannon. The night, moreover, was one of incessant rain, and the 
men had neither shelter nor fire. They were separated from the 
main army by a distance of more than five miles, the intervening 
road being exceedingly difficult to traverse. Of several messengers 
despatched, on this critical night, but one succeeded in completing 
his journey. In these circumstances the spirits of the men drooped, 
and had they been commanded by a timorous officer, the most de- 
plorable consequences must have ensued. But fortunately the spirit 
of their leader was firm and high. Smith assumed a bold front and 
resolved to maintain his position, to use his own words, " by the 
most prompt and energetic action." He was sustained in this reso- 
lution by discovering that the intrenched camp on the hill was com- 
manded by a crest in the rear, which could be approached unseen 
through a ravine that ran behind it. His plan was to gain the crest, rush 
down into the fort, and thus surprise the key of the enemy's position. 

Having sent information to Scott of his plan, Smith proceeded to 
form his men. Just as he was about to begin the attack Shields 
came up, but though the superior officer, he declined to interfere. 
Accordingly Smith proceeded with his plans. I lis official report 
says: — "At precisely three o'clock in the morning of the 20th, 
the troops commenced their march. It had rained all night, and the 
men had lain in the mud, without fire, and suffering from cold. 
It rained now, and was so dark that an object six feet off could not 
be seen. The men were ordered to keep within toucn of each other, 
so that the rear could not go astray. Lieutenant Tower, of the engi- 
neers, with Lieutenant Brooks, acting assistant Adjutant-General of 
the second division, now acting in my staff, had, during the night- 
reconnoitred the pass, to assure the practicability of the march. The 
path was narrow, full of rocks and mud, and so difficult was the 
march that it was daylight before the head of Cadwalader's brigade 
got out of the village, where the path descends to the ravine ; and 
as the march was by a flank, the command was stretched out thrice 
its length. Having followed up the ravine to a point where it seem- 
ed possible to get at the rear of the work, the head was halted, and 
the rear closed up ; many loads that were wet were drawn, and 
Riley formed two columns by divisions. 

" He thus advanced further up the ravine, turning to his left, and 
rising over the bank, stood fronting the rear of the work, but still 
sheltered from its fire by a slight acclivity before him. Having re- 
formed his ranks, he ascended the top of the hill, and was in full 
view of the enemy, who immediately opened a warm fire, not only 
from the work, but on his right flank. Throwing out his two first 



244 PERSIFER F. SMITH. 

divisions as skirmishers, he rushed down the slope to the work. The 
engineer company and rifles had been thrown across an intervening 
ravine, under the brow of the slope, and from that position swept it 
in front of his column, and then, inclining towards their left, joined 
in the attack on the troops outside of the left bank of the fort. In 
the mean time, General Cadwalader followed the route taken by 
Riley, and forming his columns as the troops came up, moved on to 
Riley's support. The first brigade had been ordered to follow the 
same route ; but, while it was still marching in that direction by its 
right flank up the ravine, and nearly opposite the work, seeing a 
large body of the enemy on its left flank, I ordered Major Dimock 
to face the brigade to the left, and, advancing in line, attack this 
force in flank. This was done in the finest style, and the first artil- 
lery and third infantry, mounting the bank of the ravine, rushing 
down the next, and up its opposite bank, met the enemy outside of 
the work just as Riley's brigade poured into it, and the whole 
gave way. Cavalry, formed in line for the charge, yielded to the 
bayonets of our foot, and the rout was complete, while Riley's brigade 
cleared the work, and planted their colours on it." 

Smith subsequently participated, on the same day, in the assault 
on the hacienda at Churubusbo. Here, according to Scott's official 
report, he " directed the whole attack in front, with his habitual 
coolness and bravery." A portion of his regiment, towards the close 
of the contest, was detached to reinforce Shields, but he did not per- 
sonally accompany it. The garrison at the hacienda surrendered to 
the third infantry, belonging to Smith's division. In all the opera- 
tions of the day, from the assault on Contreras to the capitulation of 
Churubusco, Smith rendered himself conspicuous, and established his 
reputation not only as one of the bravest, but as one of the best 
general officers in the army. 

Smith was appointed one of the negotiators of the armistice. When 
hostilities were resumed he continued with the division of Twiggs 
until after the battle of Molino del Rey. Before Scott, however, 
commenced his operations against Chapultepec, he withdrew Smith 
from his proper division and annexed him to Quitman's command : 
hence, in the assault on the castle, and in the battle at the Belen gate, 
Smith personally participated. In the official report of those events 
his name is mentioned with high praise. 

In stature Smith is of the middle height. He is stout in frame, 
and active in his movements. His hair is light ; his eyes animated ; 
and the expression of his countenance, intellectual. 







RL ;£; 1X1 Q E [L © S. 















SHIELDS PURSUING THE MEXICANS TOWARDS CHrRCBUSCO. 



JAMES SHIELDS 




HE heroism of Shields is 
as proverbial as his chival- 
rous sense of honor. At 
Cerro Gordo, Chnrubusco, 
and Chapultepec he parti- 
cularly distinguished him- 
self, and in the first and 
last of these battles was 
severely wounded. 

Shields, like Patterson, 
is a native of Ireland, a 
country which has furnish- 
ed more gallant soldiers 
than any other of equal size on the globe. At an early age, how- 
ever, Shields emigrated to America. His life here presented no 



M W 



,* 



245 



246 JAMES SHIELDS. 

event worth recording, until his appointment as a Brigadier-Gen- 
eral on the commencement of the Mexican war. He was, at first, 
attached to the column of General Worth, but left it at Monclova, 
and joined Scott in the latter's expedition against Vera Crnz. 

In the battle of Cerro Gordo, Shields came, for the first time, into 
action. His orders were to seize the Jalapa road, and place him- 
self in Santa Anna's rear. Accordingly, while Twiggs was engaged 
in storming the heights of Cerro Gordo, Shields pressed forward at 
the head of his volunteers. A fort, however, suddenly presenting 
itself in front, he resolved to assault it, and, while bravely leading 
his men, was, shot through the lungs. His recovery was, for a long 
while, considered doubtful; but a strong constitution rallied against 
the disease, and he was finally restored to full health. For his con- 
duct at Cerro Gordo, he was mentioned in flattering terms in the 
official despatch. 

When the army left Puebla, in August, Shields was sufficiently 
recovered to resume his command. He was present at the actions 
of Contreras and Churubusco, and, in both, rendered the most 
important services. He did not arrive at Contreras until Smith had 
made all his arrangements for the attack of the 20th, and though 
Shields, as superior officer, had the right to assume the chief com- 
mand, he magnanimously refused to interfere. He remained, 
therefore, at the village, to intercept reinforcements, while Smith 
assaulted the hill ; and, after the intrenched camp was carried, cut 
off the retreat of the fugitives. At one point alone, his troops 
captured three hundred and sixty-five of the enemy, of whom twelve 
were officers, and among these latter was General Mendoza. 

Shields soon received an order to advance by the main road on 
Mexico. Accordingly, he crossed the country to Churubusco. From 
this place he was detached, by the Commander-in-chief, to make a 
circuit over the meadows on the left, and throw himself between 
the village and capital. These orders he executed with equal 
promptitude and success. Scott, in his official report, says : — "In 
a winding march of a mile around to the right, this temporary 
division found itself on the edge of an open wet meadow, near the 
road from San Antonio to the capital, and in the presence of some 
four thousand of the enemy's infantry, a little in rear of Churubusco, 
on that road. Establishing the right at a strong building, Shields 
extended his left, parallel to the road, to outflank the enemy towards 
the capital. But the enemy extending his right, supported by three 
thousand cavalry, more rapidly (being favored by better ground) in 
the same direction, Shields concentrated the division about a hamlet, 



JAMES SHIELDS. 



2-17 




STORMING OF I Tl A I I LTETEC. 



and determined to attack in front. The battle was long, hot. and 
varied; but, ultimately, success crowned the zeal and gallantry 
of our troops, ably directed by their distinguished commander, liri- 
gadier-General Shields. 

" Shields took three hundred and eighty prisoners, including 
officers, and it cannot be doubted that the rage of the conflict 
between him and the enemy, just in the rear of the tete du point and 
the convent, had some influence on the surrender of those formida- 
ble defences. As soon as the tete du point was carried, the greater 
part of Worth's and Pillow's forces passed that bridge in rapid 
pursuit of the flying enemy. These distinguished Generals, coming 
up with Brigadier-General Shields, now also victorious, the three 
continued to press upon the fugitives to within a mile and a half of 
the capital." 

In the battle of Molino del Rey, Shields was not present. At the 
storming of Chapultepec, however, he fought with his brigade, under 
General Quitman. A portion of his command forced their way up 
the hill, and entered the castle side by side with the men of Pillow. 
Shields himself continued fighting on the causeway, and though 
severely wounded, pressed on, and remained in the field until the 



248 



JAMES SHIELDS. 



San Cosmo gate was carried. His conduct on this occasion is men 
tioned in the most flattering terms by the Commander-in-chief. 
Perhaps, there is no other general officer in the army who evinces 
the same reckless daring when in battle, as Shields. 

The personal appearance of this gallant officer is very prepos- 
sessing. His figure is slight and elegant ; his countenance animated, 
pleasing and intellectual, and his manners peculiarly affable and 
winning. In recounting the deeds of the army in Mexico, his dark 
eye blazes with martial fire. 








DUNCAN AT MOL1NO DEL REY. 



officers, 
that we 



JAMES DUNCAN 



HE war with Mexico nas proved be- 
yond cavil, the utility of the Military 
Academy at West Point. In every 
battle the pupils of that, institution 
have been distinquished for their bra- 
very : in every campaign their skill 
and science have rendered the most 
signal services. Instead of following: 
their men, they have uniformly led 
in the van. To them we owe 
much of that indomitable spirit which 
characterizes the American army. In 
1812, the privates were composed of 
the same material as now, but being 
commanded by timorous and ignorant 
were almost uniformly beaten. It is not too much to say 
are indebted for every victory in the war with Mexico, from 

32 249 




250 JAMES DUNCAN. 

Palo Alto to Chapultepec, to the courage or skill of the cadets of 
West Point ! 

One of the most distinguished graduates of this academy, is James 
Duncan, of the light artillery, Lieutenant-Colonel by brevet. Among 
the younger officers he has no superior. Though brave to a 
fault, he is yet circumspect. Impetuous in character, he is, never- 
theless, cool in battle. With an intellect essentially mathematical, 
he is gifted, nevertheless, with an insight, which, in the field, acts 
like inspiration. 

Duncan was born in Orange county, N. Y., not far from the town 
of Newburg, in the year 1S14. Being left an orphan at an early 
age, he was indebted to some influential friends for an appointment to a 
cadetship at West Point. In this institution he rose to be one of the 
most eminent of his class. He graduated in 1834, and was imme- 
diately brevetted a Second-Lieutenant in the second artillery. His 
first service was in the Florida war. Here he narrowly escaped 
with his life, a ball on one occasion striking the scales of his cap, 
and thus, by the distance of less than an inch, missing his brain. 
After his return from Florida, he was stationed on the lakes, where 
he remained during most of the disturbances in Canada. Subse- 
quently, he was transferred to Newport, R. I. Here he brought his 
company to such a state of perfection, that it rivalled, if it did not 
surpass that of Ringgold. 

In April, 1846, Duncan was promoted to a Captaincy. He had 
now joined the army of General Taylor, and was present at both 
Palo Alto and Resaca de la Palma. At the former battle, his com- 
pany of artillery was stationed on the left of the American line, and 
by a brilliant flank manoeuvre, at a critical period of the contest, 
assisted materially to win the day. It was by the fire of his batte- 
ries at Palo Alto, that the prairie was ignited, and it was under 
cover of the smoke that he made the movement which was so 
decisive. He is justly entitled to share the glory of that field with 
Ringgold, though the latter, in consequence of his death, has become 
the popular hero. At Resaca de la Palma, also, Duncan was of 
essential service. For his conduct on these two days, he was 
brevetted a Lieutenant-Colonel. 

At Monterey, Duncan served in the division of Worth. It was 
principally by the fire of his battery that the famous charge of 
lancers, on the morning of the 21st of September, was so speedily 
repulsed. In January, 1847, he was transferred to General Scott's 
army, so that he was not present at Buena Vista. With this excep- 
tion, however, and that of Contreras, he has been engaged in every 



JAMES DUNCAN. 251 

pitched battle during the war. Neither at the siege of Vera Cruz, 
however, nor in the battle of Cerro Gordo, did he enjoy any pecu- 
liar opportunities of distinction. On the latter occasion, Worth's 
division, to which he belonged, was in reserve, and was not brought 
into service, except to participate in the pursuit. At Churubusco, 
however, he accompanied Worth in the assault on the tete du point, 
where his artillery, by sweeping the causeway, signally assisted the 
victory. Worth, in his official despatch, says : " Brevet Lieutenant- 
Colonel Duncan commanded and directed the light artillery, with 
the zeal and gallantry, judgment and effect, which have so often 
presented him to the notice of his General-in-chief and government." 

At the battle of Molino del Key, the general direction of the 
artillery was committed to Duncan. The otiicial report declares 
that " Lieutenant-Colonel Duncan having been charged with the 
general disposition of the artillery, executed that service with his 
usual talent, and then commanded and dictated the fire of his own 
battery with habitual effect and results." Duncan's first position 
was on the slope leading down to Casa Mata,and here he remained, 
maintaining a withering fire, until the advance of Colonel Mcintosh's 
assaulting column masked his battery, when, perceiving a strong 
body of the enemy debouching on our extreme left, he galloped to 
that point. " The enemy's battery," says Worth, in his report, 
"came rapidly within canister range, when the whole battery 
opened a most effective fire, which soon broke the squadrons, and 
drove them back in disorder. During this fire upon the enemy's 
cavalry, Major Summer's command moved to the front, and changed 
direction in admirable order, under a most appalling fire from the 
Casa Mata. This movement enabled his command to cross the 
ravine immediately on the left of Duncan's battery, where it 
remained, doing noble service, until the close of the action. At the 
very moment the cavalry were driven beyond reach, our own troops 
drew back from before the Casa Mata, and enabled the guns of 
Duncan's battery to re-open upon this position, which, after a short 
and well-directed fire, the enemy abandoned. The guns of the 
battery were now turned upon his retiring columns, and continued 
to play upon them until beyond reach." 

After Chapultepec had been carried, Duncan moved upon the 
city by the San Cosmo road. The fire of his guns was all efficient 
on this eventful day, in clearing the path not otdy for Worth, but 
for Quitman, the latter of whom he assisted by a flanking fire. In 
the official despatch of this action, Duncan was favorably mentioned. 

In person, Duncan is medium size, well knit, and with frame of 



252 



JAMES DUNCAN. 



great strength. His complexion and hair are dark. His voice is 
indicative of the energy, rapidity, and decision of his character, and 
when uttered in the short, quick tones of command, has been 
compared to the crack of a pistol. 





RILEY AT CONTRERAS. 



BENNET RILEY. 




HE glory of Contreras should be divi- 
ded between Smith, Riley, and Cad- 
walader, in the order named. It was 
the brigade of Riley which led the 
assault on Valencia's position, and 
gallantly carried it, after a short and 
decisive action. Idolized by his men, 
and respected by his fellow officers, 
Riley enjoys one of the most enviable 
reputations in the army. 

Riley was born in St. Mary's county, 
He entered the service as Ensign of For- 
syth's regiment of riflemen in 1813, and joined the army at Sackett's 
Harbor in the spring of that year. He served throughout the war 
with credit, and was favorably mentioned on several occasions by 
his commanding officers. At that time, no less than now, he was 
distinguished for heroic courage, coolness in battle, and great natu- 
ral sagacity. 

253 



Md., about the year 1790. 



254 BENNET RILEY. 

On the conclusion of peace, Riley remained in the service, and 
was marched with his regiment to the Mississippi frontier. In 1821, 
the rifles were disbanded, when Riley was transferred to the infan- 
try, with the rank of Captain. While stationed on the frontier, he 
was frequently called on to engage the Indians, and in 1823 
distinguished himself to such a degree, in a battle with the Anicko- 
rees, that he received the brevet of Major. In 1829, he was ordered 
to guard the caravan to Santa Fe, with directions afterwards to 
await the return of the traders. During their absence, he defeated 
the Indians in two pitched battles; and subsequently, convoyed the 
merchants, with their treasures, safely to St. Louis. For his con- 
duct in this expedition, the legislature of Missouri voted him a 
sword. 

In 1831, Riley was despatched to the seat of the Black Hawk 
war. He served to the end of hostilities, and was in the final 
struggle, the battle of Bad-axe. In 1837, he was promoted to be a 
full Major, and in the succeeding year, was ordered to Florida. 
He saw but little service here, however, before he was removed, in 
the same year, to Fort Gibson. In December, 1839, he was made 
a Lieutenant- Colonel. He was now despatched a second time to 
Florida, where he remained until the spring of 1842, actively 
engaged in that difficult and sanguinary conflict. He was in the 
action of Chookachattee, in 1841, and behaved himself with such 
gallantry, that he received the brevet of a Colonel. Throughout the 
whole period, moreover, during which he served in Florida, he 
distinguished himself by his energy, promptitude, and courage. 

In July, 1846, Riley was ordered to Mexico, where a wider field 
of glory opened before him. He first distinguished himself at the 
battle of Cerro Gordo. Here he commanded a brigade, and by his 
activity and heroism, assisted in the defeat of the enemy. When, on 
the 7th of August, the army set forward from Puebla, for Mexico, 
Riley was assigned the second brigade of the second division. 
Arriving in front of Contreras, on the afternoon of the 19th of August, 
he played a prominent part in the action that followed, and which 
was terminated only by night. It was in this action that Riley 
proved the discipline and coolness of his brigade ; for, being charged 
by the enemy's lancers in overwhelming force, he remained 
unmoved. Twice this splendid cavalry, in number several thousand, 
thundered upon him; twice he threw his brigade into square, and 
receiving the assailants with a rolling volley, repulsed them in 
disorder. A third time they attempted the charge, but now, after 
delivering his volley, Riley ordered his men to follow with the 



BENNET RILEY. 255 

bayonet, on which (he Mexicans fled in the wildest confusion, and 
abandoned all further attempts. For the skill and daring he 
evinced on this occasion, Riley received the commendations of the 
Commander-in-chief, in the official report of the action. 

But it was in the assault of the intrenched camp, on the succeed- 
ing morning, that Riley won his brightest laurels. The plan of the 
attack having been arranged by Smith, and the attack on Valencia's 
position been confided to Riley, the latter placed himself at the head 
of his brigade, and stealing into the ravine in the rear of the fort, 
formed his men into column of attack. Then, after a laconic 
harangue, he led them to the charge. At a rapid pace they rushed up 
the acclivity which separated them from the foe, and arriving at the 
top, beheld the soldiers of Valencia in their intrenchments below. 
The Mexicans, little expecting an assault in their rear, were looking 
out in front for the appearance of the Americans, when suddenly a 
wild yell from the crest of the hill behind, attracted their attention, 
and turning around, they beheld Riley rushing down upon them. 
Consternation immediately seized the soldiers of Valencia. In vain 
their leader strove to inspire them ; in wild affright they broke and 
fled, with scarcely the show of resistance. In a few minutes the 
action was over. Scott, in his official report, says of this brilliant 
affair : " The opportunity afforded to Colonel Riley by his position, 
was seized by that gallant veteran with all the skill and energy for 
which he is distinguished. The charge of his noble brigade down 
the slope, in full view of friend and foe, unchecked even for a 
moment, until he had planted all his colors upon their furthest works, 
was a spectacle that animated the army to the boldest deeds." 

Riley, on the same day, played a conspicious part at Churubusco, 
where he was engaged in the assault of the hacienda. For his 
behavior in this action, he was again complimented by Scott, as 
well as by the commanding officer of his division, Twiggs. 

Riley was not present either at Molino del Rey or Chapultepec ; 
his brigade being retained under Twiggs, at the gates on the Tacu- 
baya road. The services he and his fellow soldiers performed here, 
though less brilliant than those rendered at the Chapultepec road, 
were quite as important, for without the diversion thus effected, the 
capital would not have fallen. In consequence of his efficiency 
throughout the campaign, but especially in token of his heroism at 
Conireras, Riley has received the brevet of Brigadier-General. 

In person, Riley is tall and rather slim. His face presents the 
beau ideal of a veteran soldier. He wears his whiskers, which are 
iron grey, trimmed up to his eyes, while a scar upon his counte- 



256 



BENNET RILEY. 



nance adds to his military aspect. Owing to an affection of the 
palate, his voice is peculiar. He is adored by his soldiers, who feel 
competent for anything, " if old Riley," as he is familiarly termed, 
is with them. 





©EKL @QDQTrra#\lR]o 




^T^y 






& 




GENERAL QCIT.MAN AT THE GARITA DE EELEV. 



JOHN A. QUITMAN 




HE glory of being the first American 
commander to enter the city of Mexico, 
belongs to John A. Quitman, Major- 
General in the United States army. 
At the head of his heroic division, he 
fought his way into the capital, on the 
evening of the 13th of September, 
1847, and, on the succeeding morning, 
advanced to the great square, and hoisted the American flag on the 
palace of the Montezumas. 

Quitman was born at Rhinebeck, in the state of New York, on 
the 1st of September, 1799. His father was a Prussian clergyman, 
who had emigrated to this country, and was, at the period of his 
son's birth, pastor of a Dutch Reformed Church in Rhinebeck. The 
early education of Quitman was received at Cooperstown, in his 
native state. Subsequently, he was transferred to a college then 
existing at Mount Airy, near Philadelphia, where he pursued his 
studies for several years, in compliance with the wish of his parents 



m — w 



33 



25: 



258 JOHN A. QUITMAN. 

that he should qualify himself for the Christian ministry. A grow- 
ing disinclination for so momentous a profession, however, induced 
him to turn his attention to the law. In 1S20, accordingly, he 
prepared himself for the bar, and immediately emigrated to the 
west, there to try his fortune. 

He first settled in Chilicothe, Ohio, where, during the year of 
probation required before he was allowed to practice, he filled the 
post of clerk in the land office. He did not remain long, how- 
ever, in Ohio, but, after practising about six months, removed to 
Natchez, in Mississippi. Here his fine abilities, his superior educa- 
tion, and his knowledge of the profession he had adopted, soon 
secured to him, not only a lucrative business, but a position in the 
best society of the state. Having married the daughter of a wealthy 
planter, his influence and fortune were considerably increased. He 
served, for some time, in the Legislature, and in 182S, was made 
Chancellor of the state. In 1832, he was chosen one of the members 
of the Convention to revise the Constitution. In 1835, he was 
elected President of the Senate, and soon after, the Governor dying, 
he became the acting executive of Mississippi. His civil career has 
been, therefore, only less brilliant than his military one. 

At an early period of his manhood, Quitman began to evince a 
predilection for arms. While in Ohio, he was chosen Lieutenant of 
a rifle company, chiefly in consequence of his skill with the rifle, in 
managing which he had few rivals. On his removal to Natchez, he 
was elected Captain of the Natchez Fencibles, one of the oldest 
volunteer companies in Mississippi. In 1S36, while acting Go- 
vernor of the state, he marched at the head of a company, formed 
for the purpose, to the assistance of the Texans. He arrived, at the 
head-quarters of General Houston, to his chagrin three days after 
the battle of San Jacinto. On his return, he was elected Major- 
General of the second division of Mississippi militia, an office he 
continued to occupy, until, on the first of July, 1846, he was 
appointed a Brigadier-General in the United States volunteer force, 
and directed to march to the relief of Taylor. He immediately 
repaired to the army of occupation, which he reached in time to 
participate in the operations against Monterey. 

On that occasion Quitman commanded the second brigade of 
volunteers, composed of the Mississippi, Tennessee, Ohio, and Balti- 
more regiments. He was stationed on the western side of the town, 
immediately under the eye of the Commander-in-chief. In the first 
day's operations, he carried a battery of the enemy, which had 
proved so formidable, that a retrograde movement was about to be 



JOHN A. QUITMAN. 259 

ordered, when Quitman's successful assault rendered it unnecessary. 
In the third day's action he was even more efficient. On this 
occasion, his troops, assisted by the Texas regiment, were the first 
to enter the town. Fighting their way, street by street, the volun- 
teers of Quitman finally approached the great square, and would, on 
the succeeding day, have carried their victorious arms to the very 
heart of Monterey, if a suspension of arms, in anticipation of a 
capitulation, had not been ordered. In the official report, Taylor 
says : " During the night of the 22d, the enemy evacuated nearly 
all his defences in the lower part of the city. This was reported to 
me only in the morning of the 22d, by General Quitman, who had 
already meditated an assault upon those works. I immediately 
sent instructions to that officer, leaving it to his discretion to enter 
the city, covering his men by the houses and walls, and advance 
carefully so far as he might deem prudent." And again: "Our 
troops advanced from house to house, and from square to square, 
until they reached a street but one square in the rear of the princi- 
pal plaza, in, and near which the enemy's force was mainly 
concentrated. This advance was conducted vigorously, but with 
due caution, and although destructive to the enemy, was attended 
with but small loss on our part." Both Taylor and Butler, speak in 
their official correspondence, in the highest terms of Quitman's 
conduct at Monterey. 

It was, however, in the campaign against the capital, that he was 
destined to win his proudest laurels. Having been ordered to join 
General Scott's expedition against Vera Cruz, Quitman, with his 
brigade, took leave of the army of Taylor, and accompanied his 
new General to the island of Lobos. In the siege of Vera Cruz, he 
performed much laborious service, and was complimented by Scott, 
as well as by Patterson, for his conduct. He was not present at the 
battle of Ceiro Gordo. On the 14th of April, 1847, he was promoted 
to the rank of Major-General. In the battle of Churubusco, he was 
left in the rear to guard the depot, an honorable post, but one which, 
as it prevented his sharing in the combat, filled him with chagrin. He 
secretly resolved, if occasion offered, to recompense himself for this 
disappointment. Accordingly, when on the 13th of September, Ihe 
attack on Chapultepec was ordered, and the command of one of the 
assaulting columns given to Quitman, he advanced with such 
impetuosity and courage, as to triumph over every difficulty. " Quit- 
man," says Scott, in his official report of the assault, " had to 
approach the south-east of the works over a causeway, with cuts 
and batteries, and defended by an army strongly posted outside, to 



260 JOHN A. QUITMAN. 

the east of the works. These formidable obstacles he had to face, 
with but little shelter for his troops, or space for manoeuvreing. 
Deep ditches flanking the causeway, made it difficult, to cross on 
either side, into the adjoining meadows, and these again were inter- 
sected by other ditches." Yet over all these obstacles, Quitman 
fought his way, so that a detachment of his column entered Chapul- 
tepec side by side with Pillow's division. 

The castle having fallen, Quitman, pursuant to orders, advanced 
along the road, which led from the foot of the hill to the Belen gate. 
The intention of Scott, was that Quitman's attack should be a feint, 
and that. Worth's, by the San Cosmo road, should be the real one. 
" These views," says Scott in his official report, " I repeatedly, in the 
course of the day, communicated to Major-General Quitman; but, 
being in hot pursuit — gallant himself, and ably supported by Briga- 
dier-Generals Shields and Smith — Shields badly wounded before 
Chapultepec, and refusing to retire — as well as by all the officers 
and men of the column — Quitman continued to press forward, under 
flank and direct fires, carried an intermediate battery of two guns, 
and then the gate, before two o'clock in the afternoon." During 
the terrible struggle which marked this advance, the General 
himself behaved with the utmost heroism. An aqueduct ran along 
the road, in the arches of which the men temporarily sheltered 
themselves. As they rushed from arch to arch, they were riddled by 
the enemy's fire ; yet they fought their way forward in this manner 
until they reached the gate, which they stormed, and carried. The 
loss of life in this gallant assault, was very great. Perhaps, if Scott's 
plan had been adhered to, the city would have fallen with less blood- 
shed ; but it is impossible to judge severely the pardonable heroism 
of Quitman and his chivalrous corps. 

The garita having been carried, Quitman dashed forward, and 
occupied the arches of the aqueduct, within the gates. The struggle 
had been so fierce, that all the ammunition of the heavy guns was 
expended ; but a captured eight-pounder was turned on the enemy, 
who retreated still further before the incessant discharges of that 
piece. Foremost in the pursuit pressed Captain Drum, of the artil- 
lery, until he fell mortally wounded. A few minutes after, Lieuten- 
ant Benjamin, of the same corps, met a similar fate. Inflamed by 
this sight, the Americans fought with greater fury than ever, 
cheering and firing by turns. About three hundred yards distant 
was a strong stone-work, called the citadel, from which a terrible 
fire of artillery was now opened, while simultaneously, from the 
batteries on the Paseo, and the buildings ou the right, streams of 



JOHN A. QUITMAN. 261 

grape and musket balls were poured on the Americans. So terrific 
was this iron shower, that the men were forced to keep under cover, 
nor could any one venture to bring up ammunition for the larger 
guns. Quitman, conspicuous by his tall form, stimulated Ins fol- 
lowers continually, his loud clear voice rising like a peal of thunder 
above the tempest of the battle. 

Several times the Mexicans, supported by their artillery, sallied 
from the citadel, and endeavored to regain possession of the garita, 
but the unerring aim of the American rifles drove them back on 
every occasion. Meantime, Quitman, finding his flank suffering 
severely from the musketry at the Paseo, detached Captain Naylor, 
of the second Pennsylvania regiment, about a hundred yards in that 
direction, with orders to throw up a sand-bag defence. The men 
rushed forward immediately, in the face of a withering fire, and 
seized the position, which they held in the face of a most sanguinary 
operation, until night fell upon the scene of combat. With the 
approach of darkness, the firing ceased on both sides. The hours 
devoted to sleep, Quitman spent in strengthening his position, and 
when morning dawned, had erected a formidable battery, and was 
prepared to renew the struggle on the most advantageous terms. 

But, meantime, Santa Anna had fled, and with him the Mexican 
army. The city lay at the mercy of the invaders. In consideration of 
Quitman having been the first to force a passage into the town, 
Scott assigned to the corps of that General the much coveted honor 
of planting the American flag on the national palace. Accordingly, the 
division of Worth was halted at a park called the Alameda, within 
three squares of the grand plaza ; while Quitman's, advancing 
simultaneously from the Belen gate, proceeded triumphantly to the 
heart of the city, and hoisted the flag of the United States on the 
halls of the Montezumas. The task of elevating the standard of 
America, was entrusted to Captain Roberts, of the rifle regiment, 
who had signally distinguished himself the preceding day. This 
flag, the first strange banner which had waved in that place since 
the days of Cortez, was saluted with enthusiasm as it unrolled its 
folds in the morning sky. About eight o'clock, Scott rode into the 
great square, where he was received with tumultuous huzzas. One 
of the Commander-in-chief's first acts, on taking possession of the 
captured city, was to appoint Quitman its Military Governor. 

Quitman, in the following November, obtained leave of absence, 
and returned to the United States. He left behind him the reputa- 
tion of being distinguished alike for his courage, and for his abilities. 
In his deportment towards the soldiers, he was peculiarly affable ; it 



262 



JOHN A. QUITMAN. 



is said no complainant was ever turned away unheeded. Few 
general officers, were, in consequence, more esteemed by the men. 
The character of Quitman is precise, strong-willed, and occasionally 
stern. Out of the line of the army, he has, perhaps, no superior as 
a General. 

Quitman is over six feet high, and stout in proportion. His hair 
is a wiry iron grey, somewhat given to curl ; his forehead high and 
arching; his eye grey, small and piercing; and his countenance em- 
browned by exposure. His figure is erect. In address he is grave 
and serious. He is rigid in exacting, as in performing promises. In 
social intercourse he is frank, kind and agreeable. 



yv.^/ 7 <>$£=== 





GENE Al. LANE'S ENCOUNTER WITH THE MEXICANS NEAB ATI.IXCO 



JOSEPH LANE 



^^sfi 





JOSEPH LANE, a Brigadier- 
General in the army of the 
United States, had the good 
fortune to be third in com- 
mand at Buena Vista, and 
throughout the whole of that critical 
day, displayed equal heroism and skill. 
He subsequently commanded in chief 
at the battle of Huamantla, and after- 
wards at the siege of Atlixco. 

Lane was born in North Carolina, 
but, like many other adventurous spi- 
rits, emigrated to the west. He settled in Illinois, and in his new 
home soon rose to influence. When the war with Mexico began, 
he was, unexpectedly to himself, commissioned as a Brigadicr-G< n- 
eral of volunteers. His republican manners and sterling sense 
soon made him popular with his soldiers. Having organized 
his command, he was directed to join Wool, and accompany thai 
leader in his contemplated expedition against Chihuahua. He 

263 



264 JOSEPH LANE. 

accordingly marched to Farras, and subsequently to Saltillo. At 
this latter place Wool's column arrived towards the close of 1846. 
In the succeeding February, the great battle of Buena Vista was 
fought, and here Lane won his first laurels. 

It fell to the lot of this General, at the head of the second Indiana 
regiment, to receive the first shock of the conflict. Lane had been 
posted, on the evening of the 22d, in a comparatively strong position, 
but finding, when the action opened on the succeeding morning, that 
his infantry was placed at too great a distance from the enemy for 
its fire to be effective, he took the bold resolution of advancing, 
which he did, at the head of but four hundred men, assisted by 
O'Brien's battery. The ground he now occupied was very strong, 
but the measure, nevertheless, had nearly proved fatal to the Ameri- 
cans. O'Brien, indeed, gallantly advanced, but the infantry failed 
to support him, and in the end, the whole of Lane's forces gave way, 
O'Brien losing one of his guns. A few of the retreating detachment 
fled from the field entirely, but the greater portion rallied, and 
fought afterwards with heroism. Before they retired, however, they 
had withstood the fire of four thousand infantry in front, and that of 
a battery on their flank, nor did they give way until each man had 
discharged twenty rounds of cartridges. 

The retreat was caused not by any want of courage on the part 
of the men, but by the misconception of an order. Lane had intended 
to charge, but his subordinate, Colonel Bowles, misunderstanding his 
wishes, directed the soldiers to fall back. Those who were within 
sound of his voice, accordingly began a retreat. But others, who 
had not heard the order, refused to leave their ground, and called 
earnestly on the remainder to stand fast. For a while many hesitated, 
but the retrograde movement finally became general. It is impossi- 
ble to say what would have been the result if Lane had charged. 
There is a possibility that the enemy would have been repulsed, but 
it is much more probable that the Americans would have perished 
to a man. An interval of three-quarters of a mile intervened 
between them and support; what, under such circumstances, could 
four hundred achieve against four thousand? It is said, however, 
that Wool expressed the opinion subsequent to the battle, that if the 
charge had been made, it would have been crowned with success ; 
for, Santa Anna, disheartened by the determined resistance of Lane, 
was about to pass the order to retreat. Colonel Bowles, on whom 
the chief censure rested, was not, ho wever,a coward ; all unite in testi- 
fying to his bravery ; but he seems to have been incapacitated for 
his station, and to have wanted the confidence of his men. Some 






JOSEPH LANE. ojjc 

of his regiment joined the Mississippians later in the day, and undei 
their self-elected flag, performed prodigies of valor. 

It was towards the close of the action, and when the last charge 
of the enemy on our left was made, that Lane, though wounded, 
particularly distinguished himself. The third Indiana, the Missis- 
sippians, and the second Indiana, here withstood a charge of nearly 
five thousand Mexicans. The aspect of the enemy's lancers as they 
bore down upon this small band, in solid column, was magnificent 
in the extreme. They came on at first in a trot, their lances glitter- 
ing and their many-colored pennons waving aloft: then, accelerating 
their pace to a gallop, with lances poised and lines dressed, they 
rushed forward unopposed until within twenty paces of the Ameri- 
cans. The latter had been ordered to reserve their fire. But now 
Lane, rising in his stirrups, shouted "Give it to them, my lads!" 
Instantly the whole line was a blaze of fire. As the smoke cleared 
off, the enemy were seen wheeling to fly, while whole platoons of 
fallen men and horses strewed the ground. A second and third 
volley completed the confusion of the enemy, who fled in the 
greatest disorder. The Americans now advanced, Lane riding in 
their front exclaiming exultingly, "We'll whip them yet." Crossing 
the brow of a hill on their right, they threw themselves into the 
combat just as Bragg had repulsed the final charge of the foe, and by 
coming up at this opportune moment, assisted to complete the rout. 

Subsequently, Lane was detached to the army of Scott. On the 
9th of October, 1847, he fought the battle of Huamantla, when on 
his way from Vera Cruz to the interior. His forces consisted of 
Wynkoop's battalion, Gorman's Indiana regiment, Heintzleman's 
battalion of six companies, four companies of mounted men, and five 
pieces of artillery. The action was principally fought by Captain 
Walker, at the head of the mounted men, who penetrated into the 
town in advance of the rest of the army, and completely routed the 
foe. The victory, however, was saddened by the loss of Walker, 
who received a mortal wound at the close of the strife. The 
arrangements of Lane for the attack were admirable, for, simulta- 
neously with his order to Walker to advance, he had directed half his 
force to the west, and half to the east of the town, in order to cut off 
the enemy's retreat. The impetuosity of Walker's charge, however, 
drove the Mexicans from the town. They were soon reinforced, 
but the American infantry coming up, the whole body of the enemy 
took to flight. 

Nine days after, Lane captured the strong town of Atlixco. The ene- 
my were first met several niiies in advance of the city, when a running 
m— y 34 



266 



JOSEPH LANE. 



fight commenced, in which the American cavalry principally parti- 
cipated. At last the Mexicans were driven back upon the town. 
Night had now fallen. Considering it inexpedient to risk a street 
fight in a strange city in the darkness, Lane posted his artillery on a hill 
overlooking Atlixco, and opened a fire. " Now," he says in his 
official report," ensued one of the most beautiful sights conceivable. 
Every gun was served with the utmost rapidity ; and the crash of 
the walls and the roofs of the houses, when struck by our shot and 
shell, was mingled with the roar of our artillery. The bright light 
of the moon enabled us to direct our shots to the most thickly 
populated part of the town. After firing three-quarters of an hour, 
and the firing from the town having ceased, I ordered Major Lally 
and Colonel Brough to advance cautiously with their commands 
into the town. On entering, I was waited upon by the ayunta- 
miento, desiring that their town might be spared." 

This victory completely broke up the guerillas in that vicinity, for 

Atlixco had ever been their head-quarters, and from it numerous 

predatory expeditions had been fitted out. 

Lane is simple and unpretending in manners, and a man of great 

natural abilty, though devoid to some extent, of the advantages of 

education. 




ill 




— "*^ yMz^yZyh 



GIDEON J. PILLOW. 






IDEON J. PILLOW, a Major- 
General in the United States 
army, was born on the 10th of 
June, 1806, in Williamson coun- 
ty, Tennessee. His family was 
one which had greatly distinguished itself 
in the Indian wars of the south-west. Pil- 
low graduated at the University of Nash- 
ville in 1827. In October, 1S29, he was 
admitted to the bar, and soon acquired an 
extensive practice. In 1831, he was appointed Inspector-General 
of the Tennessee militia. With this exception, up to the period of 
his appointment to the army, he engaged in no public employment, 

267 




268 



GIDEON J. PILLOW. 



but contented himself with the enjoyment of that private ease for 
which an ample fortune qualified him. 

After the fall of Monterey, Pillow joined Taylor, at the head of 
a brigade of the twelve months volunteers. He was among the 
Generals selected to accompany Scott to Vera Cruz, at which place 
accordingly he first saw service. On the fall of the city he was one 
of the three commissioners appointed, on the part of the Americans, 
to arrange a capitulation. Subsequently, he commanded a division 
at Cerro Gordo. His task, in this battle, was to carry the batteries 
in the American front, while Twiggs, making a circuit, stormed the 
stronger forts in the rear. Owing to accidental circumstances Pil- 
low failed in his attack ; but the employment he gave the enemy 
assisted indirectly in the victory. 

On the 13th of April, 1S47, Pillow was commissioned a Major- 
General. He was present on the afternoon of the 19th of August, 
in the preliminary operations at Contreras, but was absent on the 
following morning, when Smith made his decisive attack. At Churu- 
busco Pillow combatted in person, being the second in command. 
At Chapultepec he led one of the storming parties, and was wounded 
in the assault. In all these operations he proved himself a brave man. 

In reference, however, to his skill as a General a warm contro- 
versy has existed ever since he entered the army : a fate natural 
to all civilians, who, without peculiar merit, are elevated suddenly 
to the highest military rank. His claims to renown in arms can only 
be decided by posterity. 





©E^J a ©^©W^LLALDEK, 




^c o_^^c^__ 







NATIONAL BRIDGE. 



GEORGE CADWALADER 






1776. 



HE renown of arms may be con- 
sidered hereditary in the Cadwal- 
ader family, the present General 
being the third in lineal descent 
who has won military distinction. 
John Cadwalader, the grand- 
father of the present General, was 
a citizen of large estate in Phila- 
delphia, at the period when the 
war of independence began. En- 
tering ardently into the canse of 
the colonies, he formed a company, 
composed chiefly of young men 
of the best families of the place, 
who, on that account, were called 
"the silk-stocking company."— 
When the British had overrun 
New Jersey in the autumn oi 
and were daily threatening to cross the Delaware and »i*e 

M Y* 




270 GEORGE CADWALADER. 

Philadelphia, Cadwalader was one of those who remained true to 
the cause of his country. It was, in a measure, through his exer- 
tions that the Pennsylvania militia were so promptly brought into 
the field to meet the crisis. Washington always spoke of his con- 
duct iu that emergency with warm praise. Subsequently, when it 
was determined to raise a cavalry force, Cadwalader was offered the 
command of it, with the rank of General in the continental line ; but 
the alliance with France having just been concluded, he believed 
the war nearly at an end, and accordingly declined the honor. Pie 
died in 17S6. 

His son, Thomas Cadwalader, succeeded, not only to his father's 
estates, hut to his military rank, being elected, in due course of time, 
Major-General of the first division of Pennsylvania militia. No op- 
portunity was afforded this gentleman, to win the shining renown 
which his sire had obtained in the campaign of 1776. Affable, 
honorable and brave, however, he obtained the esteem of his fellow 
citizens, as well as the enthusiastic veneration of the volunteers lie 
commanded. 

George Cadwalader, the subject of this sketch, was the second son 
of Thomas Cadwalader. More fortunate than his father, or even 
than his grandsire, he has attained, at a comparatively early age, 
the rank of Brigadier-General in the United States army. From 
his earliest years, he evinced a decided predilection for arms. 
This taste a large fortune allowed him to gratify. He formed and 
drilled, chiefly at his own expense, two volunteer companies, 
one of infantry and another of artillery. He soon acquired the 
reputation of being the best amateur officer in the United States. 
His company of artillery was second only to those of Ringgold and 
Duncan, and inferior, perhaps, merely in the training of the horses. 
His courage was known to be of the most unflinching character, 
having been displayed, at the head of the troops, during the terrible 
riots in Philadelphia in 1844. 

When the war with Mexico began, he promptly offered his artil- 
lery corps to the government, expressing his willingness to serve 
with it whenever ordered to the field. The department, however, 
did not accept the tender ; but the patriotism of Cadwalader was not 
forgotten. Subsequently, when the bill for raising a force of volun- 
teers to serve during the war was passed, the commission of a Bri- 
gadier-General was bestowed on him by the President of the United 
States. His appointment bears date March 3rd, 1847. He imme- 
diately repaired to the seat of war, where he had the good fortune 
to be present in every battle of note, from the time lie joined the 
army to the fall of the capital. 



GEORGE CADWALADER. 



271 



The first affair in which Cadwalader distinguished himself in 
Mexico was a skirmish at the national bridge, during his march to join 
Scott at Puebla. Colonel Mcintosh had started with a train for the 
interior, but being attacked by an overpowering force of the enemy, 
had been forced to await the arrival of Cadwalader, who, hearing of 
his danger, hurried up, with eight hundred men, to his succor. On ap- 
proaching the national bridge, Cadwalader, at the head of the united 
forces, seized some heights which the enemy had previously occu- 
pied. He was here attacked by a strong force, but made good his 
defence, charging the Mexicans incessantly, until their strength was 
broken, when the bridge was passed in safety. In this action the 
foe lost one hundred in killed and wounded : Cadwalader about fifty. 




GENERAL CADWALADEH DEFEATING THE MEXICANS AT THK NATIONAL BRIDGE. 



This victory was won principally by artillery, a species of force with 
which Cadwalader was perfectly familiar. 

In the action of the 15th of August, 1S47, in front of Contreras, 



2/2 GEORGE CADWALADER. 

as well as in the grand assault on the intrenched camp on the follow- 
ing morning, Cadwalader played a conspicuous part. Riley had been 
ordered to interpose between the village and the fortified hill, and 
Cadwalader was despatched to support him. Cadwalader, however, 
on reaching the village, saw Santa Anna advancing to the relief of 
the hill, on which, instead of following Riley, he seized the village, 
knowing that the Mexican General must march through it or make 
a long circuit through the mountains. On perceiving Cadwalader's 
firm front, Santa Anna halted. This movement of the American 
General prevented the intrenched camp being reinforced, and 
exercised a material influence on the events of the succeeding day. 

Pillow, in his official report, speaks thus of this affair: — " About 
this time, Brigadier-General Cadwalader's command had also 
crossed the plain, when some five thousand or six thousand troops 
of the enemy were observed moving rapidly from the direction of 
the capital to the field of action. Colonel Morgan, with his large 
and fine regiment, which I had caused to be detached from the rear 
of Pierce's brigade, was now ordered to the support of Cadwalader, 
by direction of the General-in-chief, who had now arrived upon the 
field. This General, having discovered this large force moving 
upon his right flank, and to the rear, with decided military tact and 
promptitude, threw back his right wing, and confronted the enemy, 
with the intention to give him battle, notwithstanding his over- 
whelming force. This portion of the enemy's force moved steadily 
forward until a conflict seemed inevitable, when Colonel Morgan's 
regiment, having reached this part of the field, presented a front so 
formidable, as to induce the enemy to change his purpose, and draw 
off to the right and rear of his former position." 

On the ensuing morning Cadwalader commanded the reserve. 
Smith, in the official account, says : " Brigadier-General Cadwalader 
brought his corps up from his intricate bivouac in good order, formed 
the head of his column to support Riley's, and led it forward in the 
most gallant style, under the fire directed at the latter." Pillow, in 
his report, sums up the part taken by Cadwakider in these two 
actions, as follows : "Brigadier-General Cadwalader displayed great 
judgment, high military skill, and heroic courage, in the manner in 
which he met the sudden and trying emergency, when all parties 
were in great anxiety for the safety of his comparatively small com- 
mand, when about to be assailed by the overwhelming reinforce- 
ments of the enemy on the preceding evening; and also in the 
manner in which he brought up his command to the support of the 
gallant Riley." 



GEORGE CADWALADER. 273 

At Churubusco, later on the same day, he behaved with equal 
bravery and skill, assisting in the assault of the tete du point. Pillow- 
says of his conduct on this occasion, in conjunction with that of 
Pierce : — " I cannot withhold the expression of my sense of the 
deep obligations I am under for the success and honor due to mv 
command, to my gallant Brigadier-Generals, whose promptitude, 
skill, and daring, were equal to every emergency, and who, in the 
absence of discipline in their commands, met and overcame every 
obstacle, and led on their brigades to honor and distinction." 

It was at Molino del Key, however, that Cadwalader won his 
brightest laurels. In this battle he commanded the reserve, and 
when the column which assaulted the enemy's centre was repulsed, 
and defeat appeared for a moment inevitable, he advanced with 
such impetuosity to its relief, that the enemy fell back in confusion, 
and the works were carried. Worth, in the ollicial report of the 
battle, says : — " I desire to bring to the notice of the Gencral-in-chief 
the gallantry and conduct of Brigadier-General Cadwalader and his 
command, by which the most timely and essential service was 
rendered in supporting the attack, and following up the success. 
Such movements as lie was directed to make were executed with 
zeal and promptness." 

The charge made by Cadwalader's brigade, especially by the 
eleventh, under Colonel William Graham, who died pierced with 
seven wounds while marching at its head, was, perhaps, the most 
terrible, in the whole war, not even excepting that at Chapultepec, 
though the latter has generally been given the precedence. The 
glory of this one day would be sufficient for an ordinary reputation. 

At Chapultepec, Cadwalader, as second in command, succeeded 
to the direction of the assault, after Pillow had been wounded. 
When the place fell, it was to him General Bravo surrendered his 
sword. Cadwalader's ollicial account of this affair is modest. "The 
moment the ladders were in position," he says, "all pressed for- 
ward, and the fortress was taken by storm, amid the loud cheers of 
our energetic and gallant troops. 

" Second-Lieutenant Charles B. Brower, of the New York volun- 
teers, brought General Bravo, the commander of the enemy's forces, 
to me, who surrendered to me his sword, and I left him under a 
suitable guard, as a prisoner of war. 

" The Mexican flag, which floated over the fortress, and which 
had been previously three times shot down by our artillery, was 
hauled down, and handed to me, by Major Thomas II. Seymour, of 
the ninth regiment. I have the honor to send the flag herewith. 

35 



274 



GEORGE CADWALADER. 



" A train of hose, leading to mines intended to blow up our 
forces, in case we should succeed in the capture of the work, was 
discovered and destroyed. Private William A. Gray, of Captain 
Blair's company of voitigeurs, first discovered, and assisted to 
destroy it." 

After the fall of the capital, and the return of many of his senior 
officers to the United States, Cadwalader was assigned to the com- 
mand of a division. He led an expedition directed against some of 
the western provinces, with his usual sagacity, promptitude, and in- 
defatigability. 

Cadwalader is one of the handsomest men in the army. His 
person is tall and soldierly. He has dark hair and eyes; a bold, 
aquiline nose, and a mouth indicative of great resolution. The 
expression of his countenance is martial, yet highly pleasing. 




' 5 


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-A 




HAKNEY AT CERRO GORDO. 



W. S. HARNEY 



HE name of Harney has 
acquired a brilliant celebri- 
ty in the Mexican war. Its 
possessor is one of the most 
extraordinary men in the 
army. 

Harney was born in Lou- 
isiana, about the year 1798. 
He entered the army as 
Second-Lieutenant of in- 
fantry in ISIS. Subse- 
quently he was appointed 
paymaster of his regiment, 
and when the second dra- 
goons were organized, exchanged into them, with the rank of 
Lieutenant-Colonel. He served, with his new command, in the Flo- 
rida war, until compelled by ill health temporarily to abandon his 
post. In 1840 he received the brevet of a Colonel, and returned 
to duty, and in the summer of that year rendered himself notorious by 
executing a party of Seminoles captured by him in the Everglades. 

275 




276 W. S. HARNEY. 

When the Mexican war began, Harney, at the head of his regi- 
ment, was ordered to join General Wool. He was now raised to the 
rank of full Colonel, and in that capacity accompanied the expedi- 
tion against Monclova. Subsequently, when Scott undertook the 
siege of Vera Cruz, Harney was directed to remain on the Rio 
Grande, at the head of four companies of his dragoons, while his 
Lieutenant-Colonel, with six companies, was ordered to join the army 
of Scott. Indignant that an inferior officer,and one who had seen compa- 
ratively little service, should supplant him thus, Harney refused to 
obey, and was accordingly arrested, arraigned, and tried by a court- 
martial. The punishment inflicted on him, however, was nominal. 
He gained his purpose, and joined the army of Scott. 

The first occasion on which he distinguished himself after the 
landing at Vera Cruz, was at a skirmish on the 25th of March, near 
the Madelina river, in which, with Summer's dragoons, Ker's dis- 
mounted cavalry, two guns, and a few volunteers from the Ten- 
nessee regiment, he totally routed two thousand of the enemy, 
driving them from a strong position on a bridge, and pursuing them 
for six miles. The entire force of Harney was but five hundred. 
The results of this victory were more important than is generally 
supposed, for it prevented in future any annoyance to the besiegers 
from the enemy's cavalry. In this action the Mexican lancers and 
American dragoons engaged hand to hand, when the superior 
strength and courage of the latter prevailed. In many instances, it 
is said, the dragoons twisted the lances out of the hands of their 
enemies. Harney, in the melee, overthrew several of the foe in 
single combat. 

At the battle of Cerro Gordo, Harney in person, led the assault on 
the hill. This was one of the most brilliant affairs of the war. The 
ascent was naturally rugged and steep, and the ground was covered 
with loose rocks, and an undergrowth of chapparal. In addition to 
these formidable natural obstacles, the tops of small trees had been 
cut off, four or five feet from the ground, and turned down the hill, 
to impede the progress of the assailants. Amid these difficulties, 
and under a tremendous fire of grape and canister, the soldiers of 
Harney clambered up the ascent, encouraging each other with loud 
shouts. At last, arriving within musket range, the stormers returned 
the fire of the enemy, and rushing forward, cleared the breastworks, 
entered the fort, and beat down the foe. The Mexicans, after a 
severe struggle, fled in confusion. The captured guns were imme- 
diately turned on the fugitives, and the discharges continued until 
the enemy was out of range. Scott witnessed this heroic assault, and 






W. S. HARNEY. 



277 



immediately riding up to Harney, complimented him in the highest 
terms, notwithstanding that between them there had been, for some 
time, a coolness existing. Subsequently, in his official report of the 
battle, the Commander-in-chief warmly extolled Harney's behavior. 
In the preliminary battle of Contreras, Harney took no active 
part, being prevented by the roughness of the ground. He halted, 
however, within range of the enemy's shells, and remained in this 
position until night fell, when he returned to San Augustine. On the 
following day, at the head of three companies, he joined the Com- 



JS "^ 













HARNEY'S PCBSUIT OF THE MEXICANS AT CHURl'BUSCO. 



mander-in-chief in front of Churubusco. His little force was soon 
ordered away in various directions, until finally he found himself 
without a command. He now employed himself in rallying the 
m — z 



278 



W. S. HARNEY. 



fugitives. At last, perceiving that the enemy was in full retreat, he 
collected what forces he could, consisting of parts of Ker's company 
of second dragoons, Kearney's company of first dragoons, and Rey- 
nolds' and Duperu'scompanies of the third dragoons,and, placing him- 
self at their head, dashed forward along the main causeway in pursuit. 
He chased the enemy until within a short distance of the city gates, 
when a recall was sounded. His subordinate, Captain Kearney, 
continued, however, to press forward. " The gallant Captain," says 
the Commander-in-chief, in the official despatch, "dashed up to the 
San Antonio gate, sabreing, in his way, all who resisted. Of the 
seven officers of the squadron, Kearney lost his left arm ; McRey- 
nolds and Lieutenant Lorimer Graham were both severely wounded, 
and Lieutenant R. S. Riwell, who succeeded to the command of the 
escort, had two horses killed under him. Major F. D. Mills, of the 
fifteenth infantry, a volunteer in this charge, was killed at the gate." 
Harney is one of the most athletic men in the army. His tower- 
ing height, gigantic frame, and capacious chest, remind the specta- 
tor of the fabulous Hercules. His countenance is pleasing, and full 
of animation, though his blue eye frequently kindles with martial 
fire. Harney is very eccentric. He labors under a deep rooted 
impression that he will die in front of the Moro Castle at Havana. 




— ".WW 




GENERAL riEUCE ENTERING l'UKBLA WITH KEIMr'0R('FMENT5. 



FRANKLIN PIERCE 




RIGADIER-GENERAL PIERCE is, 

we believe, a native of New Hampshire. 
He was appointed to the army on the 
3rd of March, 1S47, and, immediately- 
repairing to the scene of action, joined 
Scott at Ptiebla, in the succeeding August, 
at the head of a reinforcement of twen- 
ty-four hundred men. The Commander-in-chief had only awaited 
his arrival to advance on the capital, and, accordingly, on the suc- 
ceeding day, began his memorable march. In the distribution of the 
corps, preparatory to setting forward, Pierce was assigned the com- 
mand of the second brigade of Pillow's division. 

Pierce won his first laurels in a skirmish at the national bridge, 
during his advance from Vera Cruz to the interior. In this action 
he narrowly escaped being killed, a ball passing through his hat 
He signally defeated the enemy on this occasion. He was one of 

279 



280 



FRANKLIN PIERCE. 



the first in action, on the 19th of August, in the preliminary battle 
of Cotitreras. While engaged here, amid a shower of round shot. 
and shells, in leading his brigade against the enemy, his horse stum- 
bled and fell, by which he received a severe sprain in the knee. 
Mounting another steed, however, he continued in the field until 
nearly midnight, the rain falling meantime in torrents. On the suc- 
ceeding day he persisted in accompanying his men into action, not- 
withstanding the increasing pain of his hurt, and, for awhile, pressed 
forward among the most heroic. He had been ordered by Scott to 
march his brigade across the open country, in concert with that of 
Shields, in order to seize a position between Churubusco and the 
capital, whereby to cut off the enemy's retreat. He had gained the 
required position, and was advancing at the head of his men to en- 
gage the enemy, when it became necessary for him to dismount in 
order to cross a ditch which his horse could not leap. In the enthu- 
siasm of the moment he forgot his hurt, and leaping to his feet, hur- 
ried onward. Suddenly, turning upon his knee, he fainted and fell. 
The accident happened in the very line of the enemy's fire, by 
which it is miraculous that he was not killed. 

Pierce was subsequently one of the commissioners to adjust the 
terms of the armistice. He was not present at either Molino del 
Rey or Chapultepec, being confined to his room by indisposition. 
Soon after the fall of the capital he resigned his commission and 
retired to private life. 

Pierce, during his short career, won the reputation of being a 
brave officer. His appearance is gentlemanly, and his manners 
simple, though urbane. He is a lawyer by profession. 







\ 




ROGER JONES 




the Canada frontier. 



M- 



HOUGH not actively engaged in the 
field, during the Mexican war, the 
Adjutant-General deserves a passing 
notice. His unremitting labors iu 
his bureau, though without any im- 
mediate brilliant results, have con- 
duced in a very great degree to the 
efficiency, if not to the success of the 
army. 

Jones was born in Westmoreland 
county, Virginia, about the year 1790. 
He entered the marine corps as a 
Lieutenant in 1809, but in 1812, on 
the breaking out of war with Great 
Britain, was transferred to the artillery, 
with the rank of Captain. He imme- 
diately joined General Dearborn on 
His assiduous attention to duty soon obtained 
36 ^81 



2S2 



ROGER JONES. 



for him the staff appointment of Assistant-Adjutant-General. He 
was in the action at Fort George, and subsequently in that of Stony 
Creek. In this latter he received a bayonet wound, and was parti- 
cularly conspicuous for his heroism. He was present at the capture 
of Fort Erie. At Chippewa he behaved in a manner to draw down 
the especial encomium of the Commander-in-chief, General Brown, 
and to obtain for him, from President Madison, the brevet of a Major. 
At Niagara he again won the commendation of Brown, as also in 
the succeeding September, at Fort Erie. For his bravery in the 
sortie here he received the brevet of Lieutenant-Colonel. 

After the peace Jones remained in the service. In 1825 he was 
appointed Adjutant-General of the army of the United States, with 
the rank and emoluments of a Colonel of cavalry. In 1827 he was 
made a Major in the line. In 1829 he received the brevet of Colo- 
nel, to date from September 27th, 1S24. In 1832 he was promoted 
to the brevet of a Brigadier-General, the rank he still holds. 

The duties of the Adjutant-General are exceedingly onerous and 
responsible, and the war with Mexico has quadrupled them. They 
have been discharged by General Jones, however, with unshaken 
zeal and ability. Perhaps no man has contributed so much to the 
perfect organization of the army. During a long interval of peace 
he contributed to maintain its character, and is, therefore, fairly en- 
titled to a share of its renown. 




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